M 

r- 

LIBRARY                                    1 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Accession        ^^^^^\      .     CUus    ' 

"f'l^i^^^^W^r'^^i:^' 

y    ^^yi^t-j 


OF  THF, 
INCLUDING 

A  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 

OF 

GENERAL  XAYIER  MINA. 

WITH  SOME  OBSERVATIONS 
ON  THE    ■ 

PRACTICABILITY  OF  OPENING  A  COMMERCE 

BETWEEN 

THE  PACIFIC  AND  ATLANTIC  OCEANS, 

THROUGH  THE  MEXICAN  ISTHMUS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  OAXACA, 
AND  AT  THE  LAKE  OF  NICARAGUA  J 

AND 

ON  THE  FUTUllE  IMPORTANCE  OF  SUCH  COMMERCE 

TO 

THE  CIVILIZED  WORLD, 


AND  MORE  ESPECIALLY  TO  *    TT'^T- 

THE  UNITED  STATES. 


BY  WILLIAM  DAVIS  R0BI:N'S0;N'. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PRINTED  FOR  THE  AUTHOR. 

LYDIA  R.  BAILEY,  PRINTER. 
1820. 


EASTERX  BISTRICT  OF  PEJ^'jXSYLVAXLl,  to  wit: 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  That  on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  July, 
(L.  S.)     in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  A.  D.  1820,  Wili-iam  Davis  Robinson,  of  the  said  Dis- 
trict, hath  deposited  in  this  Office  tlie  Title  of  a  Book,  the  right  whereof  he 
claims  as  Author,  in  the  words  following,  to  luit  .• 

"  Memoirs  of  the  Mexican  Revolution  :  including'  a  Narrative  of  the  Ex- 
"  pedition  of  General  Xavier  Mina.  With  some  observations  on  the  practi- 
"  cability  of  opening  a  commerce  between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  oceans, 
"  through  the  Mexican  Isthmus  in  the  province  of  Oaxaca,  and  at  the  Lake 
"  of  Nicaragua ;  and  on  the  future  importance  of  such  commerce  to  the  ci- 
"  vilized  world,  and  more  especially  to  the  United  States.  By  William  Davis 
"  Robinson." 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  intituled, 
"  An  Act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps, 
charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the 
times  therein  mentioned."  And  also  to  the  Act,  entitled,  "  An  Act  supple- 
mentary to  an  Act,  entitled,  '  An  Act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by 
securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprie- 
tors of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,'  and  extending  the 
benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of  designing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical 

and  other  prints," 

D.  CALDWELL,  Clerk  of  the 

Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvaniix. 


INTRODUCTION. 


IT  is  incumbent  on  every  person  who  presents  a  statement 
of  important  events  to  the  public,  to  unfold  the  sources  from 
which  he  derives  his  information.  The  writer  therefore,  in  the 
first  instance,  with  great  pleasure  acknowledges  his  obligations 
to  Mr.  James  A.  Brush,  a  gentleman  who  accompanied  general 
Mina  from  England  to  Mexico,  and  was  finally  appointed  his 
commissary  general. 

The  journal  of  Mr.  Brush  was  submitted  to  the  inspection 
of  the  writer,  with  the  liberty  of  making  such  use  of  it  as  was 
thought  proper,  and  from  it  he  compiled  the  narrative  of  the 
military  operations  of  general  Mina,  of  the  fidelity  of  which 
not  the  least  doubt  exists  in  his  mind  ;  indeed  all  the  essen- 
tial facts  contained  in  the  narrative  were  fuUv  corroborated  by 
information  derived  from  various  sources,  while  he  was  in 
Mexico,  and  by  the  testimony  of  the  few  surviving  officers  of 
Mina's  expedition,  whom  he  met  with  in  Mexico  and  in  the 
United  States,  and  who  were  carefully  consulted  on  the  subject. 

To  John  E.  Howard,  Esq.,  of  Baltimore,  he  likewise  feels 
under  particular  obligations,  for  having  furnished  him  with 
the  greater  portion  of  the  facts  contained  in  the  biographical 
sketch  of  Mina,  and  indeed  for  having  infused  into  that  sketch 
more  animation  than  it  would  have  been  in  his  power  alone  to 
have  given  it. 

The  perusal  of  the  correspondence  of  Mina  with  various 
distinguished  individuals  in  Europe  and  the  United  States, 
from  which  the  writer  obtained  important  information,  was  po- 
litely afforded  him  by  genei^^l  Winfield  Scott,  to  whom  he 
likewise  begs  leave  to  offer  his  acknowledgments. 

The  writer  has  also  examined,  with  much  attention,  files  of 
the  Mexican,  Havana,  and  Madrid  gazettes,  for  the  last  ten 
years,  and  however  ridiculous  or  exaggerated  may  be  their 


8644B 


iv  INTRODUCTION. 

statements  of  the  operations  of  the  royal  forces  against  the  pa- 
triots, one  feature  of  the  story,  we  may  be  assured,  they  have 
not  too  highly  coloured — the  cruelties  exercised  by  them. 

It  is  from  such  indubitable  sources,  and  others  of  a  similar 
character,  which  were  submitted  to  his  inspection  in  Mexico, 
and  other  parts  of  Spanish  America,  as  well  as  from  personal 
observation,  that  the  writer  has  been  enabled  to  draw  the  dark- 
jiued  picture  of  Spanish  inhumanity  which  is  exhibited  in  the 
following  pages. 

The  information  embodied  in  the  chapter  treating  of  the 
route  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  has  been  derived  from  various  Spa- 
nish and  British  authorities  ;  among  the  latter,  William  Wal- 
ton, Esq.,  of  London,  and  the  late  celebrated  Bryan  Edwards, 
of  Jamaica,  deserve  particular  notice.  Several  important  do- 
cuments relating  to  this  subject,  written  by  intelligent  Creoles, 
were  likewise  placed  in  the  writer's  hands  ;  and  he  has  fre- 
quently conversed  with  individuals  who  have  visited  or  re- 
sided at  the  places  which  he  has  pointed  out  as  being  the  most 
eligible  for  the  cutting  of  canals,  or  the  construction  of  roads, 
so  as  to  give  a  rapid  and  certain  communication  between  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,  more  especially  at  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec  ;  of  the  practicability  of  accomplishing  which,  at 
that  place,  personal  investigation  has  also  convinced  him. 

As  respects  the  general  remarks  on  Mexico,  and  the  situa- 
tion, political  and  civil,  of  the  people  of  Spanish  America,  he 
has  endeavoured  to  divest  himself  of  those  prejudices  which 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States  may  be  supposed  to  entertain  in 
favour  of  a  people  struggling  against  oppression,  and  to  state 
faithfully  what  camx  under  his  own  personal  observation,  as 
well  with  regard  to  royalists  as  revolutionists. 

It  is  now  more  than  twenty-one  years  since  he  made  his 
first  visit  to  Spanish  America;  and  as  far  as  it  has  been  in 
his  power  to  gather  information  he  has  done  so.  If  he  could 
not  obtain  all  that  he  desired,  it  arose  from  his  having  con- 
stantly to  be  upon  his  guard  against  the  jealousies  of  the  Spa- 
nish government,  and  from  the  difficult)-  of  gaining  access  to 
the  Spanish  archives ;  but  nevertheless,  he  flatters  himself  the 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

reader  will  find  in  the  work  now  submitted  to  his  inspection, 
some  facts  entitled  to  consideration,  as  well  from  their  im- 
portance as  novelty. 

It  will  naturally  be  asked,  how  he  gained  admission  into 
the  Spanish  territories  in  America,  in  contravention  to  the 
laws  of  the  Indies  ?  To  this  it  is  replied,  that  his,  first  visit 
was  to  Caracas,  in  the  year  1799,  where  he  continued,  in  the 
prosecution  of  extensive  mercantile  engagements  with  the  Spa- 
nish authorities,  until  the  year  1806.  Those  engagements 
were  with  the  approbation  of  his  Catholic  majesty,  and  conse- 
quently his  residence  in  that  country,  during  the  time  before 
mentioned,  was  under  the  royal  sanction.  The  extraordinary 
planner  in  which  his  interests  were  sacrificed,  and  his  personal 
rights  outraged,  by  the  bad  faith  and  arbitrary  conduct  of  the 
Spanish  authorities  in  Caracas,  will  be  found  in  a  statement  of 
his  claims  on  the  Spanish  government,  in  the  appendix  to  this 
volume,  and  to  which  he  particularly  refers  such  of  his  read- 
ers as  may  feel  any  curiosity  to  see  the  extent  of  the  injuries 
]|e  has  suffered  as  a  merchant,  in  his  intercourse  with  the 
Spanish  government.  As  respects  his  subsequent  visits  to 
the  Spanish  dominions,  more  especially  to  Mexico,  he  is 
perfectly  aware  that  the  government  of  Spain  has  said,  and 
will  continue  to  say,  that  such  visits  being  contrary  to  her 
laws  and  her  policy,  she  had  a  right  to  punish  him  for  their 
infraction.  She  has,  on  several  occasions  during  the  last  ten 
years,  enforced  those  laws  against  foreigners,  by  imprisonment, 
and  in  some  instances  I)y  death. 

When  the  Spanish  general  Morillo  captured  Carthagena, 
he  seized  all  the  British  and  other  foreign  merchants,  threw 
them  into  dungeons,  threatened  to  try  them  by  a  military  tri- 
bunal, and  would  unquestionably  have  shot  them,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  timely  interference  of  the  British  admiral  on  the 
Jamaica  station,  who  despatched  a  frigate  to  Carthagena,  with 
such  communications  from  the  British  authorities  at  Jamaica, 
as  at  once  settled  the  question,  and  compelled  Morillo  instan- 
taneously to  release  all  the  British  subjects.  The  American 
government  likewise  sent  a  vessel  of  war  to  Carthagena,  and 
obtained  the  liberation  of  several  American  citizens.    If  these 

I 


vi  INTRODUCTION. 

measures  had  not  been  adopted,  no  mercy  nor  regard  would 
have  been  extended  to  any  foreigner  who  might  unfortunately 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  government,  because 
not  only  by  the  "  Leyes  de  las  Indias"  was  it  a  capital  crime 
for  a  foreigner  to  enter  the  Spanish  dominions  without  a  spe- 
cial authority  from  his  Catholic  majesty,  but  during  the  pre- 
sent revolutions  in  America,  the  Spanish  government  have  is- 
sued various  decrees,  expressly  declaring  that  all  strangers 
aiding  the  insurgents,  or  found  residing  among  them,  were  to 
be  punished  as  insurgents,  by  death.  If  these  decrees  have 
not  been  executed  by  the  Spanish  government,  it  was  by  no 
means  for  lack  of  disposition,  but  from  the  apprehension  of  the 
resentment  of  those  governments  whose  subjects  and  citizens 
held  intercourse  with  the  insurgents. 

The  writer  has  been  thus  particular  in  stating  these  facts,  be- 
cause they  show  that  any  individual, not  engaged  in  the  military 
or  naval  service  of  the  insurgents  of  Spanish  America,  is  under 
the  protection  of  the  laws  of  nations  in  favour  of  all  non-com- 
batants ;  and  that  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  Spain  to  infringe 
this  secvirity  is  a  violation  of  the  usages  of  civilized  nations, 
and  a  direct  outrage  against  that  nation  whose  subjects  may 
have  been  thus  wantonly  punished.  It  is  not  only  on  these 
principles  that  the  writer  feels  justified  in  complaining  of  the 
barbarous  treatment  he  has  received  from  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment, during  an  imprisonment  of  two  years  and  a  half  but 
because  there  are  some  peculiar  circumstances  attending  the 
affair,  which,  if  he  is  not  much  mistaken,  will  excite  the  indig- 
nation and  surprise  of  every  unprejudiced  reader. 

The  recital  of  this  case  has  become  the  more  necessarv, 
because,  during  his  imprisonment  in  the  dungeons  of  Mexico, 
he  was  honoured  with  the  sympathy  of  his  fellow  citizens, 
and  the  interference  of  his  government  in  his  behalf.  He 
therefore  deems  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  prove  that  he 
was  not  undeserving  of  such  sympathy  and  protection.  In 
addition  to  this,  he  is  anxious  to  remove  all  doubts  with  re- 
gard to  his  conduct,  that  may  have  arisen  from  the  misrepre- 
sentations made  in  the  public  newspapers  respecting  him ;  for 
in  some  of  these  he  has  been  called  Doctor  Robinson,  and  in 


INTRODUCTION.  vii 

others  it  has  been  asserted  that  he  held  a  military  command  in 
the  service  of  the  Mexican  insurgents,  and  was  taken  prisoner 
on  the  field  of  battle.     The  writer  has  not  in  any  one  instance 
violated  his  neutral  obligations  as  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States.     But  while  making  this  assertion,  he  does  not  at  all 
hesitate  openly  to  avow,  that  if  an  ardent  desire  to  promote 
the  independence  of  all  Spanish  America,  and  more  especially 
of  Mexico,  constitutes  him  an  enemy  of  Spain,  and  criminal 
in  her  eyes, — then  he  is  guilty.    If  the  fact  of  his  having  visit- 
ed New  Grenada,  Caracas,  and  Mexico,  during  the  political 
commotions  of  those  countries,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining 
their  actual  condition,  and  of  succouring  the  revolutionists,  as 
a  neutral  merchant,  by  all  fair  and  honourable  means,  rendei's 
him  an  enemy  to  Spain, — then  is  he  her  enemy.     If  cherish- 
ing those  sentiments,  and  a  determination  to  persevere  in  pro- 
moting the  independence  of  South  America  and  Mexico,  by 
very  means  in  his  power,  consistent  with  his  duties  as  a  citi- 
f  the  United  States,  proves  him  to  entertain  criminal 
ions   towards  the  Spanish  government^ — then  indeed  is 
Liiinal. 
ng  thus  acknowledged  all  that  the  government  of  Spain 
sibly  lay  to  his  charge,  he  now  invites  the  attention  of 
the'j;eader  to  the  following  detail  of  facts. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1816,  he  embarked  at  New  Orleans  on 
board^the  Uni|ed  States'  brig  of  war  Saranac,  commanded  by 
John  tBJilton^sq.,  bound  on  a  cruise  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
When  he  ^i^g^ed  for  a  passage*  he  stated  to  the  naval  com- 
mander on  that  station,  commodore  Patterson,  that  he  wished 
to  be  landed  on  the  Mexican  coast,  for  the  purpose  of  having 
an  interview  with  some  of  the  Mexican  authorities,  on  whom 
he  had  drafts  for  a  large  amount  of  iTJoney,  due  to  certain 
merchants  in  the  United  States.  His  request  was  politely 
acceded  to,  and  captain  Elton  received  directions  accordingly. 
The  writer  premises  this,  to  show  that  he  did  not  depart  froni 
the  United  States  in  an  unauthorized  manner,  or  with  an  ille- 
gal object  in  view. 

On  the  4th  of  the  ensuing  month,  he  was  landed  from  the 
Saranac,  at  Boqtiilla  dc  Piedra^  a  post  then  in  possession  of  the 


t 


viii  INTRODUCTION. 

revolutionists,  on  the  coast  of  Vera  Cruz.  He  thence  pro- 
ceeded to  the  head-quarters  of  Don  Guadalupe  Victoria,  com- 
mandant general  of  the  patriot  forces  in  the  province  of  Vera 
Cruz,  who  received  him  in  the  most  friendly  manner.  Upon 
his  explaining  the  object  of  his  visit  to  Mexico,  general  Vic- 
toria observed,  that  although  he  was  unable  immediately  to 
pay  the  drafts  on  the  Mexican  government,  yet  if  the  writer 
would  remain  a  few  weeks  in  the  country,  payment  should 
be  made.  He  was  more  readily  induced  to  wait^  as  he  was 
desirous  to  view  the  interesting  country  in  which  he  then 
was,  and  likewise  to  acquire  correct  information  respecting 
the  political  state  of  affairs,  in  the  expectation  that  it  might  be 
such  as  would  justify  his  entering  into  some  commercial  ar- 
rangements as  well  with  the  government  as  with  individuals. 
But  he  soon  discovered  that  the  representations  made  to  him 
at  New  Orleans  by  the  Mexican  minister,  Don  Jose  Herrera^ 
and  by  Don  Alvarez  Toledo^  were  destitute  of  foundation,  and 
indeed  that  in  many  points  they  had  deceived  him.  How^ 
as  he  received  some  flattering  accounts  of  the  situati^  of 
the  patriots  in  the  Interior,  and  had  a  prospect  of  obMRiing 
the  payment  of  his  drafts  at  a  place  called  Tehiiacan^  Wt  pro- 
ceeded thither,  and  was  received  Avith  every  mark  of  ciaility 
by  the  patriot  commandant,  Don  Manuel  Mier  y  Teran,^ho 
accepted  and  paid  part  of  the  drafts,  and  promisgd  to  di§,charge 
the  residue  in  a  short  time.  ■  .# 

He  remained  at  Tehuacan  until  the  last  of  J^uly,,^d  was 
treated  with  the  greatest  hospitality  and  attrition,  as  well 
by  the  general  as  by  the  respectable  Creoles  of  the  country. 
At  this  place  he  met  with  Doctor  John  Hamilton  Robinson^ 
who  was  then  a  brigadier  general  in  the  service  of  the  Mexi- 
can patriots,  and  who  had  long  been  a  very  obnoxious  indivi- 
dual to  the  Spanish  government ;  a  circumstance  to  which  he 
owes  in  part  his  subsequent  persecution  by  the  Spanish  autho- 
rities in  Mexico. 

The  writer  communicated  to  general  Teran  his  desire  to 
return  to  the  United  States ;  but  as  the  royalists  had  recently 
been  successful  in  the  province  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  had  im- 
peded all  communication  between  Tehuacan  and  the  coast,  it 


.f 


INTRODUCTION.  ix 

became  impossible  to  return  by  the  way  of  Boquilla  de  Piedra; 
and  as  Teran  was  about  to  undertake  an  expedition  against  the 
port  of  Guasaciialco^  at  the  bottom  of  the  Mexican  Gulf,  on 
the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  he  resolved  to  avail  himself  of 
that  opportunity  to  leave  the  country.  The  conduct  of  general 
Teran  on  that  expedition,  and  the  circumstances  which  caused 
its  failure,  will  be  found  detailed  in  Chapter  V.  of  this  work. 

A  few  days  after  Teran  had  left  Tehuacan,  on  his  enter- 
prise against  Guasacualco,  he  followed  with  his  servant,  in 
company  with  a  detachment  of  troops,  who  were  escorting 
a  sum  of  money.  About  sixty  leagues  from  Tehuacan,  we 
came  up  with  Teran,  who  informed  the  writer  that  he  had 
met  with  no  difficulties  in  his  route,  that  the  few  troops  which 
the  enemy  usually  kept  in  that  part  of  the  country  had  either 
fled  or  joined  him,  and  that,  as  all  the  Indians  were  in  his 
favour,  he  was  confident  of  reaching  Guasacualco  in  a  fev/ 
days.  This  information  afforded  satisfaction  to  the  writer, 
because,  although  he  was  a  non-combatant,  he  was  aware  that 
in  the  event  of  a  battle,  no  respect  would  be  shown  by  the 
royalists  to  any  person  who  might  fall  into  their  hands. 

On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  September,  Teran  took  pos- 
session of  the  village  of  Playa  Vicente^  situated  on  a  branch  of 
the  river  Tustepec,  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned  the  day 
previous.  The  body  of  the  patriot  army  encamped  on  the  bank 
of  the  riyer  opposite  to  the  village ;  intending  to  cross  the  river 
in  the  evening,  on  rafts  to  be  constructed  for  the  purpose.  In 
the  meantime,  the  general,  unapprehensive  of  danger,  passed 
over  to  the  village,  with  about  fifteen  men.  The  writer  had 
accompanied  him,  and  was  regaling  himself  with  eating  pine- 
apples, in  a  garden  at  the  extremity  of  the  village,  when  a 
sudden  discharge  of  musketry  aroused  him  from  his  feelings 
of  security.  He  immediately  beheld  Teran  and  his  little  party 
defending  themselves  against  a  considerable  body  of  the  ene- 
my. The  conflict  was  short.  Teran,  with  one  or  two  of  his 
men,  escaped  to  the  river,  and  swam  across,  amidst  a  shower 
of  balls.   The  rest  of  the  party  were  cut  to  pieces. 

During  this  perilous  affair,  the  writer  effected  his  retreat  to  * 
a  small  thicket,  which  afforded  him  security  for  the  time.  He 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

here  had  ample  leisure  to  reflect  upon  his  situation,  and  the 
course  which  he  should  adopt  to  obtain  ultimate  safety.  He 
conceived  it  possible  that  Teran  would  attack  and  recapture 
the  village,  in  which  case  he  might  again  have  an  opportu- 
nity of  pursuing  his  route  to  Guasacualco  ;  and  continued 
to  flatter  himself  with  this  delusive  hope  iox  Jive  daijs^  when 
he  became  so  exhausted  by  hunger  that  he  could  scarcely 
move.  In  this  wretched  condition^  and  on  the  point  of  perish- 
ing in  the  woods,  he  determined  to  deliver  up  his  person  to  the 
royalists.  Accordingly,  on  the  evening  of  the  12th  of  Septem- 
ber, he  crawled  from  his  place  of  concealment,  reached  the  road 
to  the  village,  and  with  great  difficulty  walked  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  royalists.  Being  almost  covered  with  mud,  and 
fainting  under  fatigue  and  hvmger,  his  appearance  and  situation 
excited  the  surprise  and  sympathy  of  the  Spanish  officers,  par- 
ticularly of  the  commander,  Ortega^  who  in  a  friendly  manner 
took  him  by  the  hand,  and  inquired  his  name.  As  soon  as  it 
was  mentioned,  the  officers  exclaimed,  "Thank  God!  (gracias 
a  D'los)  Doctor  Robinson  has  at  last  fallen  into  our  hands." 
They  wished  to  interrogate  the  writer  very  particularly;  but 
he  declined  replying,  and  requested  they  would  suspend  their 
inquiries  until  the  next  morning,  for  the  want  of  sleep  and  food 
had  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  at  that  moment  to  gratify 
their  curiosity.  They  acceded  to  his  wishes,  and  supplied  him 
w'ith  food,  a  change  of  clothes,  and  a  hammock  in  their  quar- 
ters. The  following  morning  he  arose  perfectly  refreshed, 
and  was  prepared  to  go  through  the  scene  which  he  anticipat- 
ed. He  endeavoured,  in  the  first  place,  to  convince  the  com- 
mander, Ortega,  that  he  was  a  diff"erent  individual  from  Doc- 
tor Robinson  ;  for  which  purpose  he  exhibited  his  passport 
from  the  government  of  the  United  States  :  but  he  found  it 
impossible  to  remove  from  the  minds  of  the  Spanish  officers 
the  fixed  impression  that  he  was  the  Doctor.  Alter  some 
amicable  discussion,  Ortega  suddenly  assumed  a  stern  aspect, 
and  informed  him  that  his  orders  were  of  the  most  peremp- 
tory  nature  to  put  to  death  all  prisoners  who  fell  into  his 
▼  hands;  and  that  he  was  empowered  to  deviate  from  them  only 
when  an  insurgent  voluntarily  surrendered  his  person,  and 


INTRODUCTION.  xjl 

implored  the  benefit  of  his  Catholic  majesty's  pardon,  (indiil- 
to.J  He  continued,  "  In  your  case,  Doctor  Robinson,  although 
your  presenting  yourself  to  the  Spanish  authorities  has  been 
the  result  of  necessity,  yet  I  am  willing  to  spare  your  lite, 
provided  you  claim  the  protection  of  the  indulto ;  but  other- 
wise, it  becomes  my  painful  duty  to  put  you  to  death."  At 
this  critical  moment,  the  eyes  of  all  the  Spanish  officers  were 
fixed  on  the  writer,  who  was  sensible  that  on  his  acceptance  or 
rejection  of  the  proposed  terms  depended  his  fate.  It  was 
answered,  in  the  first  place,  that  as  he  had  not  borne  arms 
against  his  Catholic  majesty,  nor  had  done  any  act  in  violation 
of  his  neutral  character  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  hav- 
ing been  among  the  insurgents  as  a  foreigner  and  a  non-com- 
batant, he  considered  himself  under  the  safeguard  of  the  laws 
of  nations,  and  exempt  from  being  considered  or  treated  as  an 
enemy  of  his  Catholic  majesty;  and  secondly,  that  he  felt  a 
repugnance  to  ask  for  the  benefit  of  the  royal  indulto,  because 
he  should  thereby  tacitly  acknowledge  himself  to  be  an  insur- 
gent. Ortega  then  said,  with  a  great  deal  of  heat,  "  Sir,  you 
have  been  among  the  insurgents,  and  must  be  treated  as  one; 
therefore,  I  once  more  tender  to  you  the  clemency  of  my  so- 
vereign." Perceiving  that  remonstrance  was  vain,  and  that 
obstinacy  in  refusing  the  proft'ered  offer  would  inevitably  lead 
to  the  threatened  vengeance,  the  writer  was  induced  to  avail 
himself  of  the  benefit  of  the  indulto.  Immediately  thereupon, 
Ortega  shook  him  by  the  hand  with  great  cordiality,  and  in 
the  presence  of  his  officers  and  soldiers  extended  to  him  the 
indulto  of  his  Catholic  majesty.  He  was  then  permitted  to 
v/alk  about  the  village,  and  indeed  no  restraint  was  laid  upon 
his  person :  he  could  therefore  have  easily  escaped ;  but  as  he 
had  pledged  his  honour  not  to  violate  the  conditions  of  the 
indulto,  presuming  that  it  would  be  honourably  fulfilled  on 
the  part  of  the  Spanish  government,  he  was  morally  withheld 
from  thinking  of  such  an  attempt;  in  fact,  it  was  not  his  wish 
to  do  so,  particularly  as  he  expected  to  be  at  liberty  to  proceed 
to  Vera  Cruz,  and  embark  for  the  United  States.  On  applying 
to  the  commander  for  permission  to  depart,  he  declared  that  it 
vas  not  in  his  power  to  grant  it,  until  he  heard  from  the  com- 


xii  INTRODUCTION. 

mander-in-chief  of  the  province  of  Oaxaca,  to  whom  he  would 
write  on  the  subject. 

On  the  22nd  of  the  month,  the  answer  came  from  Oaxaca; 
hut  instead  of  the  writer's  request  to  permit  him  to  proceed 
to  Vera  Cruz  being  acceded  to,  Ortega  was  ordered  to  send 
him  under  a  strong  escort  to  the  city  of  Oaxaca.  This  mea- 
sure excited  his  surprise,  and  he  immediately  suspected  that 
it  was  the  intention  of  the  government  to  withdraw  from  him 
the  protection  of  the  royal  indulto.  On  the  23d,  he  proceeded 
on  his  route  to  Oaxaca,  escorted  by  a  body  of  cavalry.  He 
"was  furnished  with  a  good  horse,  and  treated  with  every  pos- 
sible kindness,  but  both  by  day  and  night  was  closely  watched. 

In  all  the  villages  through  which  he  passed,  he  received  the 
most  hospitable  attentions  from  the  inhabitants ;  but  when  they 
understood  that  he  had  delivered  up  his  person  on  the  faith  of 
the  royal  indulto,  and  was  still  treated  as  a  prisoner,  they 
shook  their  heads,  and  appeared  to  anticipate  his  fate.  Some 
of  these  generous  Creoles  offered,  at  the  hazard  of  their  lives, 
to  assist  him  in  making  his  escape ;  but  as  he  had  not  yet  re- 
ceived any  positive  proof  of  the  intentions  of  the  government, 
he  determined  on  his  part  faithfully  to  adhere  to  the  conditions 
of  the  indulto. 

On  the  evening  of  the  STth,  he  arrived  at  the  city  of  Oaxaca, 
and  was  conducted  to  the  government  house,  Avhere  he  was 
presented  to  the  commander-in-chief,  Don  Manuel  Obesa, 
who  received  him  with  great  kindness.  lie  stated  that  it  was 
his  intention  to  send  the  writer  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where 
his  excellency  the  viceroy  -would  determine  whether  he  xvas  en- 
titled to  the  henejit  of  the  royal  indulto^  or  not.  On  the  writer's 
expressing  his  astonishment  at  such  a  breach  of  good  faith, 
general  Obesa  observed  tliat  it  was  sometimes  expedient  for 
the  viceroy  to  withhold  the  benefit  of  the  indultos  that  had 
been  granted  by  his  officers,  but  he  hoped  that  in  the  present 
case  it  would  be  sacredly  fulfilled.  He  added,  that  the  writer 
must  remain  in  Oaxaca  until  arrangements  were  made  for 
^  conducting  him  to  the  city  of  Mexico  ;  and  that,  in  order  to 
prevent  his  being  hisidted  htj  the  f{Opxdace^  a  cell  should  be 
fitted  up  for  his  reception  in  the  C07ivent  of  St.  Domingo^  and 


INTRODUdnON. 


xm 


a  strong  guard  be  stationed  there  for  his  protection.  Hav- 
ing thanked  him  for  such  peculiar  marks  of  his  politeness, 
the  writer  was  conducted  to  the  convent,  and  placed  in  a  cell 
which  wore  the  appearance  of  a  dungeon.  A  soldier  was  sta- 
tioned at  the  door,  and  another  at  the  window.  The  head  of 
the  convent  was  a  worthy  friar,  (Don  Nicolas  Medina)  whose 
countenance  indicated  that  he  could  cherish  benevolent  feel- 
ings even  towards  a  heretic:  his  subsequent  conduct,  and  that 
of  all  the  friars  of  the  institution,  was  marked  with  the  most 
hospitable  and  generous  attentions. 

On  the  28th,  the  commander,  his  secretary,  and  the  inten- 
dant  of  the  province,  visited  the  writer,  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
terrogating him,  and  of  taking  his  declaration  as  to  the  motives 
which  had  induced  him  to  visit  the  country.  To  the  latter 
point  he  candidly  replied  by  stating  the  facts  as  they  have  been 
previously  narrated,  but  declined  answering  many  of  the  in- 
terrogatories, particularly  such  as  related  to  the  situation  and 
\-iews  of  the  insurgents.  He  considered  many  of  the  questions 
indelicate  and  ungenerous,  more  especially  as  he  was  deprived 
of  the  benefit  of  the  royal  indulto,  and  treated  as  a  prisoner. 
The  commander  appeared  sensible  of  the  force  of  these  ob- 
jections, and  did  not  press  his  inquiries  further;  but  observed, 
that  if  the  writer  hoped  to  be  restored  to  liberty,  he  must  first 
give  some  proof  of  his  no  longer  being  a  friend  to  the  insur- 
gents. After  a  few  more  remarks,  tending  to  inspire  him 
with  confidence  in  the  honour  and  clemency  of  the  viceroy, 
the  commander  departed. 

The  next  day,  he  was  visited  by  nearly  all  the  principal  ec- 
clesiastics of  the  city,  who  vied  with  the  friar  Medina  in  theij- 
friendly  treatment  of  him,  offering  him  money,  apparel,  and 
every  thing  to  make  his  situation  as  comfortable  as  possible. 
The  principal  inhabitants  of  Oaxaca  also  honoured  him  with 
their  visits,*  and  indeed  all  classes  of  society  appeared  to  take 
an  interest  in  his  situation,  expressing  their  regret  that  he  was 
not  at  liberty.  It  soon  became  manifest  that  the  commander's 
precautions  to  prevent  the  writer  from  receiving  insult  were 
entirely  superfluous,  and  that  they  were  probably  intended  to 
hinder  the  populace  from  giving  him  more  solid  evidence  of 


xiv  *  INTRODUCTION. 

their  regard  and  sympathy  than  mere  expressions  of  condo- 
lence. 

Having  been  refused  permission  to  breathe  the  fresh  air  of 
the  convent  garden,  the  writer  became  more  urgent  to  be  sent 
to  Mexico,  that  he  might  not  any  longer  be  kept  in  suspense 
as  to  his  fate.  At  length,  after  having  been  confined  in  the 
convent  fourteen  weeks,  an  order  was  received  from  the  vice- 
roy to  send  him  under  a  strong  guard  to  the  capital.  Accord- 
ingly, he  left  Oaxaca,  under  an  escort  of  sixty  infantry  and 
about  seventy  cavalry;  but  after  proceeding  a  four  days'  jour- 
ney on  the  route  to  the  city,  a  courier  from  the  viceroy  brought 
orders  to  conduct  him  back  to  Oaxaca,  and  thence  to  Vera 
Cruz.  Although  he  was  disappointed  in  thus  being  debarred 
an  interview  with  the  viceroy  in  the  Mexican  capital,  yet  he 
was  cheered  with  the  hope,  that  on  his  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz, 
he  would  be  permitted  to  depart  for  the  United  States. 

On  returning  to  the  city  of  Oaxaca,  he  was  placed  in  his 
old  quarters  in  the  convent;  and,  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  days, 
was  sent,  under  the  orders  of  a  Spanish  officer  and  a  body  of 
cavalry,  to  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  arrived  on  the  3d  of  Febru- 
ary, 1817.  On  being  presented  to  the  governor,  Don  Jose 
Davila^  he  expressed  great  regret  that  he  had  instructions  to 
conjine  the  -writer  in  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Uhia^  until 
further  orders  should  be  received  from  the  viceroy.  It  was  in 
vain  to  remonstrate  against  this  cruel  order ;  but  nevertheless 
he  expressed  his  indignation  at  the  perfidious  conduct  of  the 
viceroy  in  such  strong  terms,  that  governor  Davila  and  his 
officers  looked  at  him  with  surprise,  and  asked  him  how  he 
dared  to  speak  so  disrespectfully  of  so  exalted  a  personage  as 
the  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  After  making  a  reply  which  in- 
censed them  still  more,  he  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  the  for- 
tress, and  there  behave  with  proper  humility,  otherwise  they 
would  take  measures  to  punish  him  for  his  presumption. 
The  officer  who  conducted  him  to  the  castle  gave  him  a  de- 
scription of  the  barbai-ous  character  of  the  officer  in  command 
of  the  fortress,  Echaragari^  and  cautioned  him  to  be\rare  of 
provoking  his  ire  by  repeating  such  expressions  as  he  had 
used  to  governor  Davila.    The  moment  the  writer  beheld  the 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

countenance  of  this  officer,  he  needed  no  other  evidence  of  the 
ferocious  soul  that  beamed  in  its  every  line.  The  adjutant  of 
the  castle  was  ordered  to  conduct  him  to  his  allotted  apartment, 
Avhich  was  a  small  room,  or  state  dungeon,  under  one  of  the 
arches  of  the  ramparts. 

Were  the  writer  to  give  a  detail  of  his  sufferings  during  a 
confinement  of  eleven  months  in  that  dreadful  Bastile,  it  would 
be  deemed  incredible  by  his  readers,  unless  any  of  them  should 
have  had  the  misfortune  to  have  experienced  incarceration 
among  the  Spaniards.  Even  in  its  mildest  shape,  it  is  worse 
than  in  any  other  civilized  nation  :  but  when  we  speak  of  the 
castles  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and  of  Omoa,  it  must  be  under- 
stood that  there  are  not  to  be  found  such  mansions  of  horror 
in  any  other  part  of  the  world.  They  have  not  only  been  the 
sepulchres  of  thousands,  but  in  their  horrid  dungeons  cruelties 
have  been  practised  as  dreadful  as  the  most  heart-rending 
scenes  of  the  secret  caverns  of  the  Inquisition. 

Had  not  the  writer  been  blessed  with  an  iron  constitution, 
and  a  flow  of  spirits  difficult  to  be  subdued,  and  had  he  not 
received  some  benevolent  succours  from  Don  Lorenzo  Mur- 
phy, of  Vera  Cruz,  he  must  inevitably  have  perished.  During 
an  illness  of  several  weeks,  with  a  violent  hemorrhage  that 
daily  threatened  to  terminate  his  existence,  he  besought  his 
savage  jailer  for  medical  aid,  and  for  permission  to  be  removed 
to  the  hospital :  he  met  with  a  refusal.  But  he  forbears  to  dwell 
on  this  painful  subject,  the  thoughts  of  which  fill  him  with 
such  horror  and  conflicting  emotions,  that  his  perturbed  mind 
cannot  collect  itself  sufficiently  to  describe  it.  From  the  sufi^er- 
ings  of  the  prisoners  belonging  to  Mina's  expedition,  who  were 
confined  in  this  infernal  prison,  which  will  be  found  related 
in  the  following  pages,  he  must  leave  the  reader  to  form  some 
idea  of  the  trials  through  which  he  had  to  pass. 

The  only  consolation  he  experienced  during  his  protracted 
imprisonment,  was  in  a  visit  from  lieutenant  Porter,  com- 
mander of  the  United  States'  brig  Boxer.  Arriving  at  Vera 
Cruz,  in  September,  1817,  this  officer  obtained  the  permission 
of  the  governor  to  visit  the  writer;  but  so  fearful  were  they 
that  he  might  discover  the  miserable  situation  of  every  thing 


xvi  INTRODUCTION. 

that  surroundecr  their  prisoner,  that  they  would  not  permit 
lieutenant  Porter  to  enter  the  castle,  but  detained  him  at  the 
landing  place,  whither  the  writer  was  conducted,  under  a  guard, 
to  the  interview.  It  is  not  easy  to  describe  his  emotions,  on 
seeing  one  of  his  own  countrymen,  on  shaking  him  by  the 
hand,  and  hearing  from  him  that  he  had  official  instructions 
to  request  the  Spanish  authorities  to  release  him.  He  then  felt 
that  he  was  not  wholly  abandoned  by  his  country,  and  hoped 
soon  to  escape  from  the  fangs  of  despotism.  As  an  interpreter 
and  other  persons  had  been  sent  by  the  governor  to^  be  present 
at  the  interview,  the  conversation  with  lieutenant  Porter  was 
necessarily  brief  and  cautious.  The  writer,  however,  freely 
expressed,  his  indignation  at  the  base  and  cruel  treatment  he 
had  experienced  ;  and  requested  the  lieutenant,  that  if  he  did 
not  succeed  in  obtaining  his  liberation,  to  demand  that  the 
Spanish  authorities  should  at  least  explain  their  motives  for 
thus  immuring  within  a  dungeon  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
without  a  hearing  or  a  trial.  Lieutenant  Porter  endeavoured 
to  console  him,  by  assurances  of  a  speedy  release,  and  by  pro- 
mising to  repeat  his  visit.  He  also  furnished  him  with  some 
wine,  bread,  and  fowls,  which  indeed  were  luxuries  to  one 
who  for  several  months  had  been  fed  on  a  scanty  allowance  of 
musty  beans  and  rice. 

On  the  termination  of  the  interview,  he  was  reconducted  to 
his  miserable  apartment,  and  there  was  left  to  indulge  in  those 
reflections  that  beguile  the  hours  of  the  captive  when  a  ray  of 
hope  unexpectedly  breaks  in  upon  him.  For  many  weeks 
previous  to  the  arrival  of  lieutenant  Porter,  the  writer  had 
found  his  health  and  spirits  rapidly  declining ;  and  although 
he  had  endeavoured  to  repel  the  approach  of  despair,  yet  it  is 
highly  probable  that  that  demon  would  have  seized  him,  had 
not  the  prospect  of  deliverance  at  length  appeared  to  reanimate 
his  spirits.  He  not  only  became  cheerful,  but  the  gloomy  walls 
within  which  he  was  enclosed  were  no  longer  viewed  with 
horror;  the  voice  of  the  surly  sentinels  no  longer  grated  on  his 
ears  ;  and  so  far  did  he  indulge  in  visionary  hopes  and  calcu- 
lations, that  he  almost  ceased  to  remember  that  he  was  still  a 
prisoner  in  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 


INTRODUCTION.  xvii 

These  Illusions  were  soon  dispelled.  The  visit  of  lieutenant 
Porter  was  not  repeated  ;  and  after  expecting  him  for  twelve 
days,  the  writer  was  informed  that  he  had  sailed,  after  having 
been  refused  permission  to  repeat  his  visit.  It  was  likewise 
communicated  to  him,  that  the  application  of  lieutenant  Porter 
for  his  release  had  proved  ineffectual,  the  governor  having 
answered,  that  he  must  consult  the  viceroy  before  such  a  step 
could  be  taken ;  and  as  it  was  uncertain  when  instructions 
would  be  received  from  the  capital,  the  lieutenant  concluded 
that  it  was  most  proper  to  return  to  the  United  States,  to  re- 
ceive further  instructions  on  the  subject. 

The  effects  of  this  interposition  of  his  government,  although 
his  immediate  liberation  did  not  follow,  were  of  high  impor- 
tance to  the  writer,  not  only  in  respect  of  the  restoration  of  his 
health  and  spirits,  but  of  the  alteration  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Spanish  authorities.  He  became  more  firm  and  indignant  in 
his  representations  to  the  governor  of  Vera  Cruz  and  to  the 
viceroy,  the  latter  of  whom  at  length  resolved  on  sending  him 
to  Spain,  to  receive  the  decision  of  the  king  upon  his  case. 
When  this  information  was  communicated  to  him,  about  the 
last  of  December,  1817,  it  caused  him  almost  as  much  joy  as 
if  his  actual  release  had  been  announced ;  for  he  had  a  pre- 
sentiment that  if  he  could  but  get  out  of  the  castle  of  San  Juan 
de  Ulua,  he  should  ultimately  be  freed  from  the  clutches  of 
Spain.  So  strong  were  his  hopes  in  this  point,  that  he  did  not 
permit  a  certain  document,  which  had  been  confidentially 
placed  in  his  hands,  to  cause  him  any  uneasiness.  This 
curious  paper  is  now  in  his  possession,  and  is  in  substance 
as  follows  : — 

"  Mexico,  May  21, 1817. 
"  (secret  and  confidextiai,.) 

*'  The  viceroy  has  avowed  his  intention  not  to  grant  Mr, 
Robinson  the  benefit  of  the  royal  indulto,  but  to  send  him  to 
Spain;  recomynending-  to  the  authorities  there  his  close  confine- 
ment for  life,  because  he  has  attained  such  a  knoxvledge  of  the 
actual  state  of  the  insurrection  in  this  country,  and  of  the  real 


xviii  INTRODUCTION. 

dispositions  of  the  Mexican  subjects^  that  it  would  be  highly 
dangerous  to  his  Catholic  majestifs  interest  ever  to  give  the 
said  Robinson  an  opportunity  to  publish  such  information 
abroad.  This  communication  is  made  to  Mr.  R.  for  the  pur- 
pose of  apprizing  h'lm  of  the  viceroy'' s  determination^ 

To  the  generous  individual  who  at  the  hazard  of  his  life 
made  the  above  communication,  the  writer  tenders  his  most 
grateful  acknowledgments ;  and  if  his  name  be  not  now  dis- 
closed, the  reasons  for  concealing  it  are  obvious :  but  the 
period  perhaps  is  not  far  distant,  when  the  writer  will  be  ena- 
bled with  pride  and  pleasure  to  publish  the  name,  without 
implicating  the  personal  safety  of  him  who  bears  it.  The 
reader  will  find,  in  the  sequel,  that  the  recommendation  of  the 
viceroy  was  honoured  with  due  attention  by  the  king  of  Spain. 

Early  in  January,  1818,  the  writer  was  embarked  at  Vera 
Cruz,  on  board  his  Catholic  majesty's  frigate  Iphigenia,  des- 
tined for  Spain.  The  commander  of  the  ship  did  him  the 
favour  to  separate  him  from  the  rest  of  the  unfortunate  prison- 
ers on  board,  and  allotted  him  a  place  in  the  gun-room,  with 
the  officers.  He  was  likewise  furnished  with  food  from  the 
commander's  table,  and  allowed  to  walk  on  the  quarter-deck. 
For  these  attentions  he  shall  ever  feel  grateful,  as  they  ema- 
nated solely  from  principles  of  humanity. 

A  few  days  after  sailing  from  Vera  Cruz,  they  encountered 
violent  gales  of  wind;  the  frigate  sprung  a  leak,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  bear  away  for  Campeachy.  So  serious  was  the  leak, 
that  time  was  scarcely  afforded  to  land  the  crew,  and  about 
two  millions  of  dollars,  before  the  vessel  sunk  at  her  anchor- 
age. The  writer  was  conducted  to  tolerably  comfortable 
quarters,  and  placed  vmder  a  strong  guard.  He  was  there 
confined  iox  five  months :  but  as  the  pleasures  and  miseries  of 
life  are  frequently  augmented  or  diminished  by  our  own  com- 
parisons, he  consoled  hiinself  with  contrasting  his  imprison- 
ment at  Campeachy  with  his  sufferings  at  Vera  Cruz ;  and, 
with  the  aid  of  this  reflection,  passed  the  time  cheerfully  and 
in  good  health.     The  hospitable  attentions  he  received  from 


INTRODUCTION.  xix 

several  distinguished  inhabitants  of  Campeachy  will  never  be 
forgotten,  and  he  shall  feel  the  highest  satisfaction  should  it 
ever  be  in  his  power  to  give  them  proofs  of  his  gratitude. 

From  Campeachy  he  was  taken  to  Havana,  in  the  Spanish 
sloop  of  war  San  Francisco.  On  his  arrival  there,  he  was 
conducted  to  the  common  jail,  but  was  soon  removed  to  the 
Moro  castle,  and  placed  in  the  most  secure  dungeon  (calaboso) 
in  the  fortress.  It  was  however  spacious,  and  far  superior  to 
his  quarters  at  San  Juan  de  Ulua.  The  commander  had  very 
strict  orders  from  the  captain  general  respecting  him,  and  was 
made  responsible  for  the  security  of  his  person.  He  rigidly 
executed  his  orders,  but  his  conduct  generally  was  kind,  and 
his  amiable  family  honoured  the  writer  with  the  most  friendly 
attentions.  The  American  citizens  residing  at  Havana  also 
treated  him  in  the  most  generous  manner,  and,  by  furnishing 
him  with  the  means  of  living  comfortably,  caused  him  to  be- 
coine  a  favourite  with  the  officers  on  duty  at  the  fortress,  who 
generally  made  his  dungeon  their  head-quarters.  He  remained 
in  the  Moro  castle  for  nearly  six  7nontlis^  making  occasional 
remonstrances  to  the  captain  general  in  a  tone  that  displeased 
his  excellency,  at  the  same  time  that  they  convinced  him  of 
the  injustice  of  his  government;  and,  in  an  interview  with 
which  the  writer  was  honoured,  at  the  castle,  in  December, 
1818,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  permission  to  breathe  the 
fresh  air  on  the  ramparts. 

On  the  13th  of  January,  1819,  he  was  again  embarked  on 
board  the  Spanish  brig  of  war  Lii^ero^  commanded  by  Don 
yuan  jfose  Martinez^  destined  for  Cadiz.  This  worthy  officer 
performed  towards  him,  during  the  passage,  every  duty  of 
generosity  and  humanity.  He  was  frequently  invited  to  the 
captain's  table,  treated  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  and  was 
so  fortunate  as  to  gain  his  esteem.  On  their  arrival  at  Cadiz, 
on  the  21st  of  February,  he  was  i-epresented  by  that  worthy 
man  in  so  favourable  a  light  to  general  O'Donnel,  the  gover- 
nor of  that  city,  that  when  orders  were  sent  on  board  the  ves- 
sel for  the  removal  on  shore  of  the  prisoners,  of  whom  there 
were  several  beside  himself,  the  writer  was  excepted,  the  adju- 


XX  INTRODUCTION. 

tant  of  the  governor  informing  him  that  he  was  at  liberty  to 
proceed  to  whatever  quarter  of  the  city  he  thought  proper. 
This  was  cheering  intelligence,  inducing  him  to  believe  that 
his  persecutions  had  reached  their  termination. 

Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  he  landed,  and 
proceeded  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Tunis,  the  American  consul, 
who  showed  much  satisfaction  and  surprise  at  his  being  at 
liberty.  He  went  to  a  hotel,  and  passed  the  evening  in  reflect- 
ing on  this  unexpected  good  fortune.  He  had  not  the  least 
suspicion  of  the  reverse  that  was  about  to  take  place;  for,  had 
he  not  felt  assured  of  perfect  security  from  further  molestation, 
he  would  undoubtedly  have  effected  a  precipitate  departure; 
but,  confiding  in  his  innocence,  and  flattering  himself  that  he 
should  have  an  opportunity  of  obtaining  redress  at  Madrid  for 
his  recent  sufferings,  he  anticipated  no  ill. 

He  retired  early  to  rest,  but  was  roused  from  sleep,  about 
eleven  o'clock  at  night,  by  a  loud  knocking  at  his  door ;  and 
on  opening  it,  he  was  requested  by  a  Spanish  officer  to  dress 
himself  speedily,  and  accompany  him.  He  was  then  conduct- 
ed to  a  guard-house,  where  he  was  left  to  himself  the  remain- 
der of  the  night,  to  ponder  the  sudden  alteration  in  the  aspect 
of  his  aff"airs.  The  next  day,  he  was  taken  to  the  castle  of 
San  Sebastian,  and  given  in  charge  to  the  commandant. 

This  sudden  change  in  the  conduct  of  the  governor  was  thus 
explained.  It  appeared  that  he  had  forgotten  a  certain  royal 
order,  bearing  date  the  15th  of  October,  1818,  v»hich  com- 
manded him,  immediately  on  the  arrival  of  the  writer  at  Ca- 
diz, to  send  him  to  Ceuta^  there  to  he  conjined  In  the  citadel^ 
xuithout  com?7iumcation  xvith  any  of  the  other  prisoners  in  that 
fortress.  But  the  governor's  secretary,  or  some  other  of  the 
persons  employed  about  him,  reminded  him  of  the  order, 
which  occasioned  the  renewed  imprisonment  of  the  writer. 

To  be  sent  to  Ceuta,  and  there  confined  in  the  citadel, 
without  a  hearing,  convinced  him  that  his  Catholic  majesty 
was  determined  to  conform  to  the  advice  of  the  viceroy  of 
New  Spain.  He  had  written,  on  the  day  of  his  arrival  at  Ca- 
diz, to  the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  requesting 


INTRODUCTION.  xxi 

his  interference  and  protection ;  and  as  he  was  uncertain  what 
would  be  the  result  of  this  application,  his  first  object  was  to 
endeavour  to  prevent  his  removal  to  Ceuta,  until  he  should 
hear  from  Madrid ;  for  he  was  sensible  that  if  he  once  reached 
the  former  place,  his  liberation  from  it  would  be  very  doubt- 
ful. He  therefore  requested  the  American  consul  to  interpose 
his  good  offices,  to  acquaint  the  governor  that  the  American 
minister  had  instructions  from  his  government  to  demand  the 
release  of  the  writer,  and  to  suggest  to  him  the  propriety  of 
not  removing  him  from  Cadiz  until  his  Catholic  majesty's 
pleasure  should  be  known.  The  governor  politely  listened  to 
these  representations;  and  the  writer's  apprehensions  of  being 
precipitately  hurried  off  to  Ceuta,  were  thus  allayed. 

On  the  25th  of  February,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  general 
O'Donnel,  complaining  in  strong  terms  of  the  government  of 
Spain,  and  begging  that  he  would  grant  him  the  liberty  of  the 
city  on  his  parole  of  honour,  until  intelligence  should  arrive 
from  Madrid  of  the  result  of  the  American  minister's  applica- 
tion in  his  behalf.  On  the  28th,  he  was  conducted  to  the  go- 
vernment house,  to  have  an  interview  with  the  general,  who 
received  him  with  great  affability.  His  secretaries  and  clerks 
having  withdrawn,  the  general  entered  into  a  frank  conversa- 
tion with  him,  relative  to  the  affairs  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  to 
his  own  peculiar  situation.  The  countenance  and  manners  of 
general  O'Donnel  inspired  him  with  confidence  ;  and  he  was 
so  fortunate  as  to  create  in  the  general  a  lively  impression  in 
his  favour.  After  a  short  conversation,  general  O'Donnel 
called  in  his  adjutant,  and  ordered  him  to  accompany  the 
writer  to  the  castle  of  San  Sebastian,  with  directions  to  the 
commander  to  permit  him  to  leave  it  whenever  he  thought 
proper,  and  to  reside  in  the  city  on  his  parole,  until  his  Catho- 
lic majesty  should  otherwise  determine. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  the  writer  received  from  the  Ameri- 
can minister  the  following  letter: — 

^'Madrid,  February  2/,  1819. 
"  Sir,— 
"  Your  letter  of  21st  instant,  which  should  have  reached  me 
on  the  25th,  was  not  delivered  till  the  26th.     I  have  this  day 


xxii  INTRODUCTION. 

written  to  the  first  minister  of  state,  (marquis  of  Casa  Yrujo,) 
demanding,  in  pursuance  of  the  orders  of  my  government,  long 
since  received,  your  immediate  release. 

"  I  have  sent  to  that  minister  the  statement  of  your  case 
contained  in  your  letter  of  June  4th,  1817,  to  the  secretary  of 
state  of  the  United  States,  and  have  added  in  my  note  to  the 
minister  such  other  circumstances,  drawn  from  your  letter  to 
me,  as  I  thought  might  be  useful.  I  have  called  to  the  recol- 
lection of  the  marquis  his  correspondence  with  the  intendant 
of  Venezuela,  the  better  to  distinguish  you  from  Doctor  John 
Hamilton  Robinson  ;  adding  mj'  personal  knowledge  of  you, 
in  London,  in  the  character  of  a  merchant,  (in  the  year  1801,) 
occupied,  if  I  mistake  not,  in  the  affairs  of  your  tobacco  con- 
tract. At  the  suggestion  of  your  friend  Mr.  Meade,  I  have 
"^  also  referred  to  Mr.  Cagigal,  formerly  captain  general  of  Ve- 
nezuela, and  now  resident  at  Santa  Maria,  near  Cadiz,  for 
information  relating  to  your  operations  in  that  province  during 
his  administration,  &c.  &c. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  I  hope  that  this  representation  may  be 
attended  with  success ;  but  whatever  may  result  from  it,  you 
shall  be  immediately  informed. 

*' With  much  esteem.  Sir, 

*'  I  am  your  obedient  servant, 
"  George  W.  Erving. 

"  Mr.  William  D.  Robinson,^'' 

The  receipt  of  Mr.  Erving's  letter  inspired  the  writer 
with  that  confidence  which  a  citizen  of  his  country  must 
ever  feel,  when  he  finds  himself  under  the  protection  of  his 
government.  But  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  of  March,  an 
important  circumstance  occurred,  which  worked  a  total  revo- 
lution in  his  affairs,  and  produced  a  corresponding  change  in 
his  course  of  conduct.  He  was  confidentially  informed,  that 
the  governor  of  Cadiz  had  received,  by  a  courier  which  ar- 
rived from  Madrid  that  evening,  a  severe  reprimand  for  hav- 
ing granted  htm  the  liberty  of  the  city  of  Cadiz ^  and  was  di- 
rected immediately  to  secure  his  person^  place  hitn  in  the  castle 
of  San  Sebastian^  and  thence  send  him  in  a  vessel  of  war  to 


INTRODUCTION.  xxiii 

Ceuta^  to  he  confined  in  the  citadel^  conformably  to  his  Ca- 
tholic majesty'' s  order  of  the  15th  of  October^  1818.  As  the 
source  whence  this  information  was  derived  left  no  doubt  of 
its  correctness,  the  writer  knew  that  if  he  did  not  take  some 
precautionary  steps,  he  should  be  arrested  in  a  few  hours. 
The  emergency  called  for  promptness  of  decision.  He  reflect- 
ed, on  the  one  hand,  that  he  was  bound  by  the  laws  of  honour 
not  to  violate  the  parole  which  he  had  given  to  general  O'Don- 
nel :  but  on  the  other,  he  considered  that  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment was  about  to  make  him  a  victim  of  its  perfidy  and  injus- 
tice. He  knew  that  the  issuing  of  an  order  for  his  imprison- 
ment at  Ceuta,  after  the  American  minister  had  made  a  formal 
application  for  his  release,  was  an  unequivocal  proof  of  a  deli- 
berate intention  to  sacrifice  him,  by  confinement  in  a  place 
where  he  should  even  be  deprived  of  the  means  of  making  a 
remonstrance,  and  whence  he  could  never  expect  to  be  freed 
unless  his  government  should  adopt  measures  of  the  strongest 
kind ;  and  that,  until  such  measures  were  adopted,  he  should 
be  exposed  to  all  the  severities  and  dangers  of  Spanish  incar- 
ceration. The  horrors  he  had  experienced  in  the  castle  of 
San  Juan  de  Ulua  were  still  fresh  in  his  memory. 

Under  all  these  circumstances,  he  determined  on  making  an 
attempt  to  effect  his  escape ;  but  as  the  gates  of  the  city  were 
then  closed,  it  was  necessary  to  wait  until  the  next  morning. 
He  departed  from  his  lodgings  about  eight  o'clock  at  night; 
and  in  about  an  hour  afterwards,  the  adjutant  of  the  governor 
was  sent  to  arrest  him,  but  on  finding  him  absent,  left  a  polite 
message,  that  general  O'Donnel  wished  to  see  him.  The  fol- 
lowing morning,  he  received  information  that  a  general  search 
was  making  for  him,  and  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  elude  the 
vigilance  of  the  guards  posted  at  the  gates.  But  these  unpro- 
pitious  circumstances  did  not  deter  him  from  his  resolution, 
for  a  miscarriage  could  add  but  little  to  his  misfortunes. 

It  would  perhaps  be  improper  here  to  describe  the  mode  of 
his  escape,  lest  some  of  his  friends  or  acquaintances  might  fall 
under  the  suspicion  of  having  been  accessary  to  it.  He  deems 
it  necessary,  however,  to  remark,  that  although  several  indi- 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

viduals  in  Cadiz  knew  of  his  intentions  to  escape,  yet  he  did 
not  implicate  any  one  of  them  in  the  act. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  15th  of  March,  he  succeeded  in 
passing  the  gates  of  the  city ;  and  the  same  evening,  was 
outside  of  the  harbour,  on  board  a  vessel  bearing  the  flag  of 
his  country.  On  the  19th,  he  reached  Gibraltar,  where  he  was 
received  with  every  mark  of  friendship  and  hospitality,  by 
Bernard  Henry,  Esq.,  American  consul,  Richard  M'Call,  navy 
agent  of  the  United  States,  Horatio  Sprague,  Richard  Gate- 
wood,  Hill  8s:  Blodget,  and  by  several  other  gentlemen ;  to  all 
of  whom  he  begs  leave  to  offer  his  sincere  acknowledgments. 

A  few  days  after  his  arrival  at  Gibraltar,  a  demand  for  his 
person  was  made  by  the  Spanish  government  upon  the  gover- 
nor of  that  fortress.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say,  that  such  a 
demand  was  looked  upon  as  an  absurdity. 

No  longer  under  any  apprehensions  of  falling  again  into  the 
power  of  the  Spaniards,  and  reflecting  on  the  misrepresenta- 
tions that  would  probably  be  made  respecting  his  conduct,  and 
being  desirous  of  manifesting  to  the  Spanish  government,  as 
well  as  to  his  own,  that  although  his  departure  from  Cadiz  was 
perfecdy  justifiable,  yet  he  was  still  willing  to  submit  to  a  fair 
and  impartial  investigation  of  his  conduct,  provided  that  a 
guarantee  were  given  that  he  should  not  suffer  any  new  per- 
sonal outrages,  he  addressed  the  following  letter: — 

"  Gibraltar^  March  25, 1819. 
"  Sir,— 

"  For  your  excellency's  information,  I  beg  leave  to  enclose 
copies  of  my  letters  to  the  conde  de  Abisbal,  governor  of  Ca- 
diz, and  to  the  marquis  Casa  Yrujo,  first  minister  of  state. 

**■  I  beg  your  excellency  Avill  pursue  such  measures  as  in 
your  judgment  may  be  necessary,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, as  well  to  sustain  my  honour  as  interests. 

"  I  shall  be  entirely  guided  by,  and  hope  to  be  honoured 
with,  your  advice ;  and  have  only  to  observe,  that  if  there 
should  arise  the  least  demur  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  go- 
vernment to  give  a  formal  and  solemn  assurance  that  neither 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

my  person  nor  rights  shall  be  subject  to  further  outrages,  I 
mean  in  such  case  to  make  my  arrangements  for  an  early 
departure  for  the  United  States.  I  am  without  any  of  your 
excellency's  communications  since  your  letter  of  the  12th  inst. 
"  I  remain,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"William  D.Robinson. 

"  To  his  Excellency  George  W,  Erving^ 

3Iimster  Ple7iipotentia)-y  of  the  United  States  at  MadricV 

Under  the  same  date,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  conde  de  Abis- 
bal,  of  which  the  following  are  extracts  : — 

"  Sir,— 

"  I  am  well  aware  that  your  excellency  may  reproach  me, 
for  having  violated  my  word  of  honour,  in  having  left  Cadiz 
without  your  consent ;  but  I  beg  leave  to  state  the  following 
circumstances,  which  I  flatter  myself  will  be  a  complete  justi- 
fication of  that  step,  and  showing  at  the  same  time  that  it  be- 
came imperiously  necessary  for  me  to  adopt  it. 

"  In  the  first  place,  my  advices  from  Madrid,  of  the  9th 
instant,  informed  me  that  no  answer  had  been  given  by  the 
marquis  Casa  Yrujo  to  the  demand  for  my  release  made  by 
the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  on  the  26th  ult. 
A  silence  of  twelve  days,  on  such  a  point,  not  only  appeared 
to  me  to  be  at  variance  with  the  principles  of  national  courte- 
sy, but  very  clearly  indicated  an  indisposition  on  the  part  of 
the  marquis  or  his  government  to  comply  with  the  demand  in 
question. 

"  Secondly:  I  had  indubitable  information  that  there  existed, 
in  your  excellency's  possession,  an  order  of  his  Catholic  majes- 
ty^ dated  October  15,  1818,  directing-^  that  on  my  arrival  at 
Cadiz^  I -was  to  be  sent  to  Ceuta^  and  there  rigorously  confined 
in  the  citadel.  When  I  reflected  that  the  Chevalier  Onis, 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  Spain  in  the  United  States,  had 
given  to  my  government  a  solemn  promise,  that  on  my  arrival 
in  Spain,  I  should  enjoy  a  liberal  and  impartial  hearing,  at 
Madrid,  against  any  charges  which  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain 
may  have  adduced  against  me,  and  that,  instead  of  such  pro- 
4* 


xxvi  INTRODUCTION. 

mise  being  honourably  fulfilled,  his  Catholic  majesty  had  issu- 
ed so  unjust  and  recent  an  order  as  the  one  before  nnentioned, 
it  was  obvious  to  my  mind  that  the  Spanish  government  had 
a  premeditated  intention  to  sacrifice  me. 

"  Thirdly:  on  the  14th  instant,  at  night,  I  obtained  the  most 
unequivocal  information  that  your  excellency  had  received 
certain  secret  orders  from  Bladrid^  again  to  arrest  me,  and  to 
place  me  in  security  in  the  castle  of  San  Sebastian^  until  an 
opportunity  offered  to  send  me  to  Ceuta. 

"  Fourthly :  on  the  night  of  the  14th,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  15th,  I  discovered  that  your  excellency  had  adopted  very 
active  steps  to  get  possession  of  my  person,  doubtless  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  into  effect  your  orders  from  Madrid. 

*'  The  preceding  four  points  embrace  matters  of  a  very  deli- 
cate nature,  and  show  the  imperious  necessity  of  the  course  I 
have  adopted.     *****##=X: 

"Thirty  months'  imprisonment,  in  castles,  jails,  dungeons, 
and  convents,  without  a  hearing,  or  even  the  shadow  of  a  le- 
gal trial,  had  taught  me  a  bitter  and  serious  lesson,  and  au- 
thorized me  to  suppose  that  the  dungeons  of  Ceuta  might 
close  my  mortal  career. 

"  We  know  that  the  sultans  of  the  Ottoman  empire.  In  the 
plenitude  of  their  sublime  functions,  occasionally  decapitate 
their  vassals,  and  afterwards  order  the  divan  of  Constantino- 
ple to  examine  and  decide  on  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  vic- 
tim. God  forbid,  that  Turkish  usages  should  become  the  or- 
der of  the  day  in  any  part  of  the  Christian  world;  but  I  pre- 
sume your  excellency  will  coincide  with  me  in  opinion,  that 
there  is  no  essential  difference  between  imprisoning  an  indi- 
vidual for  an  indefinite  period,  without  a  hearing  or  trial,  and 
taking  off  his  head  according  to  the  usages  of  the  Turks. 

"  I  trust  your  excellency  will  find  in  the  preceding  reflec- 
tions an  ample  apology,  if  not  a  justification,  of  the  step  which 
I  have  taken.  I  shall  always  bear  a  grateful  recollection  of 
vour  excellency's  very  liberal  conduct  towards  me,  at  Cadiz, 
and  I  flatter  myself,  that  neither  your  conscience  nor  reputa- 
tion will  ever  suffer,  from  your  having  manifested  a  repug- 
nance to  be  the  subordinate  instrument  of  executing  decrees, 


INTRODUCTION.  xxvii 

unjust  and  barbarous,  and  marked  by  a  spirit  of  anticiviliza- 
tion  in  all  their  features. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  enclose  a  copy  of  my  letter  of  this  date  to 
the  marquis  Casa  Yrujo,  for  your  information,  and  have  the 
honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  excellency's  obedient  servant, 

"  William  D.  Rojpinsox. 

"  To  his  Excellency  the  Conde  de  Abisbal^ 

Captain  general  of  Andalusia^  Governor  of  Cadiz^  &?c.  SsPc." 


"  Gibraltar^  March  25,  1820. 
"  Sir,— 

"  It  has  been  represented  to  me  that  your  excellency,  in 
your  public  and  private  character,  has  developed  a  strong  an- 
tipathy towards  the  government  and  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  but  when  I  reflect  on  your  excellency's  distinguished 
talents  and  acquirements,  on  the  long  course  of  your  diploma- 
tic career,  and  on  your  having  mixed  so  much  in  the  civilized 
world,  I  can  scarcely  think  it  possible,  that  the  imputation  be- 
fore suggested  is  correct.  It  will  afford  me  much  pleasure  to 
find  it  unjust. 

"  I  have  now  the  honour  to  enclose  for  your  excellency's 
information,  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  governor  of  Cadiz,  in 
justification  of  my  having  departed  from  that  city  without  his 
consent.  I  have  sent  a  copy  of  the  same  to  the  American 
minister,  and  shall  send  another  to  the  government  of  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

"  I  feel  most  particularly  anxious,  sir,  to  be  allowed  a  pub- 
lic opportunity  to  vindicate  my  conduct  and  character  against 
any  charges  which  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  may  have  un- 
justly and  illiberally  adduced  against  me,  and  I  wish  to  have 
an  opportunity  of  proving  how  very  often  the  viceroys,  cap- 
tain generals,  and  other  authorities  in  Spanish  America,  make 
Olympian  mountains  out  of  molehills. 

"  I  am  desirous,  sir,  of  convincing  the  Spanish  government, 
as  well  as  my  own,  that  I  have  been  most  unjustly  persecuted 
and  cruelly  treated ;  and  I  likewise  desire  to  prove,  that   I 


xxviii  INTRODUCTION. 

have  rendered  most  important  services  to  your  government, 
which  terminated  in  my  ruin,  in  the  years  1804  and  1805,  and 
that  I  have  now  the  most  indisputable  claims  on  your  govern- 
ment for  more  than  half  a  million  of  dollars.  To  attain  those 
objects  it  is  only  necessary  for  me  to  have  a  liberal  and  im- 
partial hearing. 

*'  If  I  have  committed  any  errors,  I  will  submit  to  make  a 
corresponding  atonement.  I  do  not  supplicate  favours  or  in- 
dulgences. I  demand  a  rigid  scrutiny  into  my  conduct ;  but 
I  must  require  such  scrutiny  to  be  made  with  a  due  regard  to 
my  person  and  i^ights,  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 

*'  Under  these  circumstances,  sir,  I  solicit  his  Catholic  ma- 
jesty to  grant  me  a  fair  and  liberal  hearing ;  and  that  he  will 
condescend  to  give  a  solemn  assurance  to  the  minister  of  the 
United  States  at  Madrid,  that  I  shall  not  suffer  any  further 
acts  of  personal  violence  or  outrage,  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish 
government. 

"  If  such  assurance  is  given  with  the  solemnity  suggested, 
I  will  not  hesitate  a  moment  in  returning  to  Spain  ;  but  if, 
from  any  motives  whatsoever,  such  assurance  is  withheld,  I 
will  in  such  case  enter  my  solemn  protest  against  all  whom  it 
may  concern,  and  indulge  hopes  of  obtaining  eventual  redress, 
through  the  intervention  of  my  own  government. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  due  respect, 
"  Your  excellency's  obedient  humble  servant, 
"  W11.LIAM  D.  Robinson. 

"To  his  Excellency  the  Marquis  Casa  Tn/jo^ 

First  Minister  of  State,  8?c.  ^c.'" 

The  Spanish  minister,  immediately  on  the  receipt  of  the  pre- 
ceding communications,  addressed  the  following  note  to  the 
American  minister : — 

translation. 

«  Sir,— . 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  send  you  herev/ith,  copies  of  a  letter 

to  me,  and  of  one  to  the  captain  general  of  Andalusia,  written 

from  Gibraltar,  by  William  Davis  Robinson,  a  citizen  of  the 

United  States.     By  them  your  excellency  will  perceive,  that, 


INTRODUCTION.  xxix 

violating  his  parole  of  honour,  he  has  fled  from  Cadiz,  in 
which  place   he  had  been  permitted  to  reside  under  arrest. 
Your  excellency  will  likewise  perceive  the  motives  which  he 
alleges,  for  having  taken  this  determination,  which  he  pretends 
to  justify ;   and  that  he  asks  permission  to  come  to  this  court, 
.  to  defend  himself  against  the  charges  which  the  viceroy  of 
New  Spain  may  have  adduced  against  him  ;  but,  for  the  secu- 
rity of  his  person,  solicits  that  there  shall  be  given  to  your 
excellency,  the  most  complete  assurances  that  he  shall  not  suf- 
fer any  oppression  or   violence   whatsoever.      His  majesty, 
whom  I  have  acquainted  with  these  circumstances,  and  who 
desii'es  to  administer  strict  and  impartial  justice  in  his  domi- 
nions, has  been  pleased  to  decide  on  granting  a  safe  conduct 
(salvo  conducto)  to  the  said  citizen,  to  enable  him,  as  he  of- 
fers, to  come  to  this  capital,  to  justify  himself  before  a  com- 
petent tribunal,  who  will  investigate  and  judge  his  conduct 
conformably  to  our  laws,  administered  with  all  justice  and 
impartiality ;  but  on  the  indispensable  condition^  that  the  said 
Mr.  Robinson  is  to  remain  subject  to  the  effects  of  the  sentence. 
His  majesty  hopes,  that  in  this  step  will  be  immediately  re- 
cognised the  rectitude  which  characterizes  his  government, 
and  that  the  president  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  your 
excellency,  will  see  in  this  measm^e  a  new  proof  of  the  con- 
sideration with  which  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  are 
treated  in  Spain. 

"  I  renew  to  your  excellency  my  respects,  and  pray  God  to 
preserve  your  life  many  years.  At  the  Palace,  2d  of  April, 
1819. 

(Signed.)  "Marquis  de  Casa  Yrujo. 

"  To  the  Minister  Plenipotcntiarij 

of  the  United  States  of  America^'' 

The  preceding  document,  although  couched  in  very  polite 
diplomatic  language,  was  by  no  means  satisfactory  to  the 
American  minister.  He  naturally  felt  some  degree  of  morti- 
fication, at  the  inattention  which  had  so  recently  been  mani- 
fested by  the  Spanish  government  to  the  formal  application 


XXX  INTRODUCTION. 

he  had  made  for  the  writer's  release,  and  when  he  reflected 
that  at  the  very  moment  the  marquis  Casa  Yrujo  had  been 
amusing  him  with  a  promise  that  the  writer's  case  should  be 
investigated,  the  said  marquis  had  sent  a  secret  order  to  the 
governor  of  Cadiz,  to  arrest  and  send  him  to  Ceuta,  it  was  im- 
possible for  the  American  minister  to  place  any  confidence  in 
a  government  that  acted  with  so  much  bad  faith  ;  he  therefore 
declined  accepting  the  guarantee  for  the  writer's  personal  safe- 
ty, offered  in  the  marquis's  note,  and  replied  accordingly. 

From  the  tenor  of  Mr.  Erving's  communications  to  the 
writer  on  this  subject,  he  was  perfectly  satisfied  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  course  Mr.  Erving  had  adopted,  and  indeed  he 
feels  great  pleasure  in  acknowledging  his  obligations  to  that 
gentleman,  for  his  official  and  friendly  conduct  towards  him. 
His  last  letter  on  the  subject  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Madrid,  April  19,1819. 
"  Sir,— 
"  Your  letter  of  April  12th  is  just  received.  I  am  glad  to 
learn  that  the  explanation  contained  in  my  last  letter  was  sa- 
tisfactory to  you ;  as  in  no  view  of  the  case  could  I  find  a 
motive  for  encouraging  your  coming  to  Spain,  neither  could  I 
make  myself  the  medium  of  offering  you  the  encouragement 
proposed  by  this  government.  As  you  desire  to  have  a  copy 
of  Mr.  Yrujo's  note,  referred  to  in  my  last,  it  is  herewith  en- 
closed. I  must,  however,  observe,  that  if  I  could  think  it 
proper  to  intervene  in  the  proposed  arrangement,  I  should  re- 
quire stipulations  rather  more  precise  than  what  are  contained 
in  Mr.  Yrujo's  note.         With  much  esteem,  I  am,  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
(Signed.)  "  George  W.  Erving. 

"  P.  S.  I  must  further  inform  you,  that  Mr.  Yrujo,  in  his 
second  note  on  your  case,  after  mentioning  the  importance  of 
the  charges  against  you,,  says,  that  his  majesty  would  order 
his  minister  at  Washington  to  lay  before  the  president  his  rea- 
sons for  not  acquiescing  in  the  president? s  demand.  This  you 
will  conclude  was  intended  to  preclude  all  further  remonstrance 


INTRODUCTION.  xxxi 

071  my  part^  whilst  you  were  in  prison  under  trials  or  after 
sentence  had  been  passed  on  you.  G.  W.  E. 

"  To  Mr.  William  Davis  Robinson."" 

The  writer  has  been  more  prolix  in  this  detail  than  he  other- 
wise would  have  been,  because  the  Spanish  government  has 
complained  to  the  government  of  the  United  States  on  the  point 
of  his  having  broken  his  parole  at  Cadiz,  and  because  he  feels 
desirous  of  convincing  his  fellow  citizens,  as  well  as  every 
impartial  reader,  that  such  a  step  was  perfectly  justifiable;  and 
as  regards  his  refusal  to  return  to  Spain,  he  would  fain  believe 
that  his  correspondence  with  the  minister  of  the  United  States 
completely  elucidates  that  point,  and  shows  that  it  would  have 
been  an  act  of  more  than  common  follv  to  have  visited  Madrid 
under  the  guarantee   and  on  the  conditions  expressed  in  the 
marquis  Casa  Yrujo's  note  to  Mr.  Erving.    But,  exclusive  of 
the  official  communications  with  which  he  was  honoured  in  this 
matter,  he  has  other  documents  in  his  possession,  which  prove 
that  in  case  of  his  return  to  Spain,  it  was  the  marquis's  inten- 
tion, as  well  as  that  of  his  government,  to  have  spared  no  means 
to  effect  his  destruction.     The  writer  forbears  to  publish  the 
documents  alluded  to,  at  this  time,  as  they  would  swell  the 
present  volume  too  much,  and  perhaps  trespass  on  the  patience 
of  the  reader.     Enough  has  already  been  said,  to  show  that  if 
any  of  his  opinions,  expressed  in  the  following  pages,  be  tinc- 
tured with  enmity  towards  the  late  government  of  Spain,  he 
has  had  sufficient  cause  to  excite  his  animosity  and  disgust. 
He  does  not  hesitate  to  declare,  that  while  he  respects  the  in- 
dividual character  of  the  Spaniard  in  Europe,  yet  he  views 
with  abhorrence  his  conduct  towards  the  American  Creole  and 
Indian,  and  feels  not  the  least  commiseration  for  his  loss  of 
power  and  influence  in  the  New  World ;   and,  if  he  mistake 
not,  the  facts  developed  in  the  course  of  this  work  will  demon- 
sti'ate  that  the  sun  of  Spanish  power  in  the  west  is  about  to 
descend  for  ever  below  the  horizon. 

The  writer  is  aware  that  he  who  records  events  of  such  deep 
importance  to  the  civilized  world,  ought  to  be  gifted  with  ta- 


xxxii  INTRODUCTION. 

lents,  and  possess  acquirements,  infinitely  beyond  those  which 
have  fallen  to  his  lot,  and  that  consequently  he  may  be  accused 
of  presumption  in  touching  on  subjects  which  even  sages  and 
scholars  would  find  it  difficult  to  illustrate  properly :  but,  in  ex- 
tenuation of  all  his  literary  faults,  he  begs  the  reader  to  bear  in 
mind  that  an  individual,  compelled  by  misfortune  and  Spanish 
treachery  to  seek  a  subsistence  for  the  last  fourteen  years  by 
his  own  enterprise,  cannot  have  enjoyed  much  time  for  the 
cultivation  of  letters.  Making,  therefore,  no  pretensions  to 
the  honours  of  an  author^  he  submits  his  work  to  the  candid 
criticisms  of  his  fellow  citizens.  He  can  regard  with  frigid 
indifference  the  harshest  judgments  of  European  censors;  but, 
tremblingly  alive  to  the  favourable  opinion  of  his  own  coun- 
trymen, he  requests  them  to  look  upon  the  work  as  the  pro- 
duction of  one  who,  never  possessing  learned  leisure,  was  en- 
gaged in  the  honourable  occupation  of  an  American  merchant. 

Philadelphia,  October  20,  1820. 


\s 


/ 


\ 


CO^^TEKTS. 


CHAPTER  I.  Smnmanj  account  of  the  Conquest — . 
Humane  enacttnents  of  Charles  V. — Grievances  of  the 
Americans — Loyalty  displayed  by  them^  on  receipt  of 
the  intelligence  of  the  difficulties  i7i  Spain,  in  1808— 
Politic  course  of  conduct,  proposed  to  be  adopted,  in 
this  emergency,  by  the  viceroy  Iturrigaray — His  depo- 
sition by  a  faction  of  Europeans— —Arrival  of  his  suc- 
cessor, Vanegas — Plot  entered  into,  to  overthrozv  the 
Spanish  government  in  Mexico — Breaking  out  of  the 
Revolution,  at  the  torun  of  Dolores,  under  the  direction 
of  Hidalgo — Capture  of  the  city  of  Guanaxuato — Pro- 
clamations of  the  Viceroy,  and  fulminations  of  the 
Church — Action  at  Las  Cruccs — Conduct  of  Hidalgo-— 
Battle  of  Acidco — Massacre  at  Guanaxuato,  by  Calleja 
— Battle  of  the  Bridge  of  Calderon — Capture  of  Hidal- 
go— Death  of  that  patriot,  and  many  other  officers. 

CHAP.  II.  State  of  the  Revolution,  after  the  death  of 
Hidalgo — General  Don  Jose  Maria  Morelos — Capture 
of  Oaxaca  and  Acapulco — Formation  of  a  Congress  and 
Constitution — Manifesto  of  the  Junta  of  Zultepec — ■ 
Defeat  at  Valladolid — General  Matamoros  taken  pri- 
soner, and  shot — Capture  of  Morelos,  at  Tepecuacuilco 
— His  death — Arrived  of  the  Congress  at  Tehuacan — 
General  observations.     ------         26 

CHAP.  III.  General  Mina — His  early  life,  and  career 
in  Spain — His  motives  for  embarking  in  the  cause  of 
Mexico — Arrival  at,  and  transactioiis  in,  Baltimore — 
Departure  of  the  expedition — Occurrences  at  Port  au 
Prince— Arrival  of  the  expedition  at  Galvezton — • 
—  Treachery  of  Correa — Departure  of  the  expedition 
from  Galvezton,  and  its  arrival  off  the  bar  of  the  river 
Santander — Disembarcation  of  the  division.  -  43 

5* 


V 


xxxiv  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  IV.    Soto  la  Marina  occupied  by  Mtna — Gene- 
ral arrangements  there — Action  of  colonel  Perry  xvith 
Don  Felipe  La  Garza — Continuation  of  events  in  Soto 
la  Marina — Capture  of  the  Cleopatra^  by  the  Spanish 
frigate  La  Sabina — Dastardly  conduct  of  the  officers 
of  that  expedition — Litie  of  march  taken  up  for  the 
interior — A  succession  of  events — Action  at^  and  cap- 
ture of  the  torvn  of  El  Valle  de  Mais — Occurrences  at 
that  place ^  and  departure  therefrom — Battle  of  Peotil- 
los — Sanguinary  decrees  of  the  enemy — Conduct  of  the 
priest  of  Hideonda^  and  remarks  thereon — MincHs  pro- 
gress— Attack  and  taking  of  Sierra  de  Pinos — Depar- 
ture therefrom — function  with  the  Patriots — Arrival 
at  the  Patriot  fortress  of  Sombrero — Its  description.       81 

CHAP.  V.  Reflections  on  the  state  of  the  Revolution^ 
after  the  dispersion  of  the  Congress — General  Don 
Manuel  Mier  y  Teran — His  talent  and  enterprise 
—His  fall — General  Don  Guadalupe  Victoria — Gene- 
ral Osourno — General  Don  Jgnacio  Rayon — General 
Don  fose  Antonio  Torres — Degraded  state  of  the 
Patriots^  after  he  assumed  the  command — Refections 
thereon,      --------         123 

CHAP.  VI.  Action  of  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos — Cap- 
ture of  the  faral — Interviexv^  at  Sombrero,  betxueen 
general  Mina  and  some  of  the  revolutionary  chiefs — 
Overture  by  Mina  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners — 
Events  in  Sombrero.     ------         145 

CHAP.  VII.  Intelligence  of  the  fall  of  Soto  la  3Iarina 
received  at  Sombrero — Investissement  of  the  fort  by 
Arredondo — Operations  during  the  siege — Desertion 
of  La  Sala — His  base  conduct — Gcdlant  defence  of  the 
garrison — Its  capitulation — The  terms— Their  viola- 
tion—'Cruel  treatment  experienced  by  the  captives,  i7i 
Alta77iira,  on  the  road  to  Hera  Cruz,  and  in  the  dun- 
geons of  San  Juan  de  Ulua — DepartiCre  of  some  of  the 
captives  for  Spain — Order  of  the  minister  ofxvar  at 
Madrid — Strictures  on  the  violation  of  the  capitulatioUy 


CONTENTS.  XXXV 

and  on  the  decree  of  the  Cortes^  of  the  10th  ofApril^ 
1813 — Violatioii  of  Mirandas  capitulation  at  Caracas 
~— The  consequences  thereof- — Cruelty  of  the  Spaniards 
in  Puerto  Cavello — Dreadful  measures  of  retaliation 
adopted  by  general  Bolivar.  -         -         -         -  169 

CHAP.  VIII.  Situation  of  the  city  of  3Iexico^  and  the 
measures  of  the  viceroy — Failure  of  the  expedition  of 
Mina  against  the  Villa  de  Leon — Arrival  of  the  army 
under  Don  Pasqual  Linan^  before  Sombrero — Forms 
his  line  of  circumvallation — Situation  of  the  fort — 
Connnencement  of  active  operations — Detail  of  events 
-—Sortie  on  the  encampment  of  Don  Pedro  Celestino 
Negrete — Sally  of  general  Mina — Detail  of  events — 
Gallant  defence  of  the  fort^  on  the  18tli  of  August — 
Evacuation  of  the  fort — Massacre  of  the  fugitives^  of 
the  wounded^  and  of  the  prisoners — Memoir  of  Don 
Pasqual  Linan.  -  --         -         -         -  189 

CHAP.  IX.  General  Mina  proceeds  to  the  fort  of  Los 
Remedios — Arrival  of  some  of  the  fugitives  there  from 
Sombrero — Description  of  the  fort  of  Los  Remedios^  or 
San  Gregorio — AdvaJice  of  Lihan  against  the  fort — 
Mina  marches  oiit^  with  nine  hundred  men — Descrip- 
tion of  these  troops — A  refection  of  great  importance 
to  the  United  States — Meeti7ig  of  the  general  with  the 
remnant  of  his  division^  near  the  Tlachiquera — Siege 
laid  to  Los  Remedios — Mina  advances  against,  and 
takes,  Biscocho — Execution  of  the  garrison — Advance 
agaifist,  and  capture  of  San  Luis  de  la  Paz — Cleinency 
of  Mina  towards  the  garrison — Attack  on  San  Miguel 
'—'Retreat  therefrom,  and  arrival  at  the  Valle  de  Santi- 
ago—'A  description  of  it — Continuation  of  events  con- 
nected with  Minors  movements — Disgraceful  conduct 
of  Padre  Torres — Continuation  of  events  at  the  fort — 
Repulse  of  the  enemy — Sortie  on  one  of  his  batteries — 
MincHs  operations  continued — Flight  of  the  Patriots 
from  the  field  at  La  Caxa — Mina  visits  Xauxilla,  and 
thefice  proceeds  to  the  Valle  de  Santiago — Skirmish 
with  Orrantia,  and  Mind's  arrival  at  La  Caxa,        -       210 


xxxvi  CONTENTS. 

CHAP.  X.  3Iina  advances  against  Guanaxuato — De- 
scription of  that  city — He  attacks  it — Failure — He 
proceeds  xvith  an  escort  to  the  rancho  del  Venadito — 
Movements  of  Orrantia — Mina  made  prisoner — Bru- 
tal conduct  of  OrraJitia  towards  him — Death  of  Mina 
— Refections — State  of  society  in  Mexico — Remarks 
on  the  present  state  of  the  royal  forces^  and  the  facility 
■with  which  the  country  could  be  invaded^  and  its  eman- 
cipation accomplished.  _  _         _         -         -         243 

CHAP.  XI.  Assault  of  Los  Remedios^  on  the  16th  of 
November^  and  repulse  of  the  enemy — Sortie  by  the 
gan-ison  on  the  enemy'' s  intrenchments — Cause  which 
led  to  the  evacuation  of  the  fort — Los  Remedios  evacu- 
ated, on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  January,  1818 — Bar- 
barities of  the  royalists  there — Operations  of  the  con- 
tending parties,  after  the  reduction  of  Los  Remedios— 
Loss  of  Xaiixilla — Detailed  account  of  the  subsequent 
events  of  the  Revolution,  and  its  actual  state  in  the 
month  of  July,  1819 — Refections.         -         -         -         277 

CHAP.  XII.  Cruelty  a  predominant  feature  in  Spa7i- 
ish  history  ;  exemplified  by  a  brief  view  of  the  conduct 
of  Spain  in  Europe,  and  by  the  horrors  committed,  by 
her  authorities,  in  Mexico  and  South  America,  since 
the  year  1810 — Refections.  _  -         -         -         309 

CHAP.  XIII.  Examination  of  the  different  routes  to 
the  Pacifc  Ocean — Doubts  respecting  a  passage  to  the 
north-west — The  communication  between  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacifc  Oceans,  at  the  province  of  Choco,  examined 
— Observations  upon  the  routes  by  the  Isthmus  of  Da- 
rien  or  Panama  ;  by  the  Isthmus  of  Costa  Rica  ;  and 
by  that  ofOaxaca — General  observations  on  the  impor- 
tance of  this  passage  to  the  civilized  ivorld  in  general, 
and  to  the  United  States  in  particular.  -  -  339 

APPENDIX.  Statemeiit  of  the  claims  of  W.  D.  Robin- 
son upon  the  Spanish  government.         -         -         -         379 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


THE  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Summary  account  of  the  Conquest — Humane  enactments  of 
Charles  V. — Grievances  of  the  Americans — Loyalty  display- 
ed by  them^  on  receipt  of  the  intelligence  of  the  difficulties  in 
Spain^  in  1808 — Politic  course  of  conduct^  proposed  to  be 
adopted^  in  this  emergency^  by  the  Viceroy  Iturrigarai — 
His  depositioyi  by  a  faction  of  Europeans — Arrival  of  his 
successor^  Vanegas — Plot  entered  into  to  overthroxv  the 
Spanish  government  in  Mexico — Breaking  out  of  the  Revo- 
lution^ at  the  town  of  Dolores^  under  the  direction  of  Hidalgo 
— Capture  of  the  city  of  GuanaxautO'— Proclamations  of  the 
Viceroij^  and  fuhiinatiofis  of  the  Church — Action  at  Las 
Cruces — Conduct  of  Hidalgo — Battle  of  Aculco — Massacre 
at  GuanaxautO,  by  Calleja — Battle  of  the  Bridge  of  Calde- 
ron — Capture  of  Hidalgo — Death  of  that  patriot,  and  many 
other  officers, 

TO  elucidate  the  causes  which  gave  birth  to  the  present 
struggles  of  Spanish  America  generally,  but  particularly  of 
that  section  of  which  we  now  treat,  against  the  despotism  of 
old  Spain,  it  is  necessary  to  take  a  retrospect  of  its  situation, 
from  the  period  of  the  conquest.  It  will  then  appear  evident 
to  every  impartial  mind,  that  almost  each  revolving  hour,  for 
the  last  three  centuries,  has  been  marked  by  a  steady,  system- 
atic course  of  injustice  and  outrage  towards  the  unfortunate 
Americans. 


2  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

The  conquest  of  Mexico  was  undertaken  by  Cortez,  in  con- 
formity Avith  a  plan  which  had  been  prescribed  to  Columbub 
by  the  Spanish  crown ;  by  which  it  was  provided,  that  the 
expense  attending  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  any  unknown 
countries,  should  be  altogether  borne  by  the  adventurers,  who 
should,  as  a  compensation,  retain  the  vassalage  of  the  nations, 
upon  the  condition  that  they  should  be  instructed  by  them  in 
the  precepts  of  the  Christian  religion.  The  dominion  of  all 
such  countries  as  should  be  discovered,  was  to  be  vested  in 
the  crown  of  Spain,  which,  on  its  part,  guarantied  (Leyes  de 
las  Indias^  Ley  I.  tit.  1,  lib.  3. J  that  "on  no  account  should 
they  be  separated,  wholly  or  in  part,  from  that  monarchy :" 
and  the  emperor  Charles  V.  binds  himself  and  successors  for 
ever,  that  "  these  settlements  should  on  no  account,  or  in  fa- 
vour of  any  one,  either  wholly  or  in  part,  be  separated ;"  and 
that  "  if,  in  violation  of  this  stipulation,  any  of  his  successors 
should  make  any  gift  or  alienation,  either  wholly  or  in  part, 
the  same  shall  be  void." 

Cortez,  in  pursuance  of  these  favourable  enactments,  pro- 
ceeded from  the  island  of  Cuba,  the  10th  of  February,  1519, 
to  the  work  of  conquest.  After  sailing  along,  and  making 
descents  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  he  landed  on  the  spot  where 
the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  now  stands,  the  21st  of  April; 
and,  after  meeting  with  various  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  and 
displaying  the  courage  and  ferocity  of  the  Spaniards  of  those 
times,  he  succeeded,  on  the  8th  of  November,  in  planting  the 
Spanish  banners  on  the  capital  of  the  Mexican  empire. 

The  chief  of  that  empii-e  lavished  upon  Cortez  every  mark 
of  respect  and  hospitality;  but  was  soon  made  to  feel  the  effects 
of  Spanish  artifice  and  treachery.  Montezuma  was  entrapped, 
and  kept  a  prisoner  by  Cortez  six  months.  At  length  he  was 
shot  by  an  arrow,  while  endeavouring  to  quell  a  tumult  among 
his  own  subjects.  They  were  anxious  to  avenge  his  wrongs,  and 
to  revenge  the  treacherous  massacre  of  their  nobles,  on  the 
13th  of  May,  1520.  This  unfeeling  outrage  was  committed  by 
Alvarado,  who  had  been  left  in  the  command  of  the  city,  during 
the  absence  of  Cortez,  when  marching  upon  Zempoalla,  to  at- 
tack his  rival  Narvaez.  Montezuma  died,  frantic  with  mortifi- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  3 

cation  and  despair,  about  the  SOth  of  June,  in  the  quarters  of 
the  Spaniards,  where  he  had  been  kept  prisoner  by  Cortez. 
This  event  so  much  excited  the  rage  of  the  Mexicans,  that 
Cortez  found  it  impossible  to  maintain  his  position  in  the  city; 
and  it  became  expedient  for  him  to  abandon  it,  and  to  fall  back 
on  his  allies  the  Tlascalans.  This  movement  was  accomplished 
on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  July,  but  with  a  severe  loss.  The 
friendship  of  the  Tlascalans  remained  unaltered  by  the  change 
of  Cortez's  fortune  ;  and  they  offered  him  every  assistance  he 
should  require,  to  enable  him  to  continue  his  operations  against 
their  enemies,  the  Mexicans.  Cortez,  having  augmented  the 
Europeans  by  the  soldiers  of  the  conquered  Narvaez,  and  re- 
enforcements  from  the  Antilles,  returned  to  and  entered  Tez- 
cuco,  the  31st  of  December;  and,  on  the  31st  of  May,  1521, 
laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  with  eighty-seven  cavalry, 
eight  hundred  and  forty-eight  Spanish  infantry,  eighteen 
pieces  of  artillery,  seventy-five  thousand  Tlascalans^  and  thir- 
teen small  vessels,  which  he  had  built  on  the  lake. 

The  Mexicans,  under  Quauhtemotzin,  the  successor  of  the 
unfortunate  Montezuma,  defended  themselves  with  desperate 
valour ;  and,  after  a  resistance  of  seventy-five  days,  during 
which  time  they  had  to  contend  against  the  ravages  of  famine 
and  disease,  and  an  enemy  who  had  increased  in  force  to  up- 
wards of  two  hundred  thousand  men,  Mexico  was  taken  by 
Cortez,  the  13th  of  August,  but  not  until  the  greater  part  of 
that  beautiful  city  had  been  destroyed. 

The  emperor,  endeavouring  to  escape,  in  a  canoe,  from  the 
fury  of  the  Spaniards,  was  taken  prisoner.  The  sanguinary 
Cortez  crowned  the  dreadful  cruelties  which  had  sullied  all 
the  steps  of  his  conquest,  by  torturing  the  emperor  in  a  manner 
the  most  diabolical.  With  a  view  of  extorting  from  the  un- 
fortunate monaixh  a  confession  of  the  place  where  his  trea- 
sures were  concealed,  he  first  soaked  his  feet  in  oil,  and  after- 
wards burnt  them  by  a  slow  fire.  Cortez,  finding  that  the 
torture  was  borne  with  firmness  by  the  noble  Mexican,  order- 
ed him  to  be  released  ;  but  he,  together  with  two  other  kings, 
were  hung,  three  years  afterwards,  on  the  allegation  of  an  in- 
tent  to  revolt. 


4  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

The  natives  of  the  country  continued,  for  some  time,  to  resist 
the  strides  of  the  conqueror,  but  eventually  fell  victims  to  their 
inferiority  in  arms.  A  devastation  ensued,  by  fire  and  sword, 
that  has  no  parallel  in  history.  The  unoflPending  aborigines 
were  slaughtered,  without  mercy  or  distinction.  To  the 
Spanish  historians  of  those  days,  we  refer  the  reader,  who  feels 
desirous  of  perusing  the  accounts  of  those  cruelties  in  detail : 
he  will  there  behold  narrated  only  a  part  of  the  bloody  scenes, 
— but  sufficient  to  cover  the  Spanish  name  with  eternal  oppro- 
brium. 

After  Cortez  felt  himself  firmly  established  in  the  empire, 
the  iron  reign  of  tyranny  commenced,  in  all  its  bitter  and 
dreadful  forms  ; — the  Indians  perished  in  thousands,  under 
the  scourge  of  their  barbarous  and  cruel  task-masters. 

The  remonstrances  of  many  prelates,  but  particularly  of  the 
beneficent  and  venerable  Las  Casas^  against  such  horrors  and 
anti-christian  principles,  at  length  awakened  the  attention  of 
the  emperor  Charles  V.  To  check  the  disorders  of  the  settlers, 
and  to  meliorate  the  condition  of  the  natives,  he  instituted  the 
famous  tribunal  of  the  Indies,  and  appointed  officers  specially  for 
the  purpose  of  acting  as  a  check  on  the  conduct  of  the  settlers. 
But  these  protectors  and  judges  speedily  rendered  nugatory 
all  the  humane  institutions  of  the  emperor.  As  no  complaints 
could  reach  the  ear  of  the  monarch  but  through  them,  they 
soon  guarded  all  the  avenues  to  the  throne ;  and,  urged  by 
thirst  of  gain,  they  combined  with  the  settlers  in  acts  of  the 
most  flagrant  injustice  :  so  that  the  wrongs  of  the  Mexicans 
continued  unabated. 

Charles  V.,  however,  persevered  in  enacting  the  most  salu- 
tary and  humane  code  of  laws  for  the  welfare  of  the  colonies. 
In  looking  over  those  laws,  we  find  many  of  them  breathing 
a  spirit  of  humanity  and  sound  policy,  that  would  do  honour 
to  the  most  enlightened  age.  It  was  enacted,  that  the  disco- 
verers^ the  settlers^  and  their  posterity^  and  those  born  in  the 
country^  were  to  be  preferred  before  all  others^  in  o^ces  of 
churchy  state^  and  jurisprudence.  In  that  plain  and  important 
regulation  was  comprised  a  fundamental  principle  to  promote 
the  prosperity,  and  secure  the  affections,  of  the  colonists.     A 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  5 

departure  from  this  principle  ever  has,  and  ever  will  be,  fatal 
to  the  sovereignty  of  a  mother  country  over  its  colonies. 

It  was  likewise  enacted,  that  the  aborigines  were  to  be  con- 
sidered as  free  men^  and  vassals  of  the  crown  of  Spaiii;  the 
colonies  were  declared  to  be  an  integral  part  of  the  monarchy; 
and  to  such  an  extent  were  the  rights  of  the  Americans  pro- 
tected, that  no  law  promulgated  in  the  mother  country  could 
take  effect,  unless  sanctioned  by  the  representative  government 
of  the  colonies,  which  was  vested  in  the  council  of  the  Indies. 

How  different  a  scene  would  have  been  displayed  in  Spanish 
America,  from  that  which  it  now  exhibits,  if  these  wise  and 
just  principles  had  been  faithfully  observed  by  the  successors 
of  Charles  V. !  But,  alas !  experience  has  afforded  melancholy 
proofs,  that  they  all  have  been  long  since  scattered  to  the  winds; 
and,  in  their  place  has  been  established,  a  system  of  colonial 
policy,  having  for  its  aim,  the  perpetuity  of  ignorance,  injus- 
tice, and  despotism,  over  the  new  world  :  a  system  which  has 
resulted  in  the  political  degradation,  and  even  abject  thraldom, 
of  the  Creoles  as  well  as  Indians.  Ask  the  European  Spa- 
niard, why  these  salutary  laws  have  never  been  put  in  execu- 
tion, since  the  day  of  their  enactment?  and,  if  he  is  capable  of 
an  impartial  answer,  he  will  reply,  that  such  laws  would  have 
placed  a  check  on  his  pride  and  avarice,  and  would  have  pre- 
vented him  from  exercising  an  unnatural  authority  over  the 
lives  and  property  of  millions  of  Ajnericans. 

The  viceroys,  sent  out  as  representatives  of  the  king,  to 
carry  into  effect  the  "  Leyes  de  las  Indias,"  and  to  guard  the 
interests  of  the  Creole  from  being  infringed  upon,  were  the 
first  and  most  distinguished  violators  of  those  very  laws.  The 
vast  expanse  of  ocean  between  them  and  the  mother  country, 
freed  them  from  all  restraint.  Surrounded  by  all  the  pomp 
and  splendour  of  royalty,  they  thought  only  of  exercising 
regal  powers,  and  of  amassing  riches  by  every  possible  means; 
so  that,  on  their  return  to  Spain,  they  might,  by  the  aid  and 
powerful  influence  of  gold,  completely  bar  every  complaint  of 
the  Americans  from  reaching  the  throne.  In  a  little  while, 
corruption  spread  through  every  department  of  government, 
in  old  Spain;  so  that  the  viceroys,  captains  general,  intendants, 


6  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

and  all  the  dignitaries  of  the  church,  who  were  sent  to  Ame- 
rica, and  all  their  immediate  agents,  formed  a  strong  phalanx, 
combined  in  their  interests  and  views ;  and,  as  they  were  the 
only  channel  through  which  complaints  could  be  transmitted 
from  America  to  the  Peninsula,  it  is  obvious,  that  not  one 
grievance  in  ten  thousand,  which  occurred  in  the  colonies, 
ever  reached  the  council  of  the  Indies,  much  less  the  ear  of" 
the  monarch.  At  length,  so  confident  did  these  tyrants  be- 
come, in  the  exercise  of  their  iniquitous  system,  that  they 
treated  with  scorn  and  cruelty,  every  Creole  who  dared  to  re- 
sist their  imperious  mandates ;  and  hence  was  established,  a 
system  of  passive  obedience  and  suffering,  on  the  part  of  the 
Creole  and  Indian,  such  as  was  never  before  exhibited,  and 
which  no  colonists,  in  any  age,  or  in  any  country,  had  ever 
before  endured. 

The  European  Spaniards,  having  thus  acquired  the  supreme 
authority,  and  conjoining  in  their  hands  all  the  civil,  military, 
a,nd  ecclesiastical  employments,  committed,  with  impunity, 
enormities  of  the  deepest  die.  Justice  became  subservient  to 
caprice  and  interest ;  and  dissensions  were  fomented  between 
the  European  and  Creole.  The  latter  found  himself  cut  off 
from  every  hope  of  redress,  saw  his  rights,  as  a  man,  prostrat- 
ed, and  all  the  paths  to  social  distinctions  impeded  by  obsta- 
cles he  could  not  overcome.  Thus  degraded  and  persecuted, 
hatred  was  engendered,  and  usurped,  in  his  heart,  the  ties  of 
consanguinity. 

After  the  death  of  Charles  V.,  his  successors  appear  to  have 
studied  which  of  them  could  most  outrageously  trample  on  the 
laws,  enacted  during  that  monarch's  reign.  The  Americans 
have  not  only  been  excluded  from  the  privileges  granted  them 
by  those  laws,  but  even  the  descendants  of  the  conquerors 
have  been  despoiled  of  many  of  their  rights.  Men,  without 
education,  talent,  or  character,  have  been  appointed  to  civil, 
military,  and  ecclesiastical  offices,  of  the  greatest  responsibili- 
ty. And  corruption,  in  the  latter  period,  had  reached  so  great 
a  height,  that  almost  every  office  in  America  was  sold  at  a  fix- 
ed price,  or  procured  by  some  court  parasite. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  7 

During  the  famous,  or  rather  infamous  administration  of 
Godoy,  sacrilegiously  called  the  prince  of  peace,  every  office  in 
America,  from  that  of  the  viceroy  down  to  that  of  a  menial  de- 
pendant of  the  custom  house,  was  publicly  sold ;  except  in  a  few 
instances,  in  which  they  were  bestowed  on  the  servants  of  the 
prince,  as  a  premium  for  their  intrigues,  or,  as  it  was  styled, 
as  a  reward  for  their  fidelity  to  his  royal  master  or  royal  mis- 
tress. A  major  domo  of  the  royal  household,  has  been  ele- 
vated to  the  government  of  an  American  province,  and  there 
have  been  intendants,  and  judges  of  the  Real  Audiencia,  the 
highest  judicial  tribunal  in  America,  who  were  men  known  in 
Spain  for  their  vices  only,  or  as  panders  for  the  pleasures  of 
the  prince  and  the  queen.  Under  men  like  these,  were  the 
lives  and  the  properties  of  the  Spanish  Americans  placed. 
Out  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  viceroys^  who  have  ruled  in 
America,  four  only  were  Creoles  born,  and  even  those  four 
were  brought  up  from  their  infancy  in  Spain,  and  were  ap- 
pointed to  the  station  from  accidental  circumstances,  or  family 
connexions  in  the  Peninsula. 

The  government  of  Spain,  dreading  the  introduction  of  fo- 
reign literature,  and  the  culture  of  those  natural  talents,  with 
which  the  Creole  is  so  highly  gifted,  placed  every  bar  to  his 
improvement,  by  impeding  a  system  of  liberal  education.  And 
they  were  particularly  studious  to  preserve  the  Creoles  from 
the  contaminating  intercourse  of  foreigners. 

In  the  colleges,  the  Latin  language,  ancient  philosophy,  the- 
ological dogmas,  mathematics,  and  some  superficial  branches 
of  education,  alone  are  taught,  and  the  elements  of  general 
knowledge  are  withheld  from  the  students  ;  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  Creoles  are  unacquainted  with  history,  except,  per- 
haps, that  of  Spain.  Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  in- 
troduce public  schools,  in  different  pares  of  Mexico,  but  they 
have  always  failed,  through  the  secret  or  open  opposition  of 
the  Spanish  government,  which  has  not  hesitated  to  declare, 
that  it  was  not  expedient  for  learning  to  become  general  in 
A?nerica. 

The  eulogies,  passed  on  the  course  of  education  in  Mexico, 
by  M.  De  Humboldt,  are  calculated  to  convey,  to  a  reader 


8  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

unacquainted  with  the  real  state  of  that  country,  an  impres- 
sion, that  an  excellent  system  of  education  has  been  establish- 
ed and  disseminated  by  the  government.  This  is  not  the  on- 
ly instance  in  which  that  enlightened  traveller  and  philosopher 
has  flattered  the  Spanish  government ;  but  he  has  occasional- 
ly compensated  for  this  incense,  by  developing  many  unpalat- 
able truths.  The  most  superficial  observer,  who  has  visited 
Mexico,  must  have  discovered  the  great  want  of  seminaries 
of  education;  for  it  is  only  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  that  any 
scholastic  establishments, deserving  that  name,  are  to  be  found; 
and  the  abject  ignorance,  of  the  great  body  of  society  through- 
out the  kingdom,  affords  a  lamentable  evidence  of  the  paucity 
of  institutions  of  this  nature.  There  is  not,  in  fact,  a  despotic 
country,  in  any  part  of  the  old  world,  which  professes  Chris- 
tianity, where  education  is  so  limited,  and  where  foreign  lite- 
rature is  so  little  known,  as  in  Mexico. 

The  commerce  and  agriculture  of  the  Creoles  have  likewise 
felt  the  fatal  and  dreadful  influence  of  Spanish  despotism.  The 
commerce  of  the  colonies  has  been  restricted  to  a  few  Cadiz 
merchants.  The  arts,  exactions,  and  injustice,  of  those  ava- 
ricious monopolists,  would  scarcely  be  believed  by  the  civil- 
ized world.  Our  limits  will  not  permit  us  to  detail  them,  but 
we  may  observe,  that  extortion  was  the  leading  feature  of  that 
disgraceful  commerce.  The  shipments  to  Mexico  consisted 
of  cargoes  of  the  miserable  manufactures  of  Spain,  or,  of  the 
imperfect  products  of  her  agriculture,  and  of  some  foreign  fa- 
brics, so  burthened  with  imposts,  that  only  the  most  wealthy 
classes  of  society  could  buy  them.  The  consumption  of  such 
cargoes  was  forced  upon  the  Creoles,  by  every  arbitrary  and 
ingenious  measure,  to  the  exclusion  of  commerce  through  any 
other  channel  but  that  of  old  Spain  ;  and  to  the  neglect  of  those 
advantages,  which  all-bountiful  nature  has  granted  the  Ame- 
ricans, in  the  fertilitj^  of  their  soil,  and  genial  climate.  To 
ensure  the  sale  of  Spanish  wines  and  brandies,  the  Creoles 
w^ere  forbidden  to  manufacture  either ;  olives  were  not  allow- 
ed to  be  planted ;  the  cultivation  of  the  silk  worm  was  inter- 
dicted ;  and,  with  regard  to  vines,  even  such  as  had  been 
raised  for  the  purpose  of  affording  the  Creole  a  grateful  fruit, 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  9 

became  an  object  of  jealousy  to  the  Cadiz  monopolists,  and  an 
order  was  actually  sent  out  by  the  government  of  Spain,  to 
grub  up  all  the  vines  in  the  country. 

The  article  of  tobacco,  one  of  the  greatest  essentials  to  the 
comfort  of  a  Spanish  American,  was  a  monopoly  of  the  crown. 
In  Mexico,  it  is  only  permitted  to  be  cultivated  in  the  district 
of  Orizaba.  The  planter  was  not  allowed  to  seek  a  market  for 
what  he  raised.  It  was  forcibly  taken  from  him,  at  a  fixed 
price,  by  the  king,  who  manufactured,  and  retailed  it  out,  at 
an  enormous  advance,  to  the  people.  The  revenue  derived 
from  this  monopoly  was  immense  ;  and  the  unfortunate  planter 
who  raised,  and  the  people  who  consumed,  the  plant,  had  the 
mortification  to  see  the  revenue,  derived  from  this  source, 
divided  and  squandered  away,  amongst  a  host  of  European 
Spaniards,  who  came,  almost  annually,  from  Spain,  to  fill  the 
posts  in  the  administration  of  tobacco.  When  a  vacancy  oc- 
curred, by  death  or  otherwise,  vain  was  the  application  of  a 
Creole  to  fill  it,  except  in  some  rare  instances,  and,  even  then, 
appointments  were  the  result  of  bribery. 

Such  is  a  brief  outline  of  the  scenes  of  injustice  and  op- 
pression, to  which  the  Creole  of  Spanish  America  was  so  long 
a  passive  victim.  Manifold  as  were  the  grievances,  they  may 
be  summed  up  by  saying,  that  he  was  deprived  of  the  enjoy- 
ment of  his  social,  and  even  of  his  natural  rights,  except  so 
far  as  it  occasionally  suited  the  caprice  or  interest  of  a  despot, 
to  grant  them  to  him  as  an  indulgence.  In  this  state  of  things 
in  America,  the  struggles  in  the  Peninsula  commenced. 

The  news  of  the  declaration  of  war  against  France,  on  the 
6th  of  June,  1808,  by  the  Supreme  Junta  of  Seville,  in  place 
of  exciting  feelings  of  disaffection  among  the  Creoles,  or  open- 
ing to  their  view  the  career  of  ambition,  was,  by  them,  enthu- 
siastically received.  Ferdinand  was  proclaimed,  with  every 
demonstration  of  joy  and  loyalty.  Congratulatory  addresses, 
from  all  quarters,  poured  in  to  the  viceroys.  The  temples  of 
divine  worship  resounded  with  the  most  fervent  supplications 
to  the  Deity  for  the  release  of  their  monarch;  every  house. 
presented  pictures  of  their  favourite  king ;  and  the  air  was 
filled  with  shouts  of  "  Viva  Fernando  7°."  Unanimous  re- 
(2^ 


10  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION, 

solves  were  adopted,  to  repel  the  meditated  dominion  of  the 
French,  and  to  afford  generous  and  abundant  resources  to 
their  European  brethren  in  arms.  One  universal  sentiment  of 
ardent  loyalty  pervaded  the  American  colonies,  and  the  poor 
Creole  seems  to  have  thrown  a  veil  of  oblivion  over  all  his 
wrongs,  and  to  have  directed  his  whole  soul,  at  that  juncture, 
to  the  cause  of  Spain.  Future  ages  will  scarcely  believe,  that 
a  people  thus  generous  and  loyal,  were  about  to  experience 
such  heart-rending  scenes,  as  have  made  the  bloody  horrors  of 
the  conquest  trivial,  by  comparison  ;  and,  that  a  war  of  exter- 
mination was  soon  to  be  declared  against  them,  in  reward  for 
their  generosity  and  loyalty. 

After  the  occurrences  at  Bayonne  had  taken  place,  orders 
from  Murat  were  received  in  the  colonies  ;  and,  at  the  same 
moment,  when  the  Creoles  were  swearing  allegiance  to  their 
captured  monarch,  the  Europeans  were  strenuously  engaged 
in  taking  the  most  effectual  measures  to  bring  the  Americans 
over  to  French  allegiance ;  and  some  of  the  viceroys  openly 
made  advances  to  the  people,  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  Na- 
poleon. Einissaries  from  king  Joseph  spread  themselves  over 
the  continent,  to  pave  the  way  for  the  adoption  of  the  French 
government.  They  brought  orders  from  Ferdinand^  and  the 
council  of  the  Indies^  to  transfer  to  France  the  allegiance  of 
America.  The  Europeans  received  the  French  emissaries 
with  open  arms,  while  the  Creoles  publicly  burnt  their  procla- 
mations ;  and,  with  cries  of  "Viva  Fernando  7°,"  expelled 
these  political  intruders  from  their  soil.  These  are  facts  of 
public  notoriety  ;  they  stand  recorded,  and  cannot  be  ques- 
tioned. 

Thus  were  the  Americans  the  defenders  of  their  king; 
while  the  conduct  of  the  Europeans  and  their  chiefs  was  stain- 
ed with  treachery  of  the  darkest  hues. 

During  the  period  that  the  French  gained  ground  in  the  Pe- 
ninsula, and  Spain  was  torn  by  contending  factions,  the  defec- 
tion of  the  European  Spaniards  became  so  glaring,  that  in  the 
short  space  of  six  months,  a  simultaneous  rising  of  the  colo- 
nists was  caused.  Without  concert,  from  the  same  motives, 
and  with  the   same  views,  the  Creoles  endeavoured,  and,  in 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  H 

some  instances,  succeeded,  in  deposing  their  perjured  chiefs; 
declaring,  at  the  same  time,  their  determination  to  hold  their 
country  for  their  legitimate  monarch. 

This  course  of  conduct  was  no  sooner  made  known  in  Spain, 
than,  in  place  of  being  viewed  as  an  evidence  of  loyalty,  or  as 
a  great  political  event,  growing  out  of  imperious  circumstan- 
ces, it  was  considered,  by  the  Cadiz  regency,  as  an  outrageous 
rebellion,  and  war  was  declared  against  Caraccas,  in  the  month 
of  August,  1810.  But  we  must  confine  ourselves  more  par- 
ticularly to  Mexico. 

Don  Jose  Iturrigaray,  viceroy  at  that  period,  on  receiv- 
ing intelligence  of  the  critical  situation  in  which  Ferdinand 
was  involved,  and  looking  with  a  cautious  eye  on  the  strange 
orders  of  Ferdinand,  those  of  the  council  of  the  Indies,  and  of 
Murat,  and  aware  likewise  of  the  local  dangers  which  threat- 
ened the  kingdom,  from  the  known  hatred  existing  between 
the  Creoles  and  Europeans,  proposed  calling  a  junta,  to  be 
formed  by  a  representation  from  each  province,  in  order  to  adopt 
a  provisional  government,  in  which  the  people  would  have 
confidence.  This  purity  of  Iturrigaray's  intentions  was  known 
then,  and  is  still  acknowledged  by  every  enlightened  Creole  in 
the  country.  His  sole  object  was  to  save  the  kingdom  from 
the  horrors  of  anarchy,  and  from  French  intrigue.  In  the 
adoption  of  these  measures,  the  viceroy  was  cordially  sup- 
ported by  the  cabildo,  who,  by  an  energetic  memorial,  pointed 
out  that  those  measures  would  alone  inspire  confidence.  The 
memorial  proposed,  that  the  viceroy  should  remain  as  the  re- 
presentative of  the  king  ;  that  the  usual  authorities  should  re- 
tain the  same  power  as  before;  but  that  a  governing  junta 
should  be  established,  composed  of  the  royal  audiencia,  the 
archbishop,  the  municipality,  and  deputies  from  the  several 
ecclesiastical  and  secular  bodies,  the  nobility,  principal  citi- 
zens, and  military. 

In  the  formation  of  such  a  junta,  it  was  obvious  that  Cre- 
oles would  be  blended  with  Europeans.  But  the  latter,  dread- 
ing the  ascendency  which  the  Creoles  might  gain  from  a  po- 
pular government,  opposed  this  loyal  and  rational  overture, 
and  secretly  determined  on  boldly  removing  the  viceroy.  This 


12  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

resolution  they  promptly  carried  into  effect ;  and,  privately 
arming  themselves,  they  arrested  the  unsuspecting  viceroy 
and  his  family,  on  the  night  of  the  15th  of  September,  1808, 
and  sent  them  prisoners  to  the  Peninsula. 

This  act  excited  universal  indignation  among  all  classes  of 
Americans,  by  whom  the  viceroy  was  held  in  the  highest  esti- 
mation. His  administration  had  been  characterized  by  a 
course  very  different  from  that  of  any  of  his  predecessors. 
He  was  not  only  benign  and  just  in  his  decisions,  but  indefa- 
tigable in  the  measures  he  adopted  for  the  internal  improve- 
ment of  the  kingdom.  It  was,  indeed,  his  popularity  among  the 
Americans,  that  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  old  Spaniards. 

These  circumstances,  conjoined  with  the  subsequent  massa- 
cre of  several  distinguished  Americans,  and  the  arrest  and 
banishinent  of  others,  who  had  espoused  the  viceroy's  plans, 
highly  incensed  the  Mexicans.  In  this  state  of  fermentation, 
arrived  Iturrigaray's  successor,  Vanegas,  bringing  with  him 
from  Spain,  rewards,  distinctions,  and  offices,  for  those  Euro- 
peans who  had  been  conspicuous  instruments  in  deposing  the 
late  viceroy. 

The  conduct  of  Vanegas,  during  his  career  in  the  Peninsu- 
la, had  not  been  calculated  to  inspire  confidence  among  the 
people  over  whom  he  was  sent  to  preside.  He  had  delivered 
up  one  or  two  armies,  and  had  otherwise  acted  in  a  manner  to 
make  him  a  very  obnoxious  character  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Americans. 

These  events,  combined  with  the  recollection  of  their  for- 
mer grievances,  operated  powerfully  on  the  minds  of  the 
Mexicans;  and,  at  length,  the  rancour,  which  had  been  so  long 
smothered  in  their  breasts,  burst  forth  :  for,  being  no  longer 
able  to  bear  with  such  flagrant  injustice,  finding  that  every  day 
added  a  new  weight  to  their  oppressions,  and  seeing  no  hopes 
of  redress  but  through  their  own  exertions,  they  entered  into 
a  plan  to  hurl  their  tyrants  from  their  seats  of  power. 

In  this  conspiracy  were  engaged  many  of  the  most  distin- 
guished men  in  the  kingdom,  principally  ecclesiastics  and 
lawyers.  It  was  conducted  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  and 
extended  to  almost  every  city  in  the  kingdom.     A  simulta- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  13 

neous  insurrection  was  intended  in  the  provinces ;  and  the 
plot  had  nearly  reached  maturity,  when  it  was  checked  by  one 
of  those  accidents  which  frequently  prevent  the  realization  of 
great  projects;  else,  it  is  highly  probable  that  Vanegas  would 
have  been  the  last  viceroy  on  the  Mexican  throne. 

One  of  the  conspirators,  in  a  death-bed  confession,  revealed 
not  only  the  plot,  but  the  names  of  many  of  his^  principal  ac- 
complices. Vanegas  was  alarmed  at  the  magnitude  of  the 
plan,  but  was  in  hopes,  that  by  seizing  the  principals  he  would 
be  able  to  check  it ;  and  he  took  the  most  prompt  and  active 
measures  to  arrest  those  who  were  denounced.  In  the  pro- 
vince of  Guanaxuato,  the  head  of  the  conspiracy  was  Dr.  Hi- 
dalgo, the  rector  of  Dolores,  in  which  town,  and  the  adjacent 
one  of  San  Miguel  el  Grande,  many  of  the  conspirators  re- 
sided, 

Vanegas  despatched  orders  for  the  arrest  of  Hidalgo  and 
his  party  ;  but,  as  some  of  their  colleagues  were  persons  en- 
joying the  confidence  of  the  viceroy,  and  knew  the  measures 
he  was  adopting,  they  immediately  despatched  private  couriers 
to  apprize  the  rector  of  what  was  in  agitation.  The  intelligence 
was  received  by  captain  Don  Ignacio  AUende,  who  command- 
ed a  small  body  of  king's  troops  in  San  Miguel.  He  flew  to 
Hidalgo,  at  Dolores,  with  the  information.  They  at  once 
agreed  that  flight  was  of  no  avail.  They  knew  that,  if  taken, 
death  was  inevitable;  and  they  therefore  resolved  on  making 
a  desperate  effort  to  save  themselves  and  their  party.  Allende 
having  brought  over  his  men,  and  the  proscribed  party  being 
in  readiness,  the  tocsin  of  revolt  was  sounded,  on  the  night  of 
the  10th  of  September,  1810;  and  thus  commenced  the  civil 
wars  of  Mexico,  which  we  now  attempt  to  comprise  in  the 
following  sketch. 

The  pueblo  of  Dolores  consisted  principally  of  Indians,  who 
adored  their  pastor  Hidalgo,  and  who  immediately  joined  him. 
He  proceeded  to  San  Miguel,  where  his  numbers  were  consi- 
derably augmented.  From  thence  he  marched  to  the  city  of 
Zelaya,  where  he  was  joined  by  immense  throngs  of  Indians, 
armed  with  clubs,  slings,  and  missile  weapons. 


14  JVIEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

As  matters  had  so  far  progressed  well,  it  was  next  proposed 
to  nominate  a  commander.  Allende,  as  being  the  only  mili-  ^ 
tary  man,  was  named  ;  but,  as  Hidalgo's  popularity  was  con- 
sidered of  infinitely  more  importance  to  the  cause,  in  its  criti- 
cal situation,  than  mere  military  acquirements,  he  was  chosen 
commander-in-chief,  with  the  rank  of  captain  general. 

Kidalgo  was  a  man  of  irreproachable  character,  and  beloved, 
not  only  within  the  range  of  his  rectory,  but  in  the  adjoining- 
provinces.  He  was  regarded  as  a  man  of  penetration,  and 
considered  well  informed ;  that  is,  he  had  acquired  such 
knowledge  as  a  well  educated  Creole  usually  possesses.  His 
reading  had  been  confined  to  such  works  as  the  jealousy  of  the 
old  Spaniards,  and  the  scrutiny  of  the  Inquisition,  permitted 
to  be  circulated  :  of  course,  it  is  not  presumable,  that  from 
such  sources  he  could  have  derived  much  knowledge  of  the 
world.  He  was  frank  and  generous,  and  knew  very  little  of 
cunning,  intrigue,  and  baseness,  the  characteristics  of  his 
opponents. 

Hidalgo  considered,  that,  as  the  names  and  plans  of  the 
conspirators  had  been  revealed,  and  their  projects  thus  nipped 
in  the  bud,  it  was  necessary  to  make  desperate  exertions,  and 
resort  to  every  possible  means  of  exciting  the  courage  and 
passions  of  the  Indians.*     With  this  view,  he  unfortunately 

•  It  must  not  be  inferred,  from  the  use  of  this  word  Indian,  that  the  people 
to  whom  it  is  applied  resemble  the  savages  of  North  America.  They  are,  it 
is  true,  descendants  of  the  aborig'ines;  but,  with  few  exceptions,  they  are 
a  civilized  people.  They  are  tractable,  and  accustomed  to  the  labours  of 
civilized  life.  In  many  points  they  preserve  the  customs  of  their  ancestors, 
and  particularly  cherish  iheirnative  language;  for  although,  in  general,  they 
understand  and  speak  Spanish  correctly,  yet,  in  their  intercourse  with  each 
other,  they  use  their  native  language.  Notwithstanding  they  all  profess 
Christianity,  yet  the  Spanish  priests  frequently  discover  them  sacrificing,  in 
private,  according  to  their  ancient  system  of  idolatry.  The  Mexican  Indian, 
although  mild,  and  obedient  to  his  task-master,  yet  bears  in  remembrance 
the  outrages  the  Spaniards  inflicted  upon  his  forefathers,  and  secretly  sighs 
for  the  day  of  revenge.  All  that  the  Spanish  government  and  Spanish  writers 
have  said  about  their  loyalty  and  fidelity,  is  mere  fiction.  During  the  pre- 
sent revolution,  they  have  invariably  manifested  their  ill  will  towards  the 
Spaniards ;  and  even  in  the  towns  and  villages,  where  there  were  no  royal 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  15 

and  precipitately  authorized  the  cry  of  "  Destruction  to  the 
Gachupins."*  Hidalgo  does  not  appear,  bv  any  act  of  his 
life  previous  to  the  revolution,  to  have  been  a  sanguinary  man ; 
and,  therefore,  his  sanction  of  the  cry  of  "  Destruction  to  the 
Gachupins  and  their  race,"  ought  to  be  attributed  to  the  reason 
before  mentioned,  and  not  to  a  deliberate  intention  of  indiscri- 
minately sacrificing  them.  But,  while  this  apology  is  offered, 
his  error  is  deeply  to  be  deplored;  not  merely  on  the  grounds 
of  humanity,  but  because  it  is  to  this  impolitic  act  that  the 
faihtre  of  the  revoIufio7iists  may  in  a  great  measjire  be  ascribed. 
If  Hidalgo  had  reflected  that  the  great  body  of  conspirators 
were  Creoles,  distinguished  by  their  wealth  and  high  standing 
in  the  community,  and  consequently  would  take  alarm  at  a 
commotion  that  menaced  their  lives  and  property,  he  would 
have  pursued  a  very  different  course,  and  would  ha\e  had  al- 
most every  Creole  in  the  countrv  in  his  favour:  but,  rendered 
desperate,  as  before  observed,  bv  considering  his  colleagues 
destroyed,  and  their  plans  discovered,  he  made  use  of  the 
Indians  as  a  dernier  resource,  and,  by  exciting  them  to  the 
destruction  of  all  the  Gachupins,  committed  a  dreadful  and 
irremediable  error. 

troops  actually  quartered,  a  Creole  insurgent,  in  flying  from  his  enemies,  has 
always  found  an  inviolable  asylum  among  the  Indians:  whereas,  if  a  royalist 
took  refuge  in  an  hidian  village,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  insurgents,  he 
never  escaped.  The  descendants  from  tlie  Indian  caciques  have  a  high  de- 
gree of  family  pride,  and  consider  a  connexion  with  a  European  Spaniard  as 
a  pollution  of  blood. 

•  This  term  Gachupin  has  been  variously  interpreted;  but  it  is  universally 
used  by  the  Creoles  and  Indians  as  a  word  of  contempt.  The  Spaniards  say 
it  means  "a  man  with  two  heads,"  thereby  conveying  an  idea  of  superior 
imderstanding;  and  that  it  took  its  origin  from  the  invasion  of  Cortez,  upon 
one  of  his  cavalry  being  killed.  The  Indians,  who  till  then  had  never  seei> 
a  horse,  supposed  the  animal  and  its  rider  to  be  a  single  animal.  When  they 
beheld  the  horse  and  ridei-  fall,  they  ran  up  and  examined  tlie  phenomenon, 
and  finding  the  man  distinct  from  the  horse,  they  expressed  their  surprise 
by  exclaiming,  "Gatzopin."  The  Indians,  however,  flatly  deny  the  Spanish 
story,  and  say  the  word  means  "  thief"  But  be  that  as  it  may,  it  is  mosi 
certain  that  the  word  is  now  used  as  a  mark  of  scorn  and  opprobrium. 


16  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

The  first  steps  of  the  Indians  were  marked  by  horrid  ex- 
cesses. Through  every  place  they  passed,  the  European 
Spaniards  that  fell  into  their  hands,  and  many  Creoles,  were 
slaughtered.  A  large  portion  of  the  Creole  population,  who 
were  as  desirous  as  Hidalgo  and  his  party  for  the  emancipa- 
tion of  their  country,  now  began  to  tremble  for  their  personal 
safety,  and  sought  protection  from  their  ancient  oppressors. 
Nevertheless,  the  forces  of  Hidalgo  continued  rapidly  to 
swell;  and,  during  his  stay  at  Zelaya,  the  Indians  from  every 
quarter  flocked  to  his  standard.  Numbers  of  Creole  priests, 
and  some  royalist  soldiers,  also  joined  him.  When  he  left 
Zelaya,  his  army  consisted  of  nearly  twenty  thousand  men; 
but  was  a  heterogeneous  mass,  without  fire-arms  or  order. 
With  this  force,  he  marched  upon  Guanaxuato,  the  capital  of 
the  intendancy  of  that  name,  and  a  city  next  in  point  of  wealth 
to  the  metropolis  of  New  Spain;  the  richest  gold  and  silver 
mines  in  all  Spanish  America  being  in  the  vicinage  of  Guan- 
axuato. 

On  the  approach  of  the  patriotic  army,  the  intendant  of  the 
province,  with  all  the  Spaniards,  some  Creoles,  and  the  few 
troops  which  were  in  the  city,  shut  themselves  up  in  the  castle, 
and  determined  on  an  obstinate  defence.  Hidalgo  summoned 
them  to  surrender,  and  offered  them  humane  terms,  which 
were  rashly  refused. 

The  place  was  attacked,  and  carried.  The  unfortunate 
Spaniards,  and  all  who  adhered  to  them,  were  sacrificed  by 
the  infuriated  Indians.  In  vain  Hidalgo  interposed,  to  pre- 
vent the  slaughter :  he  now  saw,  when  too  late,  that  revenge 
was  the  predominant  feeling  among  his  Indians,  and  that  no- 
thing would  satisfy  them  but  the  extermination  of  the  Gachu- 
pins.  The  treasures,  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquer- 
ors, would  appear  incredible  to  the  reader,  if  he  did  not  con- 
sider, that  we  have  reference  to  a  city  surrounded  by  the  rich- 
est mines  in  the  known  world.  The  sacking  of  the  city  con- 
tinued for  three  days  ;  and  the  plunderers  were  loaded  with 
doubloons,  dollars,  and  ingots  of  gold  and  silver.  The  preci- 
ous metals  were  found  in  some  private  houses,  as  well  as  in 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  17 

the  public  buildings,  piled  in  vast  heaps.  The  Indians  were 
occupied  several  days  in  carrying  off  these  treasures  ;  and  it 
was  supposed  that  every  man  took  away  at  least  five  hundred 
dollars,  but  the  greater  proportion,  several  thousands.  The 
Indians,  afterwards,  offered  their  doubloons  for  sale  at  four 
reals  each,  conceiving  that  they  were  only  gilt  medals,* 

Hidalgo  had  now  such  an  overflowing  treasury,  that  he  paid 
his  soldiers  a  dollar  a  day  each  ;  and  as  to  his  officers,  he  al- 
lowed them  to  help  themselves  to  whatever  amount  they  liked. 

From  the  preceding  relation  it  may  be  inferred,  that  Hidal- 
go was  highly  culpable,  in  permitting  the  perpetration  of  those 
deeds  of  rapine  and  murder.  We  have  before  stated,  that  his 
private  character  was  unblemished;  but,  in  the  novel  situation 
in  which  he  found  himself  placed,  it  was  not  extraordinary 
that  he  should  permit  the  Indians  to  enjoy  the  first  fruits  of 
their  exertions.  He  considered  it  politic  to  let  them  have 
palpable  proofs  that  they  would  profit  by  the  revolution;  and, 
with  regard  to  the  slaughter  of  the  Spaniards,  it  was  impossi- 
ble for  him  to  prevent  it.  Still  it  is  a  fact,  that  there  are  now 
a  great  number  of  European  Spaniards  and  Creoles  living 
in  Mexico,  who  were  protected  and  saved  from  death  by  the 
humanity  of  Hidalgo;  and,  in  many  instances,  most  ungrate- 
fully did  they  requite  his  clemencv.  They  proved  them- 
selves, subsequently,  the  most  cruel  and  implacable  enemies  of 
the  patriots,  and  particularly  of  the  insurgent  Indians,  that 
fell  into  their  hands.  These  were  massacred,  in  the  most 
wanton  manner,  by  the  very  prisoners  whose  lives  Hidalgo 
had  formerly  saved. 

After  the  capture  of  Guanaxuato,  Hidalgo  found  his  forces 
augmenting  so  fast,  that  he  determined  to  advance  on  the  city 
of  Mexico.   He  proceeded  by  the  route  of  Valladolid,  gather- 

•  The  people,  of  all  classes,  wear  medals  suspended  from  the  neck,  bear- 
ing the  impression  of  some  favourite  saint,  but  generally  of  the  Virg-in  of 
Guadaloupe:  some  of  them  are  of  silver,  others  merely  gilt;  and  as,  in  shape 
and  appearance,  the  latter  resemble  a  doubloon,  the  poor  Indians  did  not 
know  the  difference.  Nothing  can  more  strongly  elucidate  the  wretched 
ignorance  and  poverty  of  the  great  mass  of  Indians,  than  this  anecdote.  A 
real,  Mexican  currency,  is  the  eighth  of  a  dollar, 

(3) 


18  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION, 

ing  an  hourly  accession  of  Indians,  and  some  few  royalist 
deserters. 

The  revolt  had  by  this  time  spread  with  electric  rapidity, 
over  a  great  part  of  the  kingdom.  Even  in  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico, Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  and  in  other  places,  the  Spanish 
authorities  were  trembling  for  their  safety.  It  was  a  critical 
moment  for  the  Spaniards ;  their  government  was  upon  the 
very  point  of  being  overthrown,  and  their  persons  sacrificed. 
The  forces  of  the  government  were  entirely  Creole,  and  if  any 
conspicuous  officer,  at  that  time,  either  in  the  cities  of  Mex- 
ico or  Puebla,  had  declared  in  favour  of  Hidalgo,  the  revolu- 
tion would  have  succeeded. 

The  Creoles  beheld  with  alarm,  their  fate  depending  on  an 
ignorant  and  infuriated  body  of  Indians,  and  were  compelled 
to  rally  round  the  existing  authorities,  as  the  only  means  of 
personal  safety.  Very  different  would  have  been  their  feel- 
ings and  conduct,  if  the  revolution  had  broken  out  as  it  was 
originally  planned^  mnongst  the  xvealthy  and  leading  Creoles 
of  the  principal  cities :  but,  as  the  plot  had  been  prematurely 
frustrated,  and  the  rebellion  had  commenced  with  the  Indians, 
from  whom  all  classes  of  whites  had  as  much  to  fear  as  the 
Spaniards,  and,  as  the  career  of  Hidalgo  and  his  party  was 
marked  by  horrid  excesses,  it  became  the  policy,  indeed,  the 
imperious  interest,  of  the  Creoles,  to  adhere  to  the  viceroy. 
Still,  however,  there  were  daily  desertions  from  the  royalists, 
and  the  forces  of  Hidalgo  were  assuming  a  formidable  aspect. 
He  had  already  marched  eighty  leagues,  v/ithout  opposition, 
and  was  approaching  the  gates  of  the  city,  with  at  least  one 
hundred  and  ten  thousand  men.  It  is  true,  that  amongst  this 
vast  multitude,  there  were  not  more  than  a  thousand  muskets^ 
but  they  were  animated  with  a  lofty  spirit,  and  were  full  of 
ardour.  Had  they  been  well  directed,  or  been  subject  to  any 
species  of  order,  they  might,  even  with  clubs  and  slings,  have 
committed  great  havoc  among  their  opponents. 

The  viceroy  Vanegas  prepared  to  resist  the  storm  with 
great  firmness,  and  had  previously  taken  prompt  and  strong 
measures  to  throw  Hidalgo  and  his  party  into  confusion. 
He  issued  proclamations,  breathing  death  and  extermination 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  19 

against  the  rebels.  He  decreed,  that  whoever  should  be  taken 
with  arms  in  their  hands,  should  be  shot,  whether  they  were 
of  the  clergy  or  not,  or  in  whatever  numbers ;  and  he  allowed 
only  fifteen  minutes  for  each  criminal  to  prepare  for  eternity. 
At  the  same  time,  he  offered  his  majesty's  pardon  to  all  who 
should  return  to  their  allegiance.  The  church  likewise  hurled 
its  thunders  with  an  unsparing  hand.  The  archbishop  of 
Mexico,  in  the  fulness  of  his  holy  zeal,  declared  all  the  in- 
surgents to  be  heretics.  He  excommunicated  them  in  a  body, 
with  all  the  ceremony  and  rigour  of  papal  anathemas ;  and 
painted,  in  vivid  colours,  the  enormity  of  their  crime,  in  having 
taken  up  arms  against  a  monarch,  on  whose  head  the  sacred 
unction  had  been  poured.  He  ordered  all  the  Spanish  clergy, 
and  their  faithful  Creoles,  to  represent  from  the  pulpit,  and 
to  circulate  reports,  that  the  great  object  of  the  revolution- 
ists was  to  subvert  and  destroy  the  holy  Catholic  religion ; 
and  he  directed  the  subaltern  clergy  to  sow  discord  and  un- 
easiness among  families,  by  means  of  the  confessional  chair. 
In  short,  no  exertions  were  spared  by  the  archbishop  to  alarm 
the  credulous,  and  to  agitate  the  minds  of  the  Mexican  people, 
and  there  is  no  doubt,  that  his  fulminations  had  a  powerful 
tendency  to  paralyze  the  operations  of  the  revolutionists. 

On  the  approach  of  Hidalgo  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  the 
viceroy  displayed  gi'eat  activity  and  presence  of  mind.  He 
barricaded  the  streets,  and  adopted  every  manner  of  defence  of 
which  the  city  was  susceptible  ;  all  the  arms  that  could  be  pro- 
cured were  distributed  among  the  citizens  of  the  capital,  and 
he  pointed  out  to  them  the  dreadful  consequences  that  would 
ensue,  in  case  they  permitted  Hidalgo  and  his  party  to  enter 
into  the  city. 

A  detachment  of  troops  was  despatched  from  the  city,  un- 
der the  command  of  Truxillo,  to  check  the  advance  of  Hidalgo. 
He  took  post  in  a  narrow  defile  of  the  mountains,  at  a  place 
called  Las  Cruces,  about  eight  leagues  from  the  capital,  where 
he  awaited  the  insurgents.  An  action  took  place ;  but  the 
overwhelming  force  of  Hidalgo  compelled  him  to  abandon  his 
position,  and  retreat  upon  the  city,  where  he  arrived,  with  the 
loss  of  his  artillery,  an^a  number  of  his  troops.     This  dis- 


\ 


20  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

aster  spread  a  gloom  over  the  royalists,  but  the  viceroy  perse- 
vered in  placing  the  city  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  endeavoured, 
by  his  presence,  to  animate  the  people. 

In  the  account  that  Truxillo  gave  of  the  affair  at  Las 
Cruces,  a  stranger  would  suppose  that  he  had  defended  the 
defile  with  the  obstinacy  of  a  Leonidas ;  but  it  appears  there 
was  a  part  of  the  Spartan  hero's  conduct,  which  Truxillo  and 
some  other  Spanish  officers  did  not  think  expedient  to  imitate. 
He  boasts,  in  his  despatch,  that  such  were  his  loyal  feelings  and 
indignation,  that  he  had  jired  upon  the  bearers  of  a  Jlag  of 
triice^  which  Hidalgo  had  sent  to  him. 

After  the  action  of  Las  Cruces,  Hidalgo  advanced  to  the 
Hacienda  of  S^itaximalpa^  only  five  leagues  distant  from  the 
city  of  Mexico.  Hidalgo  and  his  army  were  now  in  full 
view  of  the  capital  of  that  kingdom,  the  overthrow  of  whose 
government  they  had  resolved  to  effect.  A  bold  and  enter- 
prising man  would  have  decided  the  fate  of  the  empire  in  less 
than  twenty-four  hours.  He  would  have  calculated,  that,  al- 
though his  forces  were  undisciplined,  yet  they  were  brave  and 
enthusiastic,  and  such  was  their  great  numerical  superiority 
over  the  enemy,  that  a  comparatively  trifling  sacrifice  of  lives 
>vould  have  ensured  success  to  the  attempt. 

Unfortunately,  Hidalgo  possessed  none  of  the  requisites,  in 
his  character,  essential  for  that  critical  moment.  He  paused, 
at  the  instant  that  activity  and  energy  should  have  marked 
all  his  actions,  and,  instead  of  advancing  directly  to  the  assault, 
he  sent  a  summons  to  the  viceroy  to  surrender  the  city.  To 
this  demand  no  answer  was  returned,  and  Vanegas  contrived, 
by  emissaries,  to  impress  Hidalgo  with  the  opinion  that  the 
preparations  for  defence  had  rendered  the  city  almost  impreg- 
nable, to  a  disordered  multitude,  without  fire-arms.  Hidalgo 
ought,  however,  to  have  considered,  that  the  city  contained 
about  thirty  thousand  people  of  the  same  description  with  his 
army,  upon  whose  disaffection  to  the  royalists  he  could  have 
relied,  and  that  the  whole  armed  force  did  not  exceed  ten  thou- 
sand men,  a  body  by  no  means  sufficient  to  guard  the  exten-. 
sive  lines  of  that  vast  city.  Had  he  attacked  it  at  different 
points,  with  divisions  of  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  men,  there 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  21 

would  have  been,  at  least,  a  chance  of  his  succeeding ;  while 
the  loss  of  the  opportunity  he  then  had  of  striking  a  decisive 
blow,  would  encourage  the  enemy,  and  enable  them  to  strength- 
en their  defence,  and  even  to  act  on  the  offensive.  None  of 
these  reflections  appear  to  have  occurred  to  Hidalgo.  On  the 
contrary,  he  was  struck  with  a  panic,  and,  resolving  to  abandon 
the  project  of  attacking  the  city,  he  commenced  a  retreat, 
after  remaining  two  or  three  days  in  sight  of  Mexico. 

The  viceroy  had  early  despatched  Don  Felix  3Iaria  Calleja 
to  concentrate  the  royal  forces,  who  was  actually  on  his 
march  to  the  relief  of  the  city,  with  a  well  appointed  Creole 
army  of  ten  thousand  men,  and  a  train  of  artillery,  at  the 
very  time  when  Hidalgo  retreated  from  before  Mexico. 
Vanegas,  eased  of  his  apprehensions  for  the  capital,  ordered 
Calleja  to  attack  Hidalgo. 

The  two  armies  met  at  Aculco,  where  an  obstinate  and 
bloody  battle  was  fought.  The  Indians  evinced  a  degree  of 
valour  entirely  unexpected  on  the  part  of  the  royalists.  They 
rushed  with  their  clubs  on  the  bayonets  of  the  columns  of  the 
enemy,  and  fell  in  heaps.  They  were  so  totally  ignorant  of 
the  eflects  of  artillery,  that  in  the  height  of  their  enthusiasm, 
they  fearlessly  ran  up  to  the  cannon,  and  with  their  Sombreros 
de  petate  (flag  hats)  endeavoured  to  stop  up  the  muzzles  of 
the  guns.  A  scene  ensued  that  baffles  description.  Without 
order,  and  under  no  command,  each  one  acted  for  himself, 
and  confusion  was  spread  in  every  direction  through  the  army 
of  Hidalgo.  At  length,  the  discipline  of  the  royal  troops 
prevailed  ;  who,  taking  advantage  of  the  disorder  of  the  In- 
dians, put  them  to  the  rout,  and  commenced  a  slaughter,  which 
ceased  only  when  the  Spaniards  had  become  exhausted  with 
the  work  of  death.  Calleja,  in  his  despatches,  exults  that  the 
insurgents  lost  ten  thousand  men,  of  whom  five  thousand 
were  deliberately  put  to  the  sword. 

After  this  disastrous  battle,  Hidalgo  retreated  on  Guana- 
xuato  ;  from  whence  he  fell  back  upon  Guadalaxara^  leaving 
the  rear  guard  under  Allende  in  the  former  place. 

Calleja,  flushed  with  the  victory  he  had  recently  gained, 
resolved  to  follow  it  up,  and  accordingly  advanced  on  Guan- 


22  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

axuato.  Allende  gave  him  battle  at  the  Hacienda  of  Marfl, 
about  a  league  from  the  city.  The  patriots,  in  this  action, 
were  not  in  a  situation  to  cope  with  Calleja,  but  they  defended 
themselves  with  great  obstinacy.  They  were  defeated,  and 
Allende,  with  the  remains  of  his  troops,  retreated  on  Hidalgo. 

Calleja  now  entered  the  city  of  Guanaxuato  as  a  conqueror, 
and  there  exhibited  his  vindictive  and  cruel  disposition  with- 
out restraint.  Rendered  furious  by  the  timely  retreat  of 
Hidalgo,  and  at  the  conduct  which  the  inhabitants  of  that 
city  had  displayed  in  favour  of  the  rebellion,  he  determined 
to  make  an  example  so  dreadful,  as  should  strike  terror  into 
the  revolted  provinces. 

The  sacrifice  of  the  prisoners  taken  at  the  battle  of  Marfil 
was  not  sufficient  to  satiate  his  vindictive  spirit.  He  glutted 
his  vengeance  on  the  defenceless  populace  of  Guanaxuato. 
Men,  women,  and  children,  were  driven,  by  his  orders,  into 
the  great  square  ;  and  several  thousand  (it  is  said  fourteen)  of 
these  wretches,  were  butchered  in  the  most  barbarous  manner. 
Their  throats  were  cut.  The  principal  fountain  of  the  city 
was  literally  overflowing  with  blood,  and,  far  from  concealing 
these  savage  acts,  Calleja,  in  his  despatches,  exults  in  the 
honour  of  communicating  to  the  viceroy  the  intelligence,  that 
he  had  purged  the  city  of  its  rebellious  population.  The  only 
apology  offered  for  the  mode  of  sacrifice  was,  that  it  would 
have  wasted  too  much  powder  and  ball  to  have  shot  them, 
and  that,  therefore,  on  a  principle  of  economy,  their  throats 
were  cut. 

The  tragic  scenes  of  Guanaxuato  were  the  commencement 
of  a  system  of  cruelty,  which  Calleja  and  his  contemporaries 
exercised  in  almost  every  city,  town,  and  village,  through 
which  they  marched.  His  name,  united  with  that  of  Cruz^ 
Concha^  Tturvidi^  Castanon^  Negrette^  and  Linan,  will  be 
transmitted  to  future  ages  with  the  bitter  execrations  of  the 
Mexicans. 

This  monster  soon  received  proofs  from  the  Cadiz  regency, 
of  their  high  satisfaction  with  his  conduct.  They  appointed 
him  to  succeed  Vanegas  in  the  viceregal  power. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  23 

No  sooner  was  he  seated  in  the  supreme  chair  of  state, 
than  terror  spread  throughout  the  empire.  Murder,  fire,  and 
devastation,  were  dealt  out  with  a  merciless  hand,  and  neither 
age,  sex,  nor  condition,  could  repress  the  rage  of  this  barba- 
rian. These  his  qualifications  appeared  to  have  met  with 
warm  admirers  in  Old  Spain,  where  he  was  elevated  to  high 
honours.  He  was  created  coimt  of  Calderon;  and  subsequent- 
ly appointed  to  the  command  of  the  expedition  formed  at 
Cadiz,  for  the  subjugation  of  South  America.  Fortunatel}', 
that  expedition  has  failed,  and  happy  is  it  for  the  Americans 
that  Calleja  did  not  again  pollute  the  soil  of  their  country ;  for 
had  he  landed  on  it,  his  hands  would  again  have  been  dyed 
in  blood,  and  his  ears  again  delighted  with  deep-breathed 
maledictions.     But  to  resume  the  history. 

Hidalgo's  army,  although  it  had  sustained  a  loss  of  at  least 
thirty  thousand  men,  in  killed,  prisoners,  and  deserters,  was 
still  about  eighty  thousand  strong;  and  as  some  pains  had 
been  taken  to  reduce  them  to  order,  the}^  were  much  better 
calculated  to  make  a  resistance  than  before.  ^ 

The  heavy  guns  from  the  works  at  San  Bias  had  been  con- 
veyed to  Guadalaxara,  and  lines  were  thrown  up,  which  at 
least  bore  the  aspect  of  fortifications.  Hidalgo  felt  more 
confident,  and  looked  forward  to  his  being  able  to  make  a  firm 
stand  at  Guadalaxara.  He  endeavoured  to  excite  the  spirits 
of  his  army  by  energetic  and  judicious  harangues,  and  ear- 
nestly solicited  the  Indians  not  to  commit  the  same  errors 
that  had  occurred  in  the  previous  combats.  Thus  prepared, 
he  awaited  the  approach  of  Calleja,  who  soon  made  his  ap- 
pearance before  the  city.  The  battle  was  fought  at  the  pass 
of  the  bridge  of  Calderon,  In  the  early  part  of  the  action,  the 
patriots  swept  all  before  them ;  they  rushed  in  among,  and 
broke  the  royal  columns.  But  confusion  arising  among  the 
Indians,  a  desperate  charge  was  made  upon  them,  by  a  regi- 
ment which  Calleja  had  kept  in  reserve.  A  general  rout 
ensued.  The  Indians,  flying  in  all  directions,  were  pursued, 
and  massacred  by  thousands. 

The  most  appalling  scenes  of  cruelty  were  renewed,  the 
details  of  which  are  forborne,  lest  the  heart  of  the  reader 


24  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

should  sicken  at  the  picture  of  sanguinary  horror.  Suffice 
it  to  say,  that  every  prisoner,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
relentless  Calleja,  was  murdered;  and  a  tragedy  similar  to  that 
which  was  performed  at  Guanaxuato,  was  acted  at  Guadalax- 
ara,  towards  all  persons  on  whom  lighted  the  least  suspicion  of 
having  supported  the  cause  of  Hidalgo. 

The  Spaniards,  animated  by  these  successes,  issued  orders 
to  exterminate  the  inhabitants  of  every  town  and  village  that 
manifested  symptoms  of  adherence  to  the  rebels,  and,  from 
the  pulpit,  new  fulminations  flowed  against  all  who  opposed 
the  royal  authority.  The  most  ridiculous  stories  were  circu- 
lated among  the  credulous  and  superstitious  natives.  Tracts 
were  published  by  the  clergy,  stating  that  the  recent  victories 
had  been  obtained  by  the  special  intervention  of  the  Deity, 
who  had,  during  the  late  actions,  exhibited  in  the  clouds  crosses 
and  pahns^  in  token  of  His  protection  to  the  royal  cause. 
These  tales  were  not  without  effect,  particularly  over  those 
who  had  already  become  disheartened  by  discomfiture. 

Hidalgo,  with  some  of  his  chief  officers,  escaped,  and  took 
the  road  for  the  internal  provinces.*  It  is  said  that  he  meant 
to  attempt  by  that  route  to  gain  the  United  States.  He  reached 
a  place  called  Acat'ila  de  Bajan^  near  the  Saltillo ;  where,  him- 
self and  his  officers  were  treacherously  delivered  up  by  an 
officer  named  Bustamante,  on  the  25th  of  March.  In  this 
man,  Hidalgo  had  placed  the  greatest  confidence,  and  he  had 

•  The  internal  provinces  form  three  divisions.  1st.  Those  of  the  viceroyal- 
ty. — The  province  of  San  Luis  Hotosi ;  colony  of  New  Santander  ;  and  New 
Kingdom  of  Leon.  2d.  Eastern  internal  provinces. — Cohahuila  and  Texas, 
od.  Western. — Durango,  Sonora,  New  Mexico,  and  the  Californias. 

The  eastern  and  western  provinces  are  each  commanded  by  a  commandant 
general. 

The  commandant  general  of  the  eastern  provinces,  commands,  in  a  milita- 
ry point  of  view,  those  of  New  Santander,  New  Kingdom  of  Leon,  Cohahuila, 
and  Texas  ;  but  the  finances  of  the  two  last  only,  pass  through  his  hands. 
Those  of  the  other  two,  and  of  San  Luis,  are  remitted  direct  to  the  Treasury 
of  Mexico,  by  the  intendant  of  the  intendancy  of  San  Luis  Potosi.  The  head 
quarters  of  the  eastern  commandant  general  are  at  Monterey. 

The  commandant  general  of  the  western  provinces  commands,  in  every 
respect,  Durango,  Sonora,  New  Mexico,  and  the  Calefornias  ;  his  head  quar- 
ters are  at  Chihuahua. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  25 

previously  been  attached  to  his  party.  Hidalgo  was  taken  to 
Chihuahua,  in  the  intendancy  of  Durango,  and  there  shot,  on 
the  27th  of  July,  1811. 

It  appears,  by  the  accounts  published  in  the  Gazette  of 
Mexico,  that,  a  few  hours  before  his  death,  he  made  a  solemn 
recantation  of  his  errors  ;  and  there  is  a  long  address,  said  to 
be  written  by  him,  in  which  he  unfolds  to  his  countrymen  the 
enormity  of  their  crime,  in  taking  up  arms  against  their  legi- 
timate sovereign,  and  entreats  them  to  return  to  their  duty, 
&c.  The  friends  of  Hidalgo  say,  that  all  this  is  a  royal  for- 
gery, and  that  he  died  supplicating  Heaven  to  favour  the 
struggles  of  his  country  for  independence.  But  be  this  as  it 
may,  it  is  well  known  now,  that  such  arts,  on  the  part  of  the 
royalists,  have  been  frequently  employed,  since  the  death  of 
Hidalgo ;  for,  scarcely  a  single  patriot  chief  of  note  has  been 
executed,  whose  penitence,  and  formal  abjuration  of  the  cause 
he  had  espoused,  has  not  been  published  in  the  Mexican  Ga- 
zette. 

Allende,  who  was  taken  with  Hidalgo,  suffered  death  on 
the  20th  of  June,  1811  :  all  the  other  officers  were  likewise 
executed,  about  the  same  time. 


W 


26  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  II. 

State  of  the  Revolution^  after  the  Death  of  Hidalgo— ^General 
Don  Jose  Maria  Morelos< — Capture  of  Oaxaca  and  Aca- 
pidco — Formation  of  a  Congress  and  Constitution — Mani- 
festo of  the  Junta  of  Zultepec — Defeat  at  Valladolid — Gene- 
ral Matamoros  taken  prisoner  and  shot-— 'Capture  of  More- 
los^  at  Tepecuacuilco — His  Death — Arrival  of  the  Congress 
at  Tehuacan — General  Observations. 

THE  flame  of  civil  war  had,  by  this  time,  spread  itself 
over  a  great  part  of  the  kingdom  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the 
disasters  of  Hidalgo,  the  exterminating  decrees  of  the  viceroy, 
and  the  anathemas  of  the  church,  the  cause  of  liberty  was 
rapidly  gaining  proselytes. 

Many  of  the  officers,  who  had  escaped  from  the  fatal  action 
of  the  bridge  of  Calderon,  retired  to  the  different  provinces, 
where  they  raised  considerable  bodies  of  Creoles  and  Indians, 
and  soon  astonished  the  royalists  by  their  valorous  exploits. 
With  slings  and  clubs,  they  gained  many  important  victories, 
and  thus  were  enabled  to  procure  fire-ai'ms. 

The  Cadiz  regency,  at  the  end  of  November,  1811,  des- 
patched a  body  of  European  troops  to  Mexico.  These,  how- 
ever, were  soon  destroyed,  by  the  partisan  warfare  carried  on 
by  the  Mexicans. 

The  patriots  gained  battle  after  battle,  but  a  total  want  of 
concerted  plans,  and  a  deficiency  of  arms  and  munitions  of 
war,  rendered  their  successes  of  mere  temporary  consequence, 
and  only  gave  them  an  influence  over  the  country  within  their 
immediate  range.  This  influence,  however,  was  daily  en- 
larging, and  at  length  the  great  provinces  of  Guanaxuato, 
Valladolid^  New  Galicia^  Zacatecas,  and  parts  of  the  provinces 
of  La  Puebla^  Vera  Cruz^  Mexico,  and  Saji  Luis  Fotosi,  were 
so  far  under  the  controul  of  the  patriots,  that  the  royalists 
were  penned  up  in  their  few  fortified  cities,  and  could  not 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  27 

move  beyond  their  walls,  but  with  large  armies,  and  trains  of 
artillery.  The  royalists,  notwithstanding,  possessed  many  very 
important  and  decided  advantages  over  the  patriots.  They 
acted  in  unison.  The  European  Spaniards,  and  their  Creole 
adherents,  were  under  the  direction  of  a  government  firmly 
established  for  centuries,  which  now  bent  all  its  energies  in 
the  same  direction ;  they  had  men  among  them  of  military 
instruction,  were  in  possession  of  nearly  every  musket,  and 
cannon,  and  all  the  munitions  of  war  in  the  kingdom ;  their 
finances  were  conducted  by  system  ;  their  governors  were 
adepts  in  the  intrigues  of  the  old  world  ;  and,  lastly,  they  kept 
open,  and  maintained  an  external  communication,  by  which 
they  were  abundantly  supplied  with  men,  arms,  munitions  of 
war,  clothing,  and  every  requisite,  from  abroad. 

The  patriots,  on  the  other  hand,  were  disunited,  and  spread 
over  a  vast  space  of  territory.  Without  any  form  of  govern- 
ment, that  deserved  the  name,  there  was  no  source  from 
whence  regular  orders  could  emanate,  and,  each  provincial 
chief,  or  commandant,  acted  as  his  judgment  or  interest  coun- 
selled. They  were  miserably  ignorant  of  the  military  art, 
and,  as  before  stated,  deficient  in  arms,  and  munitions  of  war. 
Their  finances  were  under  no  regulation.  However  great 
the  wealth  that  fell  into  their  hands,  it  was  soon  squandered, 
without  being  employed  in  a  manner  beneficial  to  the  nation. 
They  were,  besides,  totally  cut  off  from  all  foreign  intercourse. 
Many  of  their  leaders  were  unlettered  men,  and  although 
brave  and  frank,  yet  were  perpetually  liable  to  be  deceived  by 
the  finesse  and  duplicity  of  their  opponents. 

With  all  these  great  disadvantages  on  the  side  of  the  pa- 
triots, it  cannot  be  so  surprising  that  they  did  not  succeed,  as 
it  is  a  matter  of  astonishment,  that  they  should  have  progress- 
ed so  far  as  they  actually  had  done,  at  the  time,  when  the 
distinguished  patriot,  Don  Jose  Maria  Morelos^  became  the 
supreme  military  chief  of  the  republic.  This  man  was  a 
priest,  of  excellent  private  character,  and  much  better  informed 
than  Hidalgo,  but  was  entirely  unacquainted  with  military 
science.  He  began  his  career,  by  forming  a  body  of  men,  in 
the  western  part  of  the  province  of  Valladolid  in  the  Tierra 


28  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Caliante,  along  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean.  His  standard 
was  joined  by  many  distinguished  Creoles,  and  by  numbers  of 
deserters  from  the  European  troops.  He  had  some  tolerable 
ofRcers,  arid  he  at  length  succeeded  bv  great  perseverance  and 
activity,  in  equipping,  and  partially  arming  a  body  of  seven 
thousand  men.  They  were  well  clothed,  and  good  discipline 
was  established  among  them.  They  were  enthusiastically 
attached  to  their  commander,  and  sincerely  devoted  to  the 
freedom  of  their  country.  So  that  Morelos  had  the  satisfac- 
tion to  see  all  his  orders  obeyed  with  alacrity  and  cheerfulness. 
With  this  force  of  seven  thousand  men,  Morelos  not  only 
paralyzed  the  movements  of  the  Spaniards,  but  alarmed  them 
infinitely  more  than  Hidalgo  had  done,  with  his  heterogeneous 
mass  of  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand. 

•■  M6relos  sent  a  division  of  his  army  into  the  rich  province 
of  Oaxaca,whose  capital  soon  fell  into  his  hands,  together  with 
immense  wealth.  The  population  of  Oaxaca  received  him  with 
open  arms,  and  thousands  joined  his  army.  Having  accom- 
plished his  views  on  Oaxaca,  he  invested  the  strong  city  and 
castle  oi  Acapulco^  which  he  reduced,  after  a  siege  oi  fifteen 
months.  Such  was  the  cramped  and  distracted  situation  of 
the  royalists,  at  that  time,  that  they  could  not  command  a 
force  sufficient  to  attempt  the  relieving  of  Acapulco ;  and, 
indeed,  several  Spanish  officers  have  expressed  their  opinions 
to  the  writer,  that  the  most  critical  epoch  of  the  revolution, 
was  just  after  Morelos  had  captured  Acapulco.  At  that 
period,  several  other  chiefs  were  operating  in  various  parts  of 
of  the  kingdom,  and  distracting  the  movements  of  the  royal- 
ists in  every  direction.  Don  Guadalupe  Victoria  had  secured 
the  strong  holds  in  the  province  of  Vera  Cruz.  Don  Manuel 
Teran  had  a  respectable  force  in  the  province  of  Puebla. 
Ossourno,  with  another  division,  was  spreading  terror  and 
and  confusion  in  the  province  of  Mexico  ;  while  Dr.  Coss,  a 
priest,  the  Rayons,  Bustamente,  Liceaga,  and  other  brave  offi- 
cers, occupied  a  great  part  of  the  provinces  of  Guanaxuato, 
Valladolid,  Zacatecas,  and  New  Galicia,  with  considerable 
divisions. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  29 

If  Morelos  had  concentrated  his  forces  in  the  province  of 
Oaxaca,  and  fortified  the  important  passes  in  the  mountains 
of  the  Misteca,  which  constitute  the  only  keys  to  its  entrance ; 
if  he  had  directed  his  attention  to  preserve  the  strong  city  of 
Acapulco,  and  opened  the  ports  of  Oaxaca,  on  the  Pacific 
ocean,  to  foreign  commerce ;  and,  if  he  had  sent  a  division  of 
his  army,  through  the  province  of  Oaxaca,  to  the  eastward  of 
Vera  Cruz,  and  had  taken  possession  of  all  the  country  at  the 
bottom  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  particularly  of  the  Jine  port  of 
Guasacualco,  and  opened  a  trade  with  the  United  States,  and 
the  British  Colonies,  so  as  to  have  procured  from  abroad, 
arms,  munitions  of  war,  and  clothing  for  his  troops  ;  then  in- 
deed would  the  Mexicaai  revolution  have  assumed  another 
aspect,  and,  in  all  human  probability,  would  have  speedily 
triumphed.  The  forces  of  Morelos,  at  that  time,  were  amply 
sufficient  to  have  executed  those  objects  ;  and  the  funds  he  had 
at  his  disposal,  after  the  capture  of  Oaxaca,  would  have  en- 
abled him  to  pay  for  all  that  was  required  from  abroad,  for 
the  use  of  his  army. 

Upwards  of  one  thousand  seroons  of  cochineal,  and  two 
millions  of  dollars  in  specie,  were  at  the  disposal  of  the  re- 
public, after  the  capture  of  Oaxaca ;  but  these  immense  re- 
sources were  soon  annihilated  in  scenes  of  dissipation,  or  by 
the  bad  management  of  those,  to  whom  were  entrusted  the 
national  treasury. 

The  royalists  may  now  very  justlv  say,  they  were  saved  by 
the  ignorance  of  Morelos,  or  his  inattention  to  all  those  essen- 
tial matters  ;  in  fact,  he  had  become  too  sanguine  of  success, 
and  conceived  he  would  soon  be  able  to  march  to  the  citv  of 
Mexico ;  presuming,  that  when  he  had  reduced  the  capital, 
then  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  all  the  other  seaports,  would 
fall,  as  a  matter  of  course. 

Morelos,  in  the  midst  of  his  military  successes,  appeared 
more  anxious  for  the  welfare  of  his  country,  than  to  display 
the  character  of  a  military  chieftain.  He  was  the  first  to  pro- 
pose and  promote  the  formation  of  a  civil  government,  and 
thereby  gave  an  unequivocal  proof  of  his  patriotism.  He  fre- 
quently acknowledged,  to  his  intimate  friends,  that  he  wished 


30  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

to  divide  a  responsibility,  which  he  felt  himself  unequal  to 
sustain.  With  these  views,  he  convened  a  congress.  It  was 
composed  of  forty  members,  from  the  different  provinces, 
Don  Jose  Maria  Liceaga  was  elected  president.  A  constitu- 
tion was  framed,  at  Apatzinjan  in  the  province  of  Valladolid, 
accepted,  and  sworn  to,  throughout  all  the  provinces  which 
had  taken  up  arms  in  favour  of  the  republic.  Whatever  may- 
be the  defects  of  that  constitution,  it  certainly  displays  more 
wisdom,  than  could  have  been  expected  from  men,  brought 
up  as  the  framers  of  it  had  been,  and  situated  as  they  then 
were. 

The  first  important  act,  of  this  legislative  body,  was  to 
present  to  their  European  brethren,  a  manifesto,  stating  the 
causes  which  had  compelled  them  to  take  up  arms.  They 
reiterated  their  desire  for  peace,  upon  the  basis  of  representa- 
tion and  justice,  and  on  those  terms,  they  offered  to  lay  down 
their  arms.  This  manifesto  was  energetic  and  just,  but 
breathed,  throughout,  a  spirit  of  conciliation ;  it  reiterated  the 
same  sentiments  that  had  been  presented  to  the  viceroy  in 
1812,  by  the  patriotic  junta  of  Zultepec,  which  in  substance 
was  as  follows. 

Conditions,  on  which  the  patriots  were  ready  to  sign  an 
armistice,  for  the  suspension  of  hostilities,  and  to  enter  into  a 
treaty  with  the  royalists. — 

*'  First.  The  sovereignty  resides  in  the  mass  of  the  nation. 
Second.  Spain  and  America  are  integral  parts  of  the  same  mo- 
narchy, subject  to  the  same  king,  but  respectively  equal,  and 
without  any  dependence  and  subordination,  one  to  the  other. 
Third.  America,  in  her  state  of  fidelity,  has  more  right  to 
convoke  the  Cortes,  and  call  together  representatives  of  the 
few  patriots  of  Spain,  already  infected  with  disloyalty,  than 
Spain  has  to  call  over  deputies  from  America,  by  means  of 
whom,  we  can  never  be  worthily  represented.  Fourth.  Dur- 
ing the  absence  of  the  king,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Peninsula 
have  no  right  to  appropriate  to  themselves  the  sovereign  pow- 
er, and  represent  it  in  these  dominions.  Fifth.  All  the  au- 
thorities, emanating  from  this  origin,  are  null.  Sixth.  For  the 
American  nation  to  conspire  against  them,  by  refusing  to  sub- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  31 

mit  to  an  arbitrary  power,  is  no  more  than  using  its  own  rights. 
Seventh.  This,  far  from  being  a  crime  of  high  treason,  is  a 
service  worthy  of  the  king's  gratitude,  and  a  proof  of  patriot- 
ism, which  his  majesty  would  approve,  if  he  were  on  the  spot. 
Eighth.  After  what  has  occurred  in  the  Peninsula,  as  well  as 
in  this  country,  since  the  overthrow  of  the  throne,  the  Ame- 
rican nation  has  a  right  to  require  a  guarantee  for  its  security, 
and  this  can  be  no  other,  than  putting  into  execution  the  right 
which  it  has,  of  keeping  these  dominions  for  their  legitimate 
sovereign,  by  itself,  and  without  the  intervention  of  any  Eu- 
ropean people." 

From  these   incontrovertible  principles,  the  following  just 
pretensions  are  deduced. 

'"''  First.  That  the  Europeans  resign  the  command  of  the  arm- 
ed force,  into  the  hands  of  a  national  congress,  independent  of 
Spain,  representing  Ferdinand  VII.,  and  capable  of  securing 
his  rights  in  these  dominions.  Second.  That  the  Europeans 
remain  in  the  class  of  citizens,  being  under  the  protection  of 
the  laws,  without  being  injured  in  their  persons,  families,  or 
property.  Third.  That  the  Europeans,  at  present  in  office, 
remain,  with  the  honours,  distinctions,  and  privileges  thereof, 
and  part  of  their  revenue,  without  exercising  them.  Fourth. 
That  as  soon  as  this  state  of  independency  is  declared,  all  an- 
tecedent injuries  and  occurrences  be  buried  in  oblivion ;  the 
most  effectual  measures,  for  this  purpose,  are  to  be  adopted, 
and  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  land,  as  well  Creoles  as  Euro- 
peans, shall  indiscriminately  constitute  a  nation  of  American 
citizens,  vassals  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  and  bent  only  on  promot- 
ing the  public  felicity.  Fifth.  That,  in  such  a  case,  America 
would  be  able  to  contribute  in  favour  of  the  few  Spaniards 
engaged  in  sustaining  the  war  of  Spain,  with  those  sums  the 
national  congress  may  assign,  in  testimony  of  our  fraternity 
with  the  Peninsula,  and  to  prove  that  both  aspire  to  the  same 
end.  Sixth.  That  the  Europeans,  who  may  be  desirous  of 
quitting  the  kingdom,  be  granted  passports  for  whatever  place 
they  may  wish  ;  but,  in  that  case,  officers  shall  not  be  allowed 
the  portion  of  their  pay,  that  might  have  been  granted  them." 


32  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Conditions  on  which  the  patriots  proposed  to  prosecute  the 
war. 

*'  First.  A  war,  between  brethren  and  fellow-citizens,  ought 
not  to  be  more  cruel  than  between  foreign  nations.  Second, 
The  two  contending  parties  acknowledge  Ferdinand  VII. : 
of  this,  the  Americans  have  given  evident  proofs,  by  swear- 
ing allegiance  to  him,  and  proclaiming  him  in  every  part ;  by 
carrying  his  portrait  as  their  emblem ;  invoking  his  august 
name  in  their  acts  and  proceedings,  and  stamping  it  on  their 
coins  and  money.  On  him,  the  enthusiasm  of  all  rests,  and 
on  these  grounds,  the  insurrectional  party  has  always  acted. 
Third.  The  rights  of  nations  and  of  war,  inviolable  even 
amongst  the  most  infidel  and  savage  people,  ought  to  be  much 
more  so  amongst  us,  who  profess  the  same  creed,  and  who  are 
subject  to  the  same  sovereign  and  laws.  Fourth.  It  is  oppos- 
ed to  Christian  morality,  to  act  from  hatred,  rancour,  or  per- 
sonal revenge.  Fifth.  Since  the  sword  is  to  decide  the  dis- 
pute, and  not  the  arms  of  reason  and  prudence,  by  means  of 
agreements  and  adjustments,  founded  on  the  basis  of  natural 
equity ;  the  contest  ought  to  be  continued  in  such  a  manner, 
as  to  be  least  shocking  to  humanity  ;  already  too  much  afflict- 
ed not  to  merit  our  most  tender  compassion." 

Hence  are  naturally  deduced,  the  following  just  pretensions. 

*'  First.  That  prisoners  be  not  treated  as  criminals,  guilty 
of  high  treason.  Second.  That  no  one  be  sentenced  to  death, 
or  execution,  for  this  cause,  but  that  all  be  kept  as  hostages, 
for  the  purpose  of  exchange  ;  that  they  be  not  molested  with 
irons  and  imprisonment ;  and,  as  this  is  a  measure  of  precau- 
tion, let  them  be  put  loose  in  places  where  they  cannot  injure 
the  vicAVS  of  the  party  by  whom  they  may  be  detained.  Third. 
That  each  one  be  treated  according  to  his  class  and  condition. 
Fourth.  That,  as  the  rights  of  war  do  not  permit  the  effusion 
of  blood,  but  in  the  act  of  combat,  when  this  is  over,  let  no 
one  be  killed ;  nor  let  those  be  fired  upon  who  fly,  or  throw 
down  their  arms ;  but  let  them  be  made  prisoners  by  the  victor. 
Fifth.  That  as  it  is  contrary  to  the  same  rights,  as  well  as  to 
those  of  nature,  to  enter,  with  fire  and  sword,  into  the  defence- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  33 

less  towns,  or  to  assign,  by  tenths  and  fifths,  persons  to  be 
shot,  by  which  the  innocent  are  confounded  with  the  guilty  ; 
let  no  one  be  allowed,  under  the  most  severe  penalties,  to 
commit  such  enormities  as  those,  which  so  greatly  dishonour 
a  Christian  and  civilized  people.  Sixth.  That  the  inhabitants 
of  the  defenceless  towns,  through  which  the  contending  par- 
ties indiscriminately  may  pass,  be  not  injured.  Seve7Uh.  That 
as  by  this  time,  every  person  is  undeceived  with  regard  to  the 
true  motives  of  this  war,  and  it  being  unwarrantable  to  connect 
this  contest  with  the  cause  of  religion,  as  was  attempted  at  the 
beginning,  let  the  ecclesiastical  orders  abstain  from  prostituting 
their  ministry,  within  the  limits  of  their  jurisdiction,  by  decla- 
mations, reproaches,  or  in  any  other  way;  nor  ought  the  ecclesi- 
astical tribunals  to  interfere  in  an  affair  exclusively  of  the  state, 
and  which  does  not  belong  to  them.  If  they  continue  to  act 
as  they  have  heretofore  done,  they  will  certainly  disgrace  their 
dignity,  as  experience  daily  proves;  and  expose  their  decrees 
and  censures  to  the  scorn,  derision,  and  contempt,  of  the  peo- 
ple, who,  in  the  mass,  are  anxiously  wishing  the  success  of  the 
country.  It  being  well  understood,  that,  in  case  the  clergy  are 
not  thus  restrained,  we  feel  no  longer  answerable  for  the  re- 
sults that  may  occur  from  the  enthusiasm  and  indignation  of 
the  people ;  although,  on  our  part,  we  protest,  now  and  for  ever, 
our  profound  respect  and  veneration  for  their  character  and 
jurisdiction,  in  matters  relating  to  their  ministry.  Eighth. 
That,  as  this  is  a  matter  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  con- 
cerns indiscriminately  all  and  every  inhabitant  of  this  land, 
this  manifesto  and  its  propositions  ought  to  be  published,  by 
means  of  the  public  prints  of  the  capital,  in  order  that  the 
people,  composed  of  Americans  and  Europeans,  being  inform- 
ed of  what  so  deeply  interests  them,  may  be  enabled  to  point 
out  their  will,  which  ought  to  be  the  guide  of  all  our  opera- 
tions. Ninth.  That,  in  case  none  of  these  plans  are  admitted, 
reprisals  shall  be  rigorously  observed. 

"  Behold,  here,  brethren  and  friends,  the  propositions  we 

present  to  you,  founded  on  the  principles  of  natural  equity. 

In  one  hand,  we  offer  you  the  olive  branch ;  and  in  the  other, 

the  sword;  never  losing  sight  of  those  bonds  bv  which  we 

(5) 


34  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

are  united,  always  bearing  in  mind,  that  European  blood  cir- 
culates in  our  veins,  and  that  the  same  blood  which  is  now  so 
fast  shedding,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the  monarchy,  and 
for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  it  integral  during  the  ab- 
sence of  the  king,  is  all  Spanish.  What  objection  can  you 
have  to  examine  our  pretensions  ?  How  can  you  palliate  the 
blind  obstinacy  of  refusing  to  hear  us  ?  Are  we,  perchance, 
inferior  to  the  populace  of  a  single  town  in  Spain  ?  and  are  you 
of  a  superior  hierarchy  to  kings  ?  Charles  III.  descended 
from  his  throne,  to  listen  to  a  plebeian,  who  spoke  in  the  name 
of  the  people  of  Madrid.  To  Charles  IV.  the  tumult  of 
Aranjuez  cost  no  less  than  the  abdication  of  his  crown.  Is  it, 
then,  the  Americans  alone,  when  they  seek  to  speak  to  their 
brethren,  to  whom  they  are  in  every  sense  equal,  and  at  a  time 
when  the  king  can  no  longer  be  had,  who  are  to  be  answered 
with  the  fire  of  musketry  ? 

"  If,  now,  when  we  address  you  for  the  last  time,  since  we 
have  often  in  vain  endeavoured  to  fix  your  attention,  you  re- 
fuse to  admit  any  of  our  plans,  at  least,  we  shall  rest  satisfied 
with  having  proposed  them,  in  compliance  with  the  most  sa- 
cred duties,  which  the  good  man  cannot  behold  with  indiffer- 
ence. In  this  manner  shall  we  be  justified  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  and  posterity  will  not  have  to  accuse  us  of  irregular 
proceedings.  But  in  this  case,  remember,  there  is  a  severe 
and  supreme  Judge,  to  whom,  sooner  or  later,  you  will  have 
to  give  in  an  account  of  your  operations,  and  of  their  results 
and  enormities ;  of  all  which,  henceforward,  we  make  you 
answerable.  Remember,  that  the  fate  of  America  is  not  de- 
cided ;  that  the  combat  is  not  always  favourable  to  you ;  and 
that  reprisals  are,  at  all  times,  most  terrible.  Brethren,  friends, 
and  fellow-citizens,  let  us  embrace,  and  be  happy,  instead  of 
mutually  bringing  misfortunes  on  our  heads." 

Thus  did  the  Mexicans  explain  their  rights,  their  wishes, 
and  their  loyalty :  but  these  documents,  as  well  as  many  other 
attempts  at  pacification,  were  always  treated  by  the  royalists 
with  scorn.  They  declared  it  derogatory  to  Spanish  dignity,  to 
treat  with  vile  and  malignant  insurgents :  they  affected  to  look 
on  the  patriots  as  rebels,  unworthy  the  rights  of  humanity, 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  35 

threatening  them  with  total  extermination ;  and,  during  the 
reign  of  the  barbarous  Calleja,  cruelty  was  clothed  in  its  most 
terrific  garb — every  insurgent  that  fell  into  their  hands,  was 
immediately  sacrificed. 

Is  it  a  matter  of  surprise,  that,  under  such  deep  and  dread- 
ful provocations,  the  Mexican  patriots  should  resort  to  acts  of 
blood  and  retaliation  ?  In  truth,  it  was  the  only  mode  calcu- 
lated to  repress  the  savage  atrocities  of  the  royalists.  The 
consequences  of  this  retaliatory  system,  spread  with  electric 
rapidity  through  this  once  pacific  people.  Man,  by  daily 
witnessing  scenes  of  cruelty,  soon  becomes  callous  to  the  feel- 
ings of  humanity. 

Philanthropists,  in  their  closets,  may  deplore  these  excesses, 
and  deprecate  the  exercise  of  revenge  ;  but  those  only,  who 
have  been  placed  in  the  situation  of  beholding  their  families, 
friends,  and  companions,  butchered  in  cold  blood, — who  have 
seen  villages  and  estates  laid  waste  by  fire,— -who  have  wit- 
nessed thousands  of  human  beings  compelled  to  fly  for  refuge 
among  the  beasts  of  the  forest,  can  form  an  adequate  concep- 
tion of  the  imperious  necessity,  and  even  gratification,  accom- 
panying acts  of  retaliation. 

Hidalgo  and  Morelos,  as  well  as  many  other  patriot  chiefs, 
have  given  numerous  proofs  of  the  exercise  of  mercy;  but 
rarelv  indeed  has  this  virtue  appeared  in  the  conduct  of  the 
royal  chiefs.  Hundreds  of  European  Spaniards  are  now  living 
in  Mexico,  who  were  taken  prisoners  on  the  field  of  battle; 
but  there  breathes  scarcely  a  single  insurgent,  taken  under 
similar  circumstances.  During  the  reign  of  the  Spanish  Nero, 
clemency  was  a  crime;  and  whenever  he  heard  that  any  of  his 
officers,  in  contravention  of  his  orders,  had  listened  to  the  ap- 
peals of  a  wretched  prisoner,  he  ordered  such  officer  to  be 
dismissed  or  severely  reprimanded,  and  the  victim  to  be  im- 
mediately put  to  death.  We  were  witness  to  a  heart-rending 
scene  of  this  nature.  About  forty  prisoners,  who  had  been 
captured  several  days  after  an  action,  and  had  been  found  in 
the  woods  unarmed^  were  pardoned  by  a  commandant  of  the 
royalists,  and  had  been  induced  by  him  to  enlist  among  the 
royal  troops.   A  few  days  after  their  enlistment,  eight  of  them 


36  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

deserted.  On  die  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  the  viceroy  or- 
dered the  remaining  thirty-two  to  be  taken  from  the  royal 
rankSy  and  shot.  The  gallant  commandant  refused  to  obey 
the  barbarous  mandate,  and  sent  a  respectful  remonstrance  to 
Calleja  on  the  subject, — the  former  order  was  repeated ;  but, 
in  the  meantime,  an  opportunity  was  afforded  the  prisoners  to 
make  their  escape,  which  they  effected,  with  the  exception  of 
four,  who  were  shot :  the  commandant  was  suspended  from 
his  command.  Were  we  to  relate  one-third  of  the  horrors 
committed  by  Calleja's  orders,  they  would  not  only  occupy 
too  large  a  space  in  our  volume,  but  would  appear  incredible 
to  our  readers.  We  feel  great  pleasure,  however,  in  stating, 
that  the  successor  of  Calleja,  Don  Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca, 
the  present  viceroy,  has  displayed  a  character  the  reverse  of 
his  predecessor ;  and  several  of  his  officers  have,  on  many 
occasions,  given  proofs,  that  a  merciful  spirit  may  be  found  in 
the  breast  of  a  European  Spaniard.  But  such  had  been  the 
sanguinary  education  of  the  officers  and  soldiers,  and  such 
their  habitual  practice  of  indiscriminately  sacrificing  the  insur- 
gent prisoners,  that,  on  the  part  of  the  royalists,  the  work  of 
extermination  continued  to  rage  with  nearly  the  same  fury,  as 
during  the  first  three  years  of  the  revolution. 

The  disgraceful  and  barbarous  warfare,  which  was  adopted 
in  Mexico,  and  which  still  rages  there  and  in  South  America, 
had  its  origin  solely  in  the  outrageous  decrees  of  the  Spanish 
government,  and  in  the  conduct  of  Spanish  officers  sent  to 
America  to  execute  those  sanguinary  mandates.  All  the  offers 
of  Hidalgo,  Morelos,  and  other  chiefs,  to  adopt  an  exchange 
of  prisoners,  and  to  prosecute  the  war  according  to  the  usages 
of  civilized  nations,  were  invariably  treated  with  contempt 
by  the  royalists.  Hence  has  resulted  a  growing  and  deadly 
hatred,  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  against  European  Spa- 
niards,— an  inextinguishable  spirit  of  revenge,  which  sus- 
pends upon  a  fragile  thread  the  life  of  every  Spaniard  in 
America.  This  is  known  and  felt  by  many  a  Spaniard  now 
residing  in  Mexico,  although  the  government  of  Spain  appears 
not  yet  to  be  sensible  of  the  important  fact.  The  Indians  and 
Creoles  never  will,  never  can,  forgive  or  forget  their  former 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  37 

grievances,  and  the  recent  cruelties  which  have  been  practised 
on  them.  It  is  now  too  late  to  attempt  to  regain  the  affections 
or  homage  of  these  people;  and  Spain  will,  ere  long,  discover 
that  it  is  impossible  to  bind  them  with  their  former  shackles. 
To  suppose  that  the  fires  and  eruptions  of  Mount  Etna  might 
be  suppressed  by  throwing  a  platform  of  wood  over  the  mouth 
of  the  crater,  would  not  be  more  ridiculous,  than  to  suppose 
that  the  population  of  America,  can  continue  to  be  controlled 
by  Spain. 

In  making  the  preceding  remarks,  we  have  been  guided  by 
a  mass  of  proofs  derived  from  personal  knowledge,  and  by  the 
careful  perusal  of  authentic  documents  from  royalists  and  pa^ 
triots.  The  development  of  these  facts  may  excite  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  Spanish  government,  and  wound  the  pride  of 
the  Eui'opean  Spaniard ;  but  we  feel  bound  to  place  them  be- 
fore the  civilized  world,  in  justice  to  the  much  injured  inha- 
bitants of  Southern  America,  as  well  as  to  perform  our  duty 
as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  consequently  an  avowed 
enemy  to  all  governments  inimical  to  rational  freedom. 

To  return  to  the  operations  of  Morelos.  After  the  capture 
of  Oaxaca,  the  numerical  strength  of  his  army  was  much  aug- 
mented :  but  the  prevalence  of  inattention  to  discipline,  and 
the  conduct  of  the  officers,  in  indulging  in  relaxation  in  that 
luxurious  climate,  combined  with  the  strange  and  clashing 
decrees  of  a  legislative  body,  who  were  inexperienced  as  well 
as  deficient  in  energy,  rendered  it  impossible  for  Morelos  to 
strike  a  decisive  blow  against  the  enemy.  No  sooner  did  he 
and  his  officers  form  any  military  plan,  than  its  merits  became 
the  subject  of  discussion  in  the  Mexican  congress,  and  thus 
was  rendered  ineffectual  by  delay,  or  became  known  to  the 
enemy.  The  Spanish  government  put  in  motion  every  engine 
of  intrigue,  to  gain  over  to  its  interests  part  of  the  members 
of  the  Mexican  congress  ;  and  some  intercepted  despatches, 
which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  patriot  chiefs,  unfolded  to  them 
the  weakness,  or  rather  treachery,  of  several  distinguished 
Individuals  of  their  own  party.  Jealousy,  of  course,  ensued ; 
confidence  was  shaken  between  the  military  and  civil  authori- 


38  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

ties,  and  hence  originated  the  train  of  serious  disasters,  which 
will  be  related  in  the  sequel. 

Morelos,  on  learning  that  the  royalists  had  retaken  Valla- 
dolid,  and  strongly  fortified  it,  marched  to  effect  its  reduction, 
without  reflecting  that  his  army  was  generally  composed  of  the 
natives  of  Tierra  Calienta,  and  consequently  not  adapted  to 
carry  on  warfare  in  the  cold  regions.  His  attempt,  therefore, 
on  Valladolid,  was  not  only  unsuccessful,  but  he  lost  a  great 
number  of  men,  and  was  compelled  to  make  a  precipitate  re- 
treat to  the  warm  country. 

The  royalists  now  became  animated  with  fresh  courage,  and 
determined  on  pursuing  the  patriot  army.  At  the  hacienda 
of  Puruaran^  they  met  a  division  under  the  command  of  the 
patriot  general  Matamoros.  The  royalists  began  the  combat 
with  great  fury,  while  the  patriots  defended  themselves  with 
such  obstinacy,  that  almost  every  individual  of  the  division 
was  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  general  remained  a  prisoner  in  the 
hands  of  the  royalists. 

*  Matamoros  was  a  priest,  and  had,  on  several  occasions, 
displayed  great  valour,  and  more  military  talent  than  any  other 
officer  in  the  patriot  service.  It  is  generally  believed,  that  if 
he  had  enjoyed  the  supreme  command,  instead  of  the  second 
rank,  he  would  have  pursued  a  very  different,  and  probably  a 
more  successful  course,  than  that  which  Morelos  had  adopted. 

The  official  despatches  of  the  royalists,  on  the  capture  of 
Matamoros,  evince  the  high  opinion  they  entertained  of  him. 
They  refused  an  offer  made  by  Morelos,  to  exchange  several 
Spanish  officers  and  men,  whom  he  then  held  as  prisoners,  for 
the  captured  general,  and  although  the  former  threatened  to 
make  a  dreadful  retaliation,  in  case  Matamoros  was  sacrificed, 
yet  the  royalists,  in  despite  of  offers  and  menaces,  caused  him 
to  be  shot. 

Morelos,  after  experiencing  many  disasters  and  difficulties, 
finding  that  the  province  of  Valladolid  was  not  a  suitable  the- 
atre for  his  army,  nor  a  place  of  security  for  the  residence  of 
the  Mexican  congress,  which  then  held  its  sessions  at  a  place 
called  Ario^  resolved  on  transferring  his  head  quarters  to  the 
eity  of  Tehuacan^  in  the  province  of  La  Puebla^  where  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  39 

patriot  chief  Teran  had  a  respectable  division.     With  this 
view,  he  put  his  army  in  motion,  taking  with  him  the  mem- 
bers of  congress,  and  a  great  number  of  women  and  children. 
We  have  been  infoiTned,  by  several  persons  who  accompanied 
that  expedition,  that  it  resembled  more  the  emigration  of  a 
vast  body  of  people,  than  the  march  of  an  army.     The  road, 
for  several  leagues,  was  covered  with  baggage  wagons  and 
mules :  no  order  was  observed  on  the  march ;  and  the  military 
forces  were  so  scattered,  that,  in  case  of  an  attack,  it  would 
have  been  impracticable  to  form  a  junction  with  promptitude. 
Morelos  does  not  appear  to  have  made  the  least  calculation  on 
being  assaulted :  he  conceived  that  such  was  his  superiority  of 
numbers,  that  the  royalists  would  not  dare  to  molest  him  on 
his  route.     He  continued  his  march,  without  opposition,  for 
several  days.     He  at  length  separated  from  the  main  body  of 
his  army,  and  reached  a  place  called  Tepeciiacuilco.,  with  a 
small  division  of  cavalry.     He  there  made  a  halt,  intending 
to  remain  until  his  main  force  should  come  up. 

The  royalists,  in  the  meantime,  had  gained  intelligence, 
by  means  of  spies,  whom  they  had  placed  in  Morelos'  army, 
of  all  his  movements;  and,  although  they  had  several  times 
appeared  on  his  flanks  and  rear  during  the  march,  yet  they 
had  not  shown  a  disposition  to  bring  him  to  action.  No  soon- 
er, however,  were  they  informed  that  Morelos,  with  his  small 
party  of  cavalry,  had  detached  himself  from  his  main  body, 
than  they  resolved  to  seize  on  the  advantage  thus  offered  to 
them.  They  accordingly  pushed  on,  and  came  up  with  him  at 
Tepecuacuilco.  After  a  short  combat,  Morelos  was  taken 
prisoner,  on  the  5th  of  November,  1815.  He  was  sent  to 
Mexico,  and  delivered  over  to  the  Holy  Office.  The  cities 
and  towns  in  the  kingdom,  in  possession  of  the  royalists,  gave 
way  to  the  most  extravagant  demonstrations  of  joy,  on  the 
capture  of  the  patriot  chief.  This  event  they  considered  as 
the  termination  of  the  contest. 

The  Inquisition  acted  a  conspicuous  part.  After  declaring 
Morelos  a  heretic^  and  degrading  him,  with  all  its  solemn 
forms,  that  tribunal  delivered  him  over  to  the  military  autho- 
rity, which,  in  its  turn,  declared  him  a  traitor,  and  sentenced 


40  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

him  to  be  shot.  The  sentence  was  carried  into  effect,  on  tl^e 
22cl  of  December,  1815,  at  San  Chj-'istoval^  in  the  environs  of 
the  city  of  Mexico. 

On  this  occasion,  there  was  published  a  document,  with  the 
signature  of  Morelos,  in  which  he  was  represented  as  making 
a  solemn  recantation  of  his  errors;  as  exhorting  his  deluded 
countrymen  to  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  go- 
vernment; and,  after  imploring  the  forgiveness  of  his  God  and 
his  king,  acknowledging  the  justice  of  the  punishment  he  was 
about  to  suffer.  There  was  likewise  published  another  docu- 
ment, wherein  he  offered,  that  if  the  viceroy  would  grant  him 
his  life,  he  xvoiild  engage  effectually  to  quell  the  insiirrectioJi. 

Both  these  documents  have  been  declared  by  the  patriots  to 
be  forgeries  of  the  royalists  ;  and  in  support  of  this  assertion, 
they  have  published  some  very  able  papers.  Indeed,  some  of 
the  royalists,  who  were  present  at  the  execution  of  Morelos, 
have  had  the  candour  to  acknowledge,  that  he  died  in  the  most 
heroic  manner,  fervently  praying  for  the  emancipation  of  his 
country,  and  sternly  refusing  to  answer  any  interrogatories, 
tending  to  compromise  the  safety,  or  to  develop  the  views,  of 
the  patriots. 

-r  The  death  of  Morelos  was  a  serious  blow  to  the  cause  of 
his  party,  as  he  was  the  only  one,  among  their  chiefs,  whose 
orders  were  implicitly  obeyed.  The  forces  under  his  command 
were  much  better  organized  than  any  other  troops  in  the  coun- 
try; and  they  had,  on  several  occasions,  displayed  great  va- 
lour, particularly  in  the  siege  oi  Zitaquaro^  where  they  gained 
a  victory  over  a  superiority  of  numbers.  The  memorable 
siege  of  Acapulco,  which  occupied  fifteen  months^  evidenced 
the  great  influence  that  Morelos  possessed  over  his  army;  for 
otherwise  it  would  have  been  impossible,  in  such  a  climate,  to 
cause  raw  troops  to  display  so  much  perseverance.  In  fact, 
all  the  royalists,  with  whom  the  writer  conversed,  expressed 
their  belief,  that,  had  Morelos  safely  reached  Tehuacan,  and 
there  concentrated  the  divisions  of  the  other  patriot  chiefs,  he 
would  have  been  able,  in  a  few  weeks,  to  have  destroyed  any 
force  that  the  royalists,  at  that  time,  could  have  brought  against 
them. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  41 

In  proportion  as  the  death  of  Morelos  excited  fresh  courage 
among  the  royalists,  it  occasioned  depression  and  confusion 
among  the  patriots.  Dissensions  took  place  in  the  Mexican 
congress ;  while,  among  the  military  chieftains,  ambition  to 
obtain  the  supreme  command  became  the  dominant  passion. 
Each  refused  to  act  in  concert  with  the  other,  and  endeavoured 
to  promote  his  separate  interests  at  the  expense  of  those  of 
his  country. 

The  royalists  were  not  idle,  at  this  juncture.  They  knew 
that  the  continuance  of  their  power  depended  upon  keeping  up 
this  spirit  of  jealousy  among  the  patriot  chiefs  ;  and  they 
employed  bribery,  and  every  other  available  means,  to  pre- 
vent a  union  of  the  revolutionists,  well  knowing,  that  so  long 
as  they  remained  scattered  in  divisions  throughout  the  pro- 
vinces, it  would  be  easy  to  beat  them  in  detail. 

The  fatal  consequences  flowing  from  these  dissensions 
among  the  patriots,  will  be  found  detailed,  in  their  proper 
place,  in  the  sequel. 

The  members  of  the  Mexican  congress,  after  the  capture  of 
Morelos,  pursued  their  route  to  Tehuacan,  where  they  arrived, 
and  began  to  exercise  their  legislative  functions,  by  issuing 
decrees,  which  were  obeyed,  or  disregarded,  as  suited  the  in- 
terests or  inclinations  of  the  military  commandants  to  whom 
they  were  addressed. 

Don  Manuel  Mici  y  Teran,  the  commander-in-chief  at  Te- 
huacan, was  viewed  with  a  jealous  eye  by  several  members  of 
the  congress ;  and  he  discovered  their  intentions  to  deprive 
him  of  his  command.  As  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  Teran 
were  devoted  to  him,  and  as  he  conceived  that  he  was  likely 
to  fall  a  victim  to  the  intrigues  of  the  congress,  he  resolved  on 
the  bold  step  of  dissolving  that  body,  and  of  seizing  the  per- 
sons of  the  members.  Accordingly,  he  sent  a  military  force  to 
the  house  where  they  were  assembled,  and  put  them  all  under 
arrest.  We  have  seen  his  manifesto,  in  justification  of  this 
daring  act;  and  although  we  do  not  pretend  to  decide  that  his 
alleged  reasons  for  the  measure  are  perfectly  satisfactory,  yet 
his  subsequent  conduct  proved  that  he  was  not  guided  by  any 
views  hostile  to  the  welfare  of  his  country.  Neither  does  he 
(6) 


42  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

appear  to  have  dishonoured  his  character,  by  any  act  of  re- 
venge against  those  members  of  the  congress  who  had  previ- 
ously determined  on  his  destruction  ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
although  they  were  completely  in  his  power,  he  liberated  them 
all,  gave  some  of  them  money,  and  permitted  them  to  depart 
from  Tehuacan,  and  proceed  to  any  place  they  thought  proper. 

The  dissolution  of  the  Mexican  congress,  by  this  arbitrary 
act  of  Teran,  was,  however,  a  fatal  event  to  the  cause  of  the 
patriots ;  for,  the  military  commanders,  in  the  different  pro- 
vinces, no  longer  considering  themselves  subservient  to  any 
orders,  openly  assumed  the  character  of  independent  chiefs 
in  their  respective  jurisdictions.  They  all  avowed  a  deadly 
hostility  to  Teran.  The  extraordinary  character  of  this  man, 
who  had  not  only  to  contend  against  the  royalists,  but  likcAvise 
against  the  machinations  of  his  compatriots,  will  be  described 
in  our  subsequent  details  of  the  revolution. 

At  the  time  that  the  revolutionarj^  cause  in  Mexico  assumed 
this  gloomy  and  desperate  aspect,  the  gallant  Spanish  general 
Mina  was  forming  a  project,  in  London,  in  its  favour.  This 
brave  youth  had  rendered  eminent  services  to  his  native  coun- 
try, and  had  been  a  principal  instrument  in  frustrating  the 
designs  of  the  emperor  Napoleon,  with  regard  to  Spain.  His 
distinguished  services  were  requited  by  the  ungrateful  Fefdi- 
nand,  in  the  manner  which  will  be  detailed  in  the  following 
chapter. 

Prior  to  Mina''s  departure  from  London,  he  had  received 
some  accounts  of  the  disasters  in  Mexico,  which  we  have 
briefly  noticed  :  but,  so  far  from  his  ardour  being  damped  by 
the  unpropitious  intelligence,  it  appeared  to  furnish  him  with 
new  incentives  to  resume  his  deeds  of  hardihood  and  valour, 
in  the  cause  of  an  oppressed  people.  The  constancy  of  this 
high-minded  Spaniard,  struggling  Avith  obstacles  almost  insur- 
mountable, has  rarely  been  equalled — never  excelled. 

The  reader  will  find,  in  the  annexed  biographical  sketch  of 
Mina,  and  in  the  relation  of  his  daring  exploits  in  Mexico,  the 
portrait  of  a  hero,  Avorthy  of  occupying,  on  the  page  of  history, 
a  distinguished  rank  among  the  martyra  of  liberty. 


MEXICAN  RF.VOLUTION.  43 


CHAPTER  III. 

General  3ri)ia — His  early  I'lfe^  and  career  in  Spain — His  mO' 
tives  for  embarking  in  the  cause  of  Mexico — Arrival  at ^  and 
transactions^  jnJBaltimorc — Departure  of  the  Expedition — 
Occurrences  at  Port  aji£xmce — Arrival  of  the  Expedition 
at  Galvezton—~ TreacheriiMfCm^ea — Departure  of  theEx- 
peditibn  froniljalvezton^  and  its  arrival  off  Jthe^^i 
River  Sdntander — Disembarkation  of  the  Division, 


DON  XAVIER  MINA  was  born  in  the  month  of  De- 
cember, 1789.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of  a  well-born  and 
respected  proprietary,  whose  domains  lay  near  the  town  of 
Monreal,  in  the  kingdom  of  Navarre,  Brought  up  among 
the  mountains  of  his  native  province,  he  was  accustomed  to 
wander  through  their  rich  vallies,  and  to  pursue  the  chase 
amidst  the  grandeur  of  the  Pp-enees.  His  faculties,  thus 
nurtured  and  exercised,  expandecltliemselves  at  an  early  pe- 
riod, while  his  mind  imbibed  all  the  energy  of  an  unconquerable 
boldness.  The  wild  aspect,  the  rugged  scenery  of  an  Alpine 
country,  and  the  cheerful  and  buoyant  feelings  they  excite,  are 
well  known  to  have  a  powerful  effect  upon  the  formation  of 
character.  It  is  there  that  the  simple  mountaineer,  removed 
from  the  influence  of  the  refinements  of  society,  escapes  its 
corruption;  and  we  find  the  elevated  valley  "^  dignified  as  the 
abode  of  braverv  and  virtue."  It  is  there,  that  the  elements 
of  great  and  noble  daring  are  cherished ;  that  patriotism  is  a 
feeling  of  spontaneous  growth  ;  and  thence  have  sprung  those 
heroic  spirits,  whose  exalted  deeds  have  shed  a  lustre  on  hu- 
manity. 

The  early  studies  of  Mina  were  pursued  at  Pampeluna  and 
at  Saragossa.  In  1808,  at  the  commencement  of  the  resist- 
ance of  the  Spaniards  to  the  French  invasion,  he  was  a  student 
in  the  university  of  Saragossa.  At  that  period,  between 
eighteen  and  nineteen  years  of  age,  he  felt  the  strong  enthu- 


% 


44  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

siasm  of  the  times.  When  the  massacre  at  Madrid,  of  the 
2d  of  May,  shook  all  Spain,  and  the  cry  of  vengeance  was 
heard  from  the  Ebro  to  the  Guadiana,  he  abandoned  his  stu- 
dies, joined  the  army  of  the  north  of  Spain,  as  a  volunteer, 
and  was  present  at  the  battles  of  Alcornes,  Maria,  and  Bel- 
chite.  The  events  of  that  period  are  still  fresh  in  our  remem- 
brance : — the  general  rising  of  the  Spanish  nation,  and  the 
awakening  of  the  heroism  of  the  Spanish  people,  from  the 
slumber  in  which  it  had  been  spell-bound,  since  the  days  of 
Charles  V. 

Irritated  at  the  capture  of  his  armies.  Napoleon,  at  this  time, 
began  to  pour  fresh  troops  into  Spain ;  and  it  became  particu- 
larly important  to  the  Spaniards  to  have  a  communication 
with  France,  as  the  means  of  procuring  intelligence.  The 
gallant  young  Mina  undertook  the  enterprise.  Availing  him- 
self of  his  knowledge  of  the  country,  the  peasantry,  and  the 
passes  of  the  mountains,  he  executed  it  with  complete  suc- 
cess ;  establishing  a  secret  communication  with  the  provinces 
of  France,  adjacent  to  the  Pyrenees,  by  which  much  valuable 
information,  of  what  was  passing  in  France,  was  obtained  by 
the  Spanish  generals. 

The  Spanish  armies,  however,  were  unable  to  cope  with  the 
numerous  and  veteran  troops  with  which  Napoleon  overspread 
the  country,  and,  being  defeated  in  every  regular  encounter, 
they  retreated  before  the  French. 

The  Catalonian  army,  after  the  defeat  at  Belchite,  a  town 
to  the  southward  of  Saragossa,  fell  back  to  Tortosa,  while 
the  French  occupied  a  line  extending  in  the  direction  of  the 
southern  frontier  of  Arragon,  into  Catalonia. 

It  was  in  this  gloomy  situation  of  affairs,  that  Xavier  Mina 
formed  a  determination,  which  had  the  most  important  effects, 
not  only  upon  his  own  fortune  in  life,  but  upon  the  whole  war 
in  Spain.  He  resolved  to  pass  through  the  line  of  the  French 
position,  and,  gaining  his  native  province  of  Navarre,  to  make 
its  mountains  and  fastnesses  the  theatre  of  his  hostile  opera- 
tions ;  to  hang  on  the  rear  of  the  invaders,  to  intercept  their 
convoys  and  couriers,  and  to  cut  off  their  straggling  detach- 
ments. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUtlON-.  45 

In  an  evening  walk  he  first  commnnicated,  to  a  friend  and 
kinsman,  his  plans  and  schemes  ;  and  unfolded,  with  enthusi- 
asm, his  hopes,  and  fears,  and  visions  of  glory.  His'kinsman 
heard  him  to  the  end  in  silence,  and  then  pointing  to  a  gibbet 
which  stood  near,  "  If  you  succeed,  it  will  be  great :  if  you 
fail,  there  is  your  portion,"  was  his  reply.  In  answer  to  his 
solicitation  to  be  permitted  to  put  his  plans  in  execution,  the 
Spanish  general  told  him  it  would  only  be  throwing  away  his 
life,  as  he  would  be  cut  off  from  the  army;  "  I  do  not^''  said 
Mina,  "  think  I  am  cut  ojf^  so  long  as  I  can  find  a  path  for  my 
horse.''''  Finally,  he  left  Tortosi  with  txuelve  men^  and,  pass- 
ing with  skill  through  the  line  occupied  by  the  French  army, 
arrived  in  Navarre.  Of  those  twelve,  one  is  at  present  a 
lieutenant ;  another  has  retired  with  nine  wounds ;  and  the 
rest  fell  in  battle. 

The  first  attempt  of  Mina  was  upon  a  small  guard  of  a 
dozen  French.  JEIe  attacked  them  with  about  twenty  men, 
and  captui'ed  them  without  much  resistance.  The  next,  was 
on  a  party  of  thirty  men.  The  Spaniards,  who  had  nearly 
the  same  number,  lay  concealed  behind  a  stone  wall ;  upon  the 
approach  of  the  enemy,  they  rose  and  fired.  In  the  contest 
which  ensued,  a  tall  grenadier  fired  at  Mina  with  deliberate 
aim,  and,  taking  shelter  behind  a  tree,  encouraged  his  party. 
But  the  Spaniards,  leaping  the  wall,  rushed  on,  and  settled 
the  combat  with  their  sabres.  This  successful  beginning  pro- 
duced the  most  important  results.  The  spirits  of  the  pea- 
santry were  roused;  many  successful  adventures  took  place; 
the  French  foraging  parties  were  cut  to  pieces ;  their  convoys 
attacked  and  plundered  ;  and  their  couriers  intercepted.  The 
Spanish  government  had  scarcely  finished  their  rejoicing  for 
the  first  successes  of  Mina,  when  they  were  again  surprised 
by  his  sending  them  a  large  body  of  prisoners,  among  whom 
was  a  lieutenant  colonel ;  and,  at  another  time,  seven  hundred 
prisoners,  with  a  quantity  of  military  equipments,  stores,  and 
money. 

The  French  were  not  passive  spectatoi's  of  these  chivalrous 
exploits.  Upwards  of  thirty  individuals,  nearly  or  remotely 
connected  with  Mina's  family,  were  suddenly  arrested,  and 


46  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

sent  into  France.  War,  with  all  the  meliorations  introdLictd 
by  modern  civilization,  is  sufficiently  terrible  to  a  reflecting 
mind;  but  it  is  in  those  political  struggles,  where  the  relations 
and  kindred  of  an  individual,  are  made  answerable  for  his 
opinions  and  acts,  that  it  comes  armed  with  its  severest  afflic- 
tions. Among  the  relatives  of  Mina,  thus  torn  from  their 
country,  was  an  accomplished  young  lady,  the  object  of  his 
early  attachment.  Separated  from  each  other,  time,  and  the 
waves  of  an  adverse  fortune,  bore  them  still  farther  asunder, 
and  the  tender  affections,  the  sport  of  events,  sunk,  and  were 
lost  for  ever. 

Repeated  expeditions  were  undertaken  to  destroy  Mina, 
but  the  affections  of  every  peasant  being  with  him,  and  having 
correct  intelligence  of  every  movement,  he  was  enabled,  not 
only  to  baffle  and  elude  his  enemy,  but  frequently  coming  on 
them  by  surprise,  to  defeat  and  destroy  his  pursuers.  When 
he  found  their  forces  too  numerous  to  be  openly  resisted,  he 
appointed  a  place  of  rendezvous,  dispersed  his  band,  and,  se- 
parating from  each  other,  they  eluded  pursuit.  The  armed 
mountaineers  retired  to  their  homes,  or  to  secret  recesses,  and 
there  waited  till  their  leader  gave  the  signal ;  when,  suddenly 
re-appearing,  they  seemed  to  spring  from  the  earth,  like  the 
men  of  Cadmus,  a  legion  of  soldiers.  Mina,  with  a  select 
band,  the  nucleus  of  his  army,  I'etired  to  the  mountains.  A 
hill,  near  his  father's  mansion^  was  his  principal  retreat.  He 
was  familiar  with  its  fastnesses,  and  solitary  recesses,  and 
the  neglected  flocks  of  his  own  family,  furnished  him  and  his 
brave  companions  with  food.  When  he  determined  on  strik- 
ing a  blow,  he  gathered  his  forces  like  a  tempest  on  the  moun- 
tain top,  and,  descending  in  terror,  swept  the  province  to  the 
very  gates  of  Pampeluna. 

In  this  manner  was  begun  the  insurrection  in  the  province  of 
Navarre.  From  this  period,  bands  of  guerillas  were  organized 
throughout  the  country.  Thus  commenced  that  system,  which 
was  the  great  means  of  keeping  up  the  spirit  of  desperate  ani- 
mosity, and  which  became,  eventually,  the  principal  ineans  of 
delivering  Spain  from  her  invaders.  The  accounts  of  Mina's 
sticcesses  ran  through  the  country,  and  produced  a  powerful 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  47 

excitement  in  the  minds  of  the  people.  He  was  thence  soon 
enabled  to  raise  a  respectable  division  of  troops,  whose  num- 
bers were  increased  by  the  peasantry,  whenever  it  was  con- 
templated to  strike  a  blow. 

The  central  junta  of  Seville  conferred  on  him  the  rank  of 
colonel,  and,  soon  after,  the  dignity  of  coinmandant  general  of 
Navarre.  The  junta  of  Arragon  also  appointed  him  com- 
manding general  of  upper  Arragon.  He  won  these  honours 
most  gallantly  by  his  sword,  in  a  gloomy  and  desperate  hour; 
they  were  confirmed  to  him  by  his  country;  and  he  continued 
his  brilliant  career,  lighting  up  an  hostility  and  daring  resist- 
ance, which  has  made  the  French  invasion  of  Spain  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  events  in  the  history  of  modern  Europe. 

In  the  winter  of  1810 — 11,  Mina  was  directed  by  the  Span- 
ish government  to  destroy,  if  possible,  an  iron  foundry  near 
Pampeluna,  from  which  the  French  were  supplied  with  a  num- 
ber of  articles  for  the  service  of  the  war.  Whether  it  was 
from  one  of  those  accidents  which  no  prudence  can  foresee,  or 
that  the  enemy  had  obtained  information  of  his  movements, 
this  unfortunate  entei-prise  was  fatal  to  Mina.  Two  strong 
bodies  of  French  troops,  on  their  march  in  contrary  directions, 
arrived  at  the  same  time  at  the  two  entrances  of  a  narrow  valley. 
Mina  and  his  corps,  who  v/ere  then  in  the  defile,  were  com- 
pletely enclosed.  The  fight  that  ensued  was  obstinate  and 
bloody.  The  gallant  Mina,  defending  himself  with  his  sword, 
fell,  pierced  with  wounds,  a  prisoner,  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy. 

Thus  ended  the  rapid  but  brilliant  career  of  Xavier  Mina 
in  Spain.  Fortune,  as  if  jealous  of  the  skill  and  heroism 
which  threatened  to  raise  him  above  her  capricious  favours, 
played  him  false  at  last.  But  the  spirit  which  he  had  raised 
was  still  alive ;  the  rage  of  his  warrior  mountaineers  was  kin- 
dled, and  they  chose  one  of  his  family  to  lead  them  to  revenge. 
His  uncle  Espoz  was  the  chief  whom  they  selected,  and  he 
proved  himself  worthy  of  the  high  trust.  He  stands  first 
among  those,  whose  names  are  chaunted  through  Spain,  in  the 
hymns  of  triumph  of  a  delivered  people.  He  vi^atchcd  faithfully 
through  the  dark  and  perilous  night,  which  overhung  his  coun- 


48  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

try,  and  when  the  morning  of  her  deliverance  broke,  Espoz  was 
seen  chasing  the  last  Frenchman  from  Spain.  But  let  not  the 
full  glory  of  the  uncle,  diminish  that  of  the  nephew.  Xavier 
Mina  was  less  fortunate,  but  not  less  deserving,  than  Espoz. 
Egofeci^  tulit  alter  honor es.  It  was  Xavier,  who  first  taught 
the  mountaineers  of  his  province  where  to  strike  at  the  invader, 
and  gave  system  to  their  irregular  valour.  He  encouraged,  by 
his  successes,  the  Spaniards  to  follow  his  daring  example  ;  he 
braved  the  terrors  of  Napoleon's  vengeance ;  and  opened,  with 
his  sword,  the  path  which  led  to  the  deliverance  of  his  coun- 
try. He  was  not  one  and  twenty  when  taken  prisoner.  What 
might  not  have  been  expected  from  this  heroic  youth,  if  his 
career  had  been  continued  ? 

Mina  was  taken  to  Paris,  after  his  capture,  and  shut  up  in 
the  castle  of  Vincennes.  The  afflictions,  which  press  upon  the 
Unfortunate  state  prisoner,  were  aggravated  to  him,  by  the 
care  with  which  all  intelligence  of  the  fate  of  his  relations,  or 
struggling  country,  was  concealed  from  him.  His  hair  came 
out,  and  his  person  was  completely  changed.  In  time,  how- 
ever, the  rigours  of  his  imprisonment  were  softened,  and  books 
were  given  him.  He  applied  himself,  with  great  industry,  to 
the  study  of  the  military  art,  in  which  he  derived  great  assist- 
ance from  some  of  the  veteran  officers,  who  were  his  fellow- 
prisoners.  He  remained  in  Vincennes  till  the  allied  armies  en- 
tered France,  nor  was  he  set  at  liberty  until  the  general  peace, 
which  took  place  upon  the  abdication  of  the  emperor  Napoleon. 

It  is  well  known,  that  king  Ferdinand,  on  his  return  to 
Spain,  was  met  by  a  deputation,  bearing  for  his  approval,  the 
constitution  under  which  Spain  had  been  governed,  during  the 
captivity  of  the  king  ;  a  constitution  that  was  founded  on  the 
basis  of  a  meliorated  and  limited  monarchy.  It  v/as  formed 
to  meet  the  liberal  opinions  of  enlightened  Spaniai'ds,  and 
those  changes  which  the  age,  and  modern  ideas,  demanded. 
One,  out  of  the  many  instances  of  this  melioration,  may  be 
cited  from  article  No.  304,  which  for  ever  abolishes  all  con- 
fiscation of  the  property  of  the  person  condemned  for  crimes 
against  the  state ;  and  the  humane  reason  assigned  is,  that 
confiscation  is  a  punishment  of  the  innocent  children,  and  not 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  49 

of  the  criminal.  Nor  will  the  merit  of  this  distinction  be 
fully  understood,  until  we  reflect  that  there  is  scarcely  a  state 
or  kingdom  in  Europe,  in  which  the  contrary  doctrine  is  not 
held. 

The  conduct  of  Ferdinand,  on  his  return  to  Spain,  is  well 
known  to  the  world.  The  sympathies  of  the  liberal  and 
enlightened,  once  so  strong  in  his  favour,  in  every  country, 
have  been  destroyed  by  the  persecution  of  the  Cortes,  and  the 
proscription  of  the  patriot  leaders ;  by  the  prohibition  of  fo- 
reign books  and  journals ;  by  the  destruction  of  the  opening 
sources  of  national  improvement;  and  by  the  revival  of  the 
Inquisition,  with  its  demon  train  of  judicial  murders  and  mid- 
night tortures.  The  dungeons  of  the  Holy  Office,  the  fortifi- 
cations and  gallies,  in  which  soldiers  of  honour  were  con- 
demned to  work  with  the  vilest  criminals,  and  the  list  of  ban- 
ishments, confiscations,  and  executions,  forcibly  show,  in  what 
manner  bigotry  and  political  interest  will  destroy  the  most 
generous  feelings,  and  sanction  the  vilest  ingratitude. 

Being  conspicuous  members  of  the  party  of  Liberales^  or 
Constitutionalists^  the  two  Minas  soon  experienced  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  court,  and  the  frowns  of  the  king.  Xavier, 
however,  was  offered  the  command  of  the  military  forces  in 
Mexico,  a  situation  next  to  that  of  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain. 
He  declined  it  j  and,  being  apprehensive  of  the  consequences, 
retired  into  Navarre.  Espoz  y  Mina,  who  still  remained  at  the 
head  of  his  mountain  warriors  in  Navarre,  immediately  re- 
ceived an  order,  depriving  him  of  his  command.  Matters 
being  thus  brought  to  a  crisis,  it  was  determined  by  the  two 
Minas  to  raise  the  standard  of  the  Cortes  and  the  constitution. 
They  had  no  time  to  form  any  extensive  plan.  It  was  agreed 
to  strike  immediately,  before  the  order  depriving  Espoz  of 
his  command  should  be  publicly  known.  The  details  of  this 
bold  attempt  are  interesting,  and  present  some  features  of  ro- 
mance ;  but  we  can  only  glance  slightly  at  them.  While  Es- 
poz was  to  put  his  troops  in  motion,  that  he  might  arrive,  at 
a  concerted  hour,  under  the  walls  of  Pampeluna,  Xavier  Mina 
entered  the  fortress.  There,  he  soon  communicated  with  a 
few  officers,  who  were  known  to  him,  and  whose  sentiments 


50  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

were  favourable  to  the  Cortes.  Popular  in  the  whole  Spanish 
army,  and  his  name  endeared  to  those  soldiers  of  freedom,  he 
selected  a  few  of  them  to  be  his  guests  at  a  convivial  banquet. 
After  supper,  as  the  time  drew  nigh,  Mina  rose  up  suddenly 
amidst  them  ;  addressed  them  in  a  nervous  and  enthusiastic 
harangue  ;  unfolded  the  ingratitude  and  injustice  of  the  court; 
and,  finally,  exhorted  them  to  give  the  blessings  of  freedom  to 
the  country  they  had  saved.  The  effect  was  electric  and 
complete.  They  arose,  and  crossing  their  swords,  as  they 
stood  around  the  banqueting  table,  swore  to  be  faithful.  The 
sentinels  on  the  appointed  bastion  were  withdrawn ;  the  lad- 
ders were  fixed ;  and,  from  the  dead  of  night,  almost  till  the 
dawn,  they  waited,  with  breathless  anxiety,  the  approach  of 
the  troops  under  Espoz  y  Mina.  Had  they  then  arrived,  a 
new  era,  pregnant  with  important  events,  would  have  opened 
on  Spain. 

The  causes  which  led  to  the  failure  of  the  enterprise  were 
partly  accidental,  and  implicate  the  policy,  not  the  bravery,  of 
Espoz.  It  is  now  understood,  that  the  troops,  instead  of  be- 
ing excited  and  stimulated  for  such  an  occasion,  by  his  orders 
were  rigidly,  kept  from  liquor  and  refreshment.  They  were 
altogether  ignorant  of  the  reason  and  nature  of  an  expedition, 
so  strange  to  them,  in  time  of  peace  ;  and,  after  inarching  till 
a  late  hour  in  the  night,  they  began  to  murmur ;  some  confu- 
sion arose  in  a  corps  whose  commander  was  unpopular ;  the 
march  was  delayed ;  a  nocturnal  tumult  ensued ;  and  the  sol- 
diers lay  down  in  scattered  parties  in  the  fields,  or  wandered 
in  search  of  refreshments.  Espoz,  who  had  rode  on  ahead, 
found,  on  his  return,  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  a  scene  of 
confusion,  to  remedy  which,  all  his  exertions  were  baffled.  It 
was  irremediable,  and  the  opportunity  was  lost.  The  confe- 
derates in  Pampeluna  speedily  received  the  fatal  intelligence, 
and  immediately  quitted  the  fortress. 

Although  the  Spaniards  are  accustomed  to  obedience,  and 
the  king's  name  is  a  tower  of  strength,"  yet,  on  this  occa- 
sion, they  scorned  to  do  any  injury  to  their  generals.  Xavier 
Mina  traversed  the  whole  province  in  safety,  collected  all 
those  friends  whom  he  thought  might  be  compromitted  by  his» 


u 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  51 

attempt,  and  entered  France  in  full  uniform,  with  thirty  officers. 
He  was  arrested  by  the  orders  of  the  French  government,  and 
imprisoned  near  Bayonne,  but  was  afterwards  liberated,  and 
passed  over  to  England.  From  the  British  government  he 
received  a  liberal  pension  ;  we  believe,  two  thousand  pounds 
sterling  per  annum. 

During  his  sojourn  in  England,  he  was  treated  by  several 
eminent  personages  with  flattering  attentions  ;  but  particular- 
ly by  an  English  nobleman,  alike  distinguished  for  his  attach- 
ment to  the  cause  of  freedom  throughout  the  world,  and  his 
urbanity  to  strangers.  By  this  nobleman,  Mina  was  made 
acquainted  with  general  Scott,  of  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  then  on  a  visit  to  England.  He  was  also  funiished 
with  a  ship,  arms,  and  military  stores,  by  some  English  gen- 
tlemen attached  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  to  enable  him  to 
prosecute  an  enterprise  he  had  been  some  time  meditating, 
against  the  kingdom  of  Mexico,  as  the  quarter  whence  the 
most  severe  blow  could  be  struck  against  the  tyranny  of  Fer- 
dinand. 

Mina,  in  drawing  his  sword  in  favour  of  the  independence 
of  Mexico,  considered  he  was  espousing  a  cause,  consonant 
with  those  sacred  principles,  for  which  he  became  an  exile. 
Power  and  place  might  have  been  his,  if  he  had  chosen  to  float 
in  the  eddy  of  court  favour ;  but  his  character  and  principles 
forbade  him.  He  believed,  with  many  of  the  philosophers  of 
the  last  century,  and  with  some  of  the  enlightened  men  of  his 
own  country,  that  the  treasures  of  the  New  World  had  a  fatal 
efl"ect  on  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  Spain ;  therefore,  he  can- 
not be  justly  accused  of  doing  a  wilful  injury  to  his  own  coun- 
try. Nor  did  he  owe  allegiance  to  the  ungrateful  Ferdinand. 
An  exile,  cut  off  from  every  tie,  by  the  act  of  a  sovereign  who 
had  seta  price  upon  his  head,  there  was  no  longer  any  liga- 
ment to  bind  him  to  the  throne  of  Ferdinand,  nor  any  rule, 
even  in  the  forgotten  code  of  villainage,  to  forbid  his  embark- 
ing in  the  glorious  cause  of  the  emancipation  of  Mexico.  He 
did  not,  like  Coriolanus,  league  with  his  country's  enemies, 
nor,  like  Eugene,  devote  himself  to  a  foreign  court.  Defeat- 
ed in  his  attempt  to  uphold  the  Cortes,  and  the  cause  of  Span- 


52  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

ish  freedom  In  Europe,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of 
liberty  in  America.  He  boldly  entered  on  a  dangerous  and 
desperate  path  of  toil,  bearing-  in  his  view  the  prospect  of  that 
fate,  which  once  menaced  a  Hancock  and  a  Washington ;  and 
which  overtook  a  Fitzgerald  and  an  Emmett. 
"'  The  pretensions  of  Spain,  to  the  dominion  and  rule  of  the 
vast  regions  of  the  New  World,  are  too  lofty  and  extravagant 
for  the  jurists  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  time  has  gone 
by,  when  the  decrees  of  the  court  of  Madrid,  and  the  bulls  of 
a  Pope,  are  to  be  obeyed  and  worshipped  as  infallible  man- 
dates, by  sixteen  millions  of  the  human  race,  on  the  continent 
of  America.  Spain  has,  it  is  true,  by  a  watchful  jealousy  ;  by 
the  discouragement  of  learning,  of  commerce,  and  of  improve- 
ment ;  bv  a  persecuting  hierarchy  ;  and  by  the  dreadful  tribu- 
nal of  the  Inquisition  ;  bound  the  inhabitants  of  Spanish  Ame- 
rica in  strong  fetters.  But,  the  voice  of  that  spirit  which 
echoed  along  the  Allegany  in  '76,  has  already  been  heard  on 
the  Table  Land  of  Mexico,  is  now  rolling  among  the  Andes, 
and  will,  ere  long,  break  the  chains  of  servitude  for  ever. 

We  are  aware,  that  many  circumstances,  which  gave  a  pe- 
culiar character  to  the  contest  of  the  North  American  colonies 
for  independence,  do  not  exist  with  regard  to  the  South  Ame- 
ricans. The  English  and  Spanish  colonies  were  planted  in  a 
manner  as  widely  different,  as  the  characters  of  Cortez  and 
Pizarro,  were  from  those  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and  William 
Penn.  On  the  basis  of  equal  laws,  trial  by  jury,  liberty  of 
person,  conscience,  and  speech,  a  beautiful  fabric  of  society 
had  been  erected  in  the  British  American  colonies  ;  and  the 
declaration  of  independence  was  the  Corinthian  capital,  which 
decorated  and  finished  the  columns  of  the  temple. 

The  revolutions  in  Spanish  America,  on  the  contrary,  are 
at  this  moment  affording  a  signal  proof  of  the  effect  of  early 
dispositions,  implanted  in  nations,  and  pei'haps,  (although  the 
opinion  may  not  be  in  accordance  with  the  sentiments  of  some 
modern  philosophers)  of  the  punishment  which  national  crime 
prepares  for  posterity.  Tlie  predictions  of  the  benevolent 
and  venerable  Las  Casas  have  already  been  fulfilled.  A  da- 
solating  civil  war  has  acquired,  from  the  oppression  of  atyran- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  5S 

nic  government,  and  the  cruel  disposition  which  has  been  en- 
couraged in  the  mass  of  the  people,  uncommon  features  of 
horror.  The  frequent  refusal  of  quarter,  the  sacrifice  of 
persons  in  cold  blood,  the  proscription  and  destruction  of  whole 
districts,  the  mutilations  and  butchery  of  females  and  chil- 
dren, avenge,  terribly  avenge  the  sufferings  of  the  simple  and 
peaceable  aborigines,  as  well  as  the  outrages  under  which  the 
Creoles  have  been  so  long  groaning. 

Jt  is  a  political  fact,  now  admitted  to  be  true  in  its  utmost 
extent,  that  the  government  of  Spain,  over  her  American 
colonies,  was  worse  than  any  other  recorded  in  the  page  of 
history.  In  vain  have  her  apologists  referred  us  to  the  pon- 
derous volumes  of  '"''Las  Leyes  de  las  Indias^^''  or  to  her  eccle- 
siastical regulations,  for  proofs  of  her  moderation  and  wisdom. 
We  have  an  unerring  and  melancholy  proof,  in  the  past  and 
present  condition  of  society  in  those  regions,  of  the  pestilen- 
tial influence  of  the  Spanish  government.  It  has,  in  every 
way,  tended  to  awe,  to  depress,  and  to  brutalize  the  people ;  to 
cut  off  all  means  of  improvement ;  to  destroy  in  its  infancy 
every  germe  of  melioration,  and  to  deprive  them  of  the  many 
physical  blessings  which  their  great  country  afforded  them. 

In  the  vast  empire  of  New  Spain,  containing  nearly  seven 
millions  of  people,  there  is  but  one  public  journal,  and  that 
newspaper  is  printed  under  the  immediate  control  of  a  vigi- 
lant and  jealous  government.  No  foreign  or  domestic  intelli- 
gence is  ever  inserted  in  this  paper,  but  such  as  comports 
with  the  spirit  and  policy  of  the  government.  In  this  state 
of  wretchedness  and  ignorance,  has  the  great  mass  of  society 
been  kept,  in  Spanish  America,  for  near  three  hundred  years. 
~ A  great  change,  however,  has  taken  place  within  the  last 
ten  years,  and  every  friend  of  humanity  must  rejoice,  that  the 
emancipation  of  South  America  and  Mexico,  from  Spanish 
thraldom,  is  an  event  now  no  longer  doubtful.  It  mav  be  re- 
tarded to  a  period  more  distant,  than  many  sanguine  friends  of 
the  cause  suppose  ;  but  every  day  unfolds  new  evidences,  not 
only  of  the  impracticability  of  Spain  ever  re-subjugating  such  of 
the  colonies  as  are  already  in  open  revolt,  but  also  of  the  very 


54  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

precarious  tenure,  on  which  she  holds  her  dominion  over  cer- 
tain sections  that  still  acknowledge  her  sovereignty. 

This  important  fact  will  be  more  clearly  developed  in  the 
following  narrative  of  Mina's  expedition,  and  although  the 
gallant  youth  and  his  brave  companions  have  been  sacrificed, 
they  have  perished  in  a  noble  cause.  We  shall  demonstrate, 
by  a  plain  statement  of  the  extraordinary  circumstances  rela- 
ting to  that  expedition,  that  had  Mina  landed  with  fifteen  hun- 
dred or  two  thousand  soldiers,  instead  of  txvo  hundred  and 
seventy^  in  any  part  of  the  Mexican  kingdom,  he  could  have 
marched  direct  upon  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  overturned  the 
Spanish  government  almost  without  a  struggle.  We  are  aware, 
that  this  assertion  will  surprise  those  who  are  uninformed  of 
the  character  and  feelings  of  the  Mexican  people ;  and  we  are 
likewise  aware,  that  the  truths  we  are  about  to  develop,  will 
be  a  source  of  mortification  to  the  pride  of  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment ;  but,  be  that  as  it  may,  we  pledge  ourselves  for  the 
fidelity  of  the  narration,  and  leave  the  intelligent  reader  to 
draw  his  own  conclusions. 

General  Mina  had  originally  intended,  and  made  his  ar- 
rangements'to  proceed  direct  to  the  Mexican  coast,  conceiv- 
ing that  the  inhabitants  generally  would  rise  in  his  favour;  but, 
altering  his  plan  a  short  time  prior  to  his  departure,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  part  of  his  plans  in  Europe  being  frustrated,  and 
some  information  that  he  received  from  a  respectable  source, 
he  sailed  from  England,  for  the  Chesapeake,  in  the  month  of 
May,  1816,  accompanied  by  thirteen  Spanish  and  Italian,  and 
two  English  officers. 

After  a  passage  of  foity-six  days,  the  ship  arrived  in  Hamp- 
ton Roads.  The  general  disembarked  at  Norfolk,  whence  he 
proceeded  by  land  to  Baltimore,  at  which  city  the  ship  arrived 
on  the  3d  of  July.  Mina  here  made  an  arrangement  for  a  fast 
sailing  brig,  pierced  for  guns ;  and  purchased  a  quantity  of 
field  and  battering  artillery,  mortars,  ammunition,  clothing, 
and  military  stores  of  every  description.  While  these  prepa- 
rations were  making,  the  ship  was  put  in  a  state  for  the  ac- 
commodation of  passengers;  and  the  general  visited  Philadel- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  55 

phia  and  New  York,  where  several  Americans  and  Europeans 
volunteered  their  services,  as  ofRcers,  to  accompany  him.  He 
was  not  desirous  of  augmenting  his  force,  except  as  to  officers, 
being  under  the  impression,  as  before  remarked,  that  he  would 
be  joined  by  the  natives,  on  landing  in  Mexico.  He  obtained 
every  possible  information  of  the  state  of  things  in  that  coun- 
try ;  and  ascertained  that  a  small  place  on  the  Mexican  coast, 
to  the  northward  of  Vera  Cruz,  called  Boquilla  de  Piedras^ 
was  fortified,  and  still  held  by  the  patriot  general  Don  Guada- 
lupe Victoria.  He  also  learned,  that,  although  the  patriots 
had  met  with  recent  disasters,  yet  they  still  maintained  several 
strong  guerilla  parties  in  the  different  provinces. 

In  the  meantime,  many  attempts  were  made,  by  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Spanish  govei-nment,  to  destroy  the  expedition. 
During  the  passage  from  England,  some  of  the  Spanish  offi- 
cers had  a  dispute  with  the  general ;  four  of  whom,  on  their 
arrival  in  the  United  States,  presented  themselves  to  Don 
Luis  de  Onis,  the  Spanish  minister,  and  gave  such  informa- 
tion as  they  possessed,  relative  to  the  general's  intended  ope- 
rations. Although  their  communications  were  crude,  enough 
was  imparted  to  awaken  the  jealousy  and  suspicion  of  the 
minister,  who,  ever  on  the  alert  to  support  the  dignity  and  in- 
terest of  his  master  Ferdinand,  immediately  addressed  the 
American  government,  representing  the  nature  of  the  informa- 
tion he  had  received,  and  calling  upon  it  to  suppress  the  threat- 
ened undertaking  of  Mina :  but,  as  the  complaints  of  the  minis- 
ter were  not  sustained  by  any  positive  data,  and  as  the  existing 
lav/s  did  not  prohibit  the  exportation  of  military  stores,  nor 
the  sailing  of  American  vessels  to  any  part  of  the  world  in 
amity  with  the  United  States,  for  commercial  objects;  and  as 
the  rights  of  hospitality  were  alike  extended  to  all  parties,  the 
executive  did  not  think  proper  to  interfere,  as  long  as  the  ge- 
neral and  his  agents  moved  within  the  sphere  of  the  laws  of 
the  republic. 

The  Spanish  consul  at  Baltimore,  having  understood  the 
intended  object  of  the  ship  from  the  steward,  who  ran  away 
from  her,  and  who,  understanding  Spanish,  had  overheard  the 
conversation  of  the  malecontents  on  the  voyage,  applied  to  the 


56  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

British  consul  for  his  official  assistance  in  ridding  the  Spanish 
government  of  its  cause  of  alarm.  It  is  yet  doubtful,  in  the 
mind  of  the  writer,  whether  the  Spanish  representative  sur- 
passed the  British  consul,  in  this  instance,  in  strenuous  exer- 
tions in  the  cause  of  Ferdinand  VII.  He  ostensibly  attached 
more  credit  to  the  bare  ipse  dixit  of  a  worthless  deserter,  than 
to  the  papers  and  documents  of  the  ship ;  and,  without  any 
other  proof  that  her  destination  was  illicit,  than  that  of  the  as- 
sertions of  known  mutineers,  he,  of  himself,  unjustifiably  as- 
sumed a  high  jurisdiction  in  a  neutral  country,  whose  govern- 
ment had  withheld  its  interference:  and,  although  the  ship  had 
not  been  employed  in  any  respect  in  contravention  to  the  Bri- 
tish laws,  and  it  could  not  be  established  that  it  was  intended 
that  she  should  be  so  employed,  while  she  wore  a  British  flag, 
he  endeavoured  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  her  voyage. 
In  fact,  the  British  consul  acted,  in  this  business,  more  like 
the  representative  of  the  Spanish,  than  the  consul  of  a  free 
government;  and,  at  all  events,  it  indicated  his  hostility  to  the 
cause  of  liberty  in  Spanish  America. 

A  quantity  of  military  stores  were  put  on  board  the  ship,  as 
cargo ;  and  the  passengers,  destined  to  embark  in  her,  being 
in  readiness,  she  took  from  the  custom-house  a  clearance  for 
St.  Thomas,  and  proceeded  outside  of  fort  M'Henry,  where 
she  anchored  :  but  it  was  not  without  some  difficulty  that  the 
British  consul  was  induced,  even  then,  to  relinquish  his  hold 
on  the  papers. 

On  the  evening  of  the  28th  of  August,  the  passengers,  in 
number  about  two  hundred,  embarked,  under  the  direction  of 
colonel  the  count  de  Ruuth.  Mina  remained  to  go  out  in  the 
brig,  whose  cargo  was  not  quite  ready.  The  ship  was  ordered 
to  proceed  to  Port  au  Prince,  there  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 
general. 

The  ship  left  the  capes  of  Virginia,  on  the  1st  of  September, 
in  company  with  a  Spanish  schooner,  which  had  been  hired  by 
Mina,  and  on  board  of  which  was  lieutenant-colonel  Myers, 
of  the  artillery,  with  his  company  ;  but,  a  night  or  two  after 
sailing,  this  vessel  separated  from  the  ship,  and  proceeded  to 
the  rendezvous. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  57 

After  a  passage  of  seventeen  days,  the  ship  arrived  at  Port 
au  Prince,  where  she  found  her  consort  the  schooner.  The 
following  night,  the  island  was  visited  by  one  of  those  destruc- 
tive hurricanes  common  to  the  West  Indies.  Amid  the  scene 
of  general  havoc,  the  ship  sustained  her  portion  of  damage. 
She  parted  one  of  her  cables,  drove  with  another  ahead,  and 
got  foul  of  a  Haytian  frigate,  of  thirty-two  guns ;  in  conse- 
quence of  which,  the  foremast,  maintopmast,  and  several  spars, 
were  carried  away,  besides  considerable  injury  sustained  in 
the  hull ;  and  the  frigate  lost  htr  three  masts  by  the  board. 
The  ship,  however,  hooking  the  frigate's  moorings,  held  on  ; 
and,  about  three  o'clock,  the  gale  abated.  Day -light  offered 
to  view  the  melancholy  scene  of  the  ship  dismasted,  and  the 
schooner,  her  consort,  upset  and  grounded  on  a  shoal. 

The  storm  having  abated,  the  passengers  were  landed  in  the 
course  of  the  forenoon,  and  the  ship  was  then  hauled  into  the 
inner  harbour.  The  misfortune  which  had  befallen  her  bore 
a  serious  aspect ;  it  being  feared,  that  it  would  be  impractica- 
ble to  repair  her ;  however,  these  apprehensions  were  soon 
relieved,  by  the  generous  conduct  of  the  late  president  of  the 
republic,  by  whom  spars  were  furnished,  the  use  of  the  arsenal 
was  granted,  and  every  facility  afforded. 

The  brig  being  ready  for  sea,  the  general  and  staff  embark- 
ed, and  sailed  from  Baltimore,  on  the  2rth  of  September. 
During  his  stay  in  that  city,  the  simplicity  and  modesty  of  his 
demeanour,  the  honesty  of  his  transactions,  and  his  gentle- 
manly deportment,  had  gained  him  the  esteem  of  a  consider- 
able poition  of  its  society.  He  was  applied  to,  while  in  the 
United  States,  to  lend  his  assistance  to  the  equipping  of  South 
American  privateers;  and,  though  the  offer  was  highly  advan- 
tageous, he  refused  it  with  indignation:  "  What  reason,"  said 
he,  "  have  you  to  suppose  that  Xavier  Mina  would  plunder 
his  unoffending  countrymen  ?  I  war  against  Ferdinand  and 
tyranny,  not  against  Spaniards." 

While  the  ship  was  refitting,  general  Mina  arrived  at  Port 
au  Prince.  Although  he  was  much  chagrined  by  the  late  dis- 
aster, and  the  delay  and  expense  resulting  therefrom,  yet,  by 
his  activity  and  perseverance,  he  soon  surmounted  this  first      1 

(8) 


58  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

obstacle  to  his  expedition.  He  was  received  with  particular 
attention  by  general  Petion,  who  afforded  him  every  assistance 
in  his  power. 

In  this  place,  several  individuals,  both  Americans  and  Eu- 
ropeans, abandoned  the  expedition.  In  some  few  instances, 
they  were  prevented  from  accompanying  it  by  sickness ;  but 
the  majority  of  them  assigned  reasons,  in  extenuation  of  their 
conduct,  which  should  have  been  seriously  considered  before 
they  volunteered.  Mina  viewed  their  defection  with  merited 
disregard ;  observing,  that  he  wished  none  to  follow  his  for- 
tunes, but  such  as  would  voluntarily  and  cheerfully  devote 
themselves  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  This  loss  was,  however, 
in  some  measure  counterbalanced  by  the  acquisition  of  some 
seamen,  who  had  deserted  from  a  French  frigate,  then  laying 
in  the  roads. 

The  general  had  understood,  that  commodore  Aury,  a  pa- 
triot naval  commander,  was  cruising  in  the  Bay  of  Mexico, 
and  that  he  had  formed  an  establishment  on  the  island  of  San 
Luis,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  La  Trinidad.  Thither  he  de- 
termined to  repair,  under  the  expectation  that  his  views  would 
be  promoted  by  that  officer.  Having  engaged  a  small  schoon- 
er, in  lieu  of  the  Spanish  vessel  which  had  upset  during  the 
late  hurricane,  and  the  ship  being  refitted  in  the  best  possible 
manner,  the  expedition,  consisting  of  the  brig,  ship,  and 
schooner,  on  the  24th  of  October,  made  sail  for  the  island  of 
San  Luis,  on  the  Mexican  coast. 

Misfortune  seems  to  have  accompanied  the  expedition, 
from  the  date  of  the  ship's  arrival  at  Hayti.  After  leav- 
ing Port  au  Prince,  an  almost  continual  calm  was  experi- 
enced, so  that  the  expedition  was  thirty  days  in  perform- 
ing a  voyage,  which,  with  the  usual  sea  breeze  in  those  lati- 
tudes, could  have  been  made  in  ten  or  twelve.  The  tedious- 
ness  of  the  voyage  was,  however,  a  light  evil,  compared  with 
others  which  the  expedition  was  doomed  to  suffer.  That 
dreadful  contagion,  the  yellow  fever,  broke  out  on  board  the 
ship.  It  had  been  brought  from  the  shore  by  one  of  the  pas- 
sengers, who  died  a  few  days  after  sailing.  The  infection 
spread  to  the  other  vessels.     The  brig,  not  being  crowded. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  59 

suffered  little,  losing  only  one  ntian.  The  ship's  sick  list  was 
soon  swelled  to  fifty  and  sixty  daily  :  however,  not  more  than 
seven  or  eight  died.  But  on  board  the  schooner,  where  the 
air  was  confined,  a  melancholy  scene  ensued  :  of  the  few  on 
board,  eight  died,  among  whom  was  lieutenant-colonel  Daly. 
At  last,  the  brig  was  obliged  to  take  her  in  tow,  as  there  was 
not  an  individual  on  board  free  from  the  fever,  except  a  black 
woman.  Indeed,  had  it  not  been  for  the  exertions  of  an  excel- 
lent physician,  it  is  probable  the  expedition  would  have  been 
destroyed.  This  worthy  man.  Dr.  John  Hennessy,  formerly 
of  Kingston,  Jamaica,  did  not  merely  give  evidence  of  his 
professional  skill,  but  his  indefatigable  activity,  and  sympa- 
thizing attentions,  were  unremitting,  and  endeared  him  to  eve- 
ry individual  of  the  expedition.  The  vessels  arrived  at  the 
Grand  Cayman  island,  where  a  plentiful  supply  of  turtle  was 
procured  ;  which,  together  with  cool  northerly  breezes,  soon 
rendered  the  passengers  convalescent.  At  this  island,  they 
who  were  on  board  the  schooner  represented  to  the  general, 
that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  proceed  any  farther  in  that 
ill-fated  vessel.  Orders  were  therefore  given,  that  those, 
who  were  reported  to  be  free  from  fever,  should  be  passed  on 
board  the  ship  ;  while  the  schooner,  with  her  sick,  went  into 
the  Grand  Cayman.  The  ship  and  brig  proceeded  on  their 
course,  and  arrived  off  the  encampment  at  San  Luis,  on  the 
24th  of  November,  after  a  distressing  passage  of  thirty  days. 

The  general  here  met  with  commodore  Aury;  and,  as  the 
north  winds,  which  render  the  Mexican  coast  veiy  dangerous, 
then  prevailed,  an  order  was  given  for  the  landing  tff  the  ex- 
pedition. As  there  was  not  sufficient  water  on  the  bar  to  ad- 
mit the  vessels,  measures  were  taken  to  unload  them  ;  and  an 
old  hulk,  lying  in  the  harbour,  was  appropriated,  by  the  com- 
modore, for  the  reception  of  the  stores. 

The  settlement,  called  Galvezton,  was  established  on  the 
east  end  of  the  island.  The  entrance  into  the  harbour  is  de- 
fended by  a  bar,  capable  of  admitting  vessels  of  easy  draft, 
there  being  twelve  feet  of  water  on  it ;  but  the  swell  often 
renders  the  channel  dangerous.  Inside  the  bar,  there  is  a  good 
depth  of  water,  up  to  the  settlement;  but  the  bay,  into  which 


60  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  river  La  Trinidad  disembogues,  is  in  many  parts  verr 
shoal.  The  island  is  low ;  and  the  water,  which  is  obtained 
by  digging  in  the  sand,  is  brackish.  A  plenty  of  good  water 
may,  however,  be  obtained  in  the  cane  brakes,  at  some  dis- 
tance from  Galvezton,  where  the  shipping  usually  fill  their 
casks.  The  island  is  intersected  by  large  bayous.  It  is  co- 
vered with  long  prairie  grass ;  and  abounds  with  deer  and  wild 
fowls ;  while  the  bay  yields  fine  fish,  and  the  bayous  excellent 
oysters. 

As  soon  as  the  troops  were  landed,  an  encampment  was  laid 
out,  and  the  tents  were  pitched.  On  the  west  side  of  Galvez- 
ton, commodore  Aury  had  commenced  throwing  up  a  mud 
fort ;  and,  to  the  westward  of  this,  was  Mina's  encampment. 
The  requisite  arms  were  served  out,  two  field-pieces  and  two 
howitzers  were  landed,  and  the  engineer  department  was  dili- 
gently employed  in  preparing  fixed  ammunition ;  the  mechanics 
were  set  to  work,  clothing  was  served  out  to  the  men,  and  the 
officers  were  furnished  with  their  respective  uniforms.  The 
commodore  supplied  the  division  with  rations  of  excellent 
fresh  bread,  salt  beef,  pork,  fish,  oil,  and  brandy;  which,  with 
the  game,  and  the  supplies  brought  by  the  coasters,  enabled 
the  division  to  fare  well. 

In  the  meantime,  the  ship  and  brig,  as  it  was  unsafe  to  keep 
them  at  anchorage  on  the  coast,  had  been  ordered  to  proceed 
to  New  Orleans. 

The  immediate  attention  of  the  general  was  directed  to  the 
organization  of  his  regiments.  Officers  were  appointed  to  the 
different  corps,  which  it  was  expected  would  be  filled  up  soon 
after  the  descent  should  be  made.  The  American  officers, 
who  did  not  understand  the  Spanish  language,  were  formed 
into  a  company,  styled,  "  the  Guard  of  Honour  of  the  Mexican 
Congress,"  of  which  the  general  was  captain,  a  colonel  the 
lieutenant,  and  so  on.  Colonel  Young,  an  officer  who  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and 
whose  gallantry  and  activity  we  shall  have  occasion  hereafter 
to  notice,  was  subsequently  placed  in  command  of  this  com- 
pany. The  numbers  of  the  expedition  being  few,  this  arrange- 
ment was  made,  both  with  the  view  to  self-defence,  and.  to 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  6| 

keep  the  officers  united;  the  general  intending  to  transfer  them 
to  other  corps,  as  they  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the  Spanish 
language,  in  which  the  chaplain  of  the  division  commenced 
instructing  them.  In  fact,  all  the  measures  of  the  general 
clearly  proved  that  he  perfectly  knew  how  to  order  his  little 
force  to  the  best  advantage.  The  following  was  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  corps  :— 

Guard  of  Honour — Colonel  Young. 
Artillery — Colonel  Myers. 
Cavalry — Colonel  the  Count  de  Ruuth. 
First  Regiment  of  the  Line — Major  Sardi. 


Engineer 


} 


Commissariat       )■   Departments. 

Medical 

Blacks7niths^  Carpenters^  Printers^  and  Tailors. 

The  infant  army  was  daily  exercised,  and  the  greatest  good 
order  prevailed. 

The  general  had  frequent  interviews  with  commodore  Aury, 
and  was  very  desirous  of  establishing  a  cordial  understanding 
with  him.  Unfortunately,  this  was  not  effected  ;  and  thereby 
Mina  lost  an  important  accession  to  his  force,  as  the  commo- 
dore had  actually  raised  a  body  of  two  hundred  troops,  for 
the  purpose  of  invading  the  province  of  Texas. 

Aury  held  a  commission  in  the  service  of  the  Mexican  re- 
public, as  governor  of  the  province  of  Texas,  and  general  in 
the  Mexican  republican  army.  This  commission  had  been 
granted  him  by  Don  fose  Manuel  de  Herrera^  who  resided  in 
New  Orleans,  as  ambassador  to  the  United  States  from  the 
Mexican  republic.  Herrera  had  been  appointed  by  the  Mexi- 
can congress,  at  the  period  when  the  revolution  was  in  its 
most  flourishing  state;  when  general  Morelos,  the  distinguish- 
ed patriot  chief,  had  taken  Acapulco,  subdued  the  province 
of  Oaxaca,  and  established  his  authority  over  a  considerable 
part  of  the  Mexican  empire.  The  right,  therefore,  of  Herrera, 
to  appoint  Amy  an  officer  in  the  Mexican  republic,  cannot  be 
<]uestioned. 


&2  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Herrera  was  a  priest,  grave  in  his  manners;  but  he  possessed 
very  little  knowledge  ol  the  world,  and  consequently  was  easily 
imposed  on.  During  his  stay  at  New  Orleans,  he  rendered  no 
effectual  services  to  the  Mexican  cause,  except  by  some  trifling 
shipments  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  which  he  sent  to 
general  Victoria. 

Previous  to  general  Mina's  sailing  from  Baltimore,  a  fast 
sailing  schooner  had  been  despatched  for  the  Mexican  coast^ 
to  ascertain  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  to  open  a  communica- 
tion with  general  Victoria,  who,  it  was  understood,  had  a  con- 
siderable patriot  force  under  his  orders,  in  the  province  of 
Vera  Cruz,  and  held  a  small  fort  on  the  coast,  at  a  place  called 
Boqidlla  de  Piedras.  This  mission  was  entrusted  to  doctor 
Mier,  a  native  of  the  internal  provinces,  and  in  whom  the 
general  placed  great  confidence. 

The  doctor,  however,  was  alarmed  at  the  stormy  weather  he 
experienced  in  the  gulf,  and  put  into  New  Orleans  :  from 
thence  he  despatched  the  schooner  for  Boquilla.  On  her  ar- 
rival there,  the  captain  found  that  the  post  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  royalists,  and  he  repaired  to  Galvezton.  Information 
was  afterwards  received,  that  Victoria  had  taken  a  port  to  the 
northward  of  Boquilla,  called  Nautla.  The  schooner  was 
despatched  for  the  latter  place,  with  letters  from  Mina  for 
Victoria ;  but,  in  the  meantime,  the  place  had  been  retaken, 
and  on  her  arrival  the  captain  found  the  Spanish  flag  flying. 

Mina  deeply  regretted  that  he  could  not  open  a  communi- 
cation with  Victoria,  because  he  was  perfectly  aware  of  his 
merits,  and  he  felt  the  importance  of  acting  in  concert  with 
him.  If  Mina  could  have  formed  a  junction  with  Victoria, 
and  safely  landed  die  arms  and  munitions  of  war  which  he 
had  then  at  his  command,  it  would  have  opened  a  new  era  in 
the  revolution  :  he  could  then  have  penetrated  through  the 
province  of  Vera  Cruz,  to  Tehuacan,  formed  a  union  with  the 
forces  of  Teran,  Osourno,  and  the  other  patriot  chiefs,  and, 
in  all  human  probability,  would  have  been  able  to  strike  a  de- 
cisive blow  against  the  royalists.  The  non-execution  of  this 
part  of  Mina's  plans,  may  be  assigned  as  one  of  the  causes  of 
the  eventual  failure  of  his  undertaking. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  63- 

Doctor  Mier,  hearing  of  the  general's  arrival  at  Galvez- 
ton,  left  New  Orleans,  and  repaired  to  that  place.  The  doc- 
tor was  a  man  of  most  amiable  manners,  and  although  he  had 
been  educated  a  priest,  he  was  liberal  in  his  sentiments,  a 
good  scholar,  and  an  ardent  advocate  for  the  emancipation  of 
his  country  from  the  despotism  of  Spain.  He  was  not,  how- 
ever, calculated  to  ride  in  the  whirlwind  of  a  revolution,  being 
naturally  timid ;  but,  from  his  general  knowledge  of  New 
Spain,  and  his  influence  in  society,  the  general  calculated  much 
on  his  services,  and  was  sincerely  attached  to  him. 

The  doctor  had  been  one  of  the  victims  of  Spanish  bigotry, 
in  consequence  of  having  delivered  a  discourse,  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  in  which  he  undertook  to  prove  that  the  famous  story 
of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe^  was  an  imposture  of  the  priest- 
hood.    For  this  act  of  free  thinking  and  speaking,  he  was  shut 
up  for  several  years  in  the  dungeons  of  the  Inquisition,  and 
was  afterwards  sent  to  Rome.     There,  by  his  talents  and  ur- 
banity of  manners,  he  became  a  favourite  with  the  Pope.  Upoa 
the  breaking  out  of  the  revolution  in  Spain,  he  went  there,  and 
preached  destruction  to  its  invaders;  but  being  a  zealous  con- 
stitutionalist, he  was  forced  to  take  refuge  in  England.   There 
he  met  Mina,  and  most  cordially  engaged  to  accompany  him 
to  Mexico.    Having  mentioned  the  apparition  of  the  Virgin  of 
Guadalupe,  and  as  it  is  one  among  the  numerous  evidences  of 
the  superstition  which  has  so  long  prevailed  in  Spanish  Ameri- 
ca, it  may  not  be  amiss  to  give  some  detail  of  the  origin  of 
this' apparition.     We  know,  from  authentic  records,  that  the 
superstitious  terrors  instilled  by  the  Spanish  priests  into  the 
minds  of  the  ignorant  aborigines,  were,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  conquest,  of  much  more  service  to  the  government  of 
Spain  than  its  arms.    The  images  and  pictures  of  saints,  which 
the  priests  had  previously  buried,  or  hidden  in  places  where 
they  might  easily  be  found  by  the  Indians,  are  at  this  day  to 
be  seen  in  almost  every  village  and  town  in  the  empire.     The 
discovery  of  those  images  is  ascribed  to  the  interposition  of 
Heaven.     Every  town  has  its  tutelar  saint,  upon  which  are 
lavished  immense  sums  of  money,  in  dresses,  gold  and  silver 
ornaments,  diamonds, and  other  precious  stones.  To  allof  these. 


64  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  Padres  have  given  names,  and  to  each  one  is  attributed 
miraculous  powers,  by  the  credulous  Indians,  and  indeed  by- 
many  bigoted  Creoles.  The  holy  tribunal  has  most  studiously 
cherished  this  superstition,  and  has  hurled  its  thunders  against 
him,  who  dared  to  question  the  sacred  origin  of  these  images. 
It  would  fill  volumes  were  we  to  attempt  to  detail  the  aston- 
ishing circumstances  attending  these  discoveries,  and  the  mi- 
raculous virtues  ascribed  to  each  saint.  They  have  been 
transmitted  from  one  generation  to  another,  and  have  received 
so  many  embellishments  and  confirmations,  from  the  crafty 
and  credulous,  (the  latter  of  whom  imagine,  that  the  surest 
way  of  propitiating  the  favour,  is  to  magnify  the  powers,  of 
the  saint,)  that  even  some  of  the  priests  of  better  judgment 
have  been  led  to  believe  in  those  wonderful  attributes,  and  are 
ready  to  testify  to  miracles  performed  by  virtue  of  their  pray- 
ers and  supplications.  It  is  true,  that  many  of  the  crafty 
priests  are  aware  of  the  deception;  but,  nevertheless,  they  find 
it  to  be  their  interest  to  compose  books  for  the  express  purpose 
of  proving  the  time  and  manner,  in  which  those  great  miracles 
have  been  performed ;  and  in  so  doing,  they  conceive,  that  not 
only  their  own  interests  are  promoted,  but  that  it  is  the  most 
effectual  mode  of  preserving  the  power  of  the  church,  and  the 
dignity  of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  Books,  of  the  kind  just 
mentioned,  form  almost  the  only  species  of  literature  that  is 
allowed  to  circulate  through  the  empire.  They  are  sought 
after  with  avidity  by  the  unfortunate  Creole,  and  make  an  im- 
pression on  his  mind  not  easily  eradicated. 

About  ten  years  after  what  the  Spaniards  call  the  conquest, 
the  celebrated  apparition  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe  made  its 
appearance,  in  the  following  manner.  Adjacent  to  the  city  of 
Mexico  is  a  barren  hill.  An  Indian,  acccidentally  passing 
near  it,  heard  sounds  of  music,  and  at  the  same  time  saw  an 
aerial  figure.  Alarmed  at  the  vision,  he  fled.  But,  passing 
near  the  same  place  shortly  afterwards,  the  same  strange  oc- 
currence again  took  place.  He  was  called  by  name,  and  told 
to  repair  to  that  spot  at  a  certain  time,  and  he  would  find  her 
picture  buried  under  a  heap  of  roses.  He  did  so,  and  found 
it  as  was  said.     The  Indian  carried  this  mysterious  picture  to 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  65 

the  bishop  of  Mexico,  who  was,  of  course,  in  the  secret.     A 
solemn  conclave  of  the  clergy  took  place,  and  the  bishop, 
kneeling  before  the  picture  with  the  most  profound  veneration^ 
named  it  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe.     A  sanctuary  was 
erected  for  her  reception,  and  she  received  the  exalted  title  of 
patroness  of  Mexico  ,-   which   she  enjoys  to  the  present  time. 
This   is  the  origin  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  conformably 
to  the  records  of  the   church  now  existing  in  Mexico.     The 
original  picture  is  still  exhibited  in  the  Virgin's  church  ;  it  is 
painted  upon  a  cloth   of  linen  manufacture,  called    Uango- 
chi^  composed  of  coarse  .threads  spun  from  the  fibres  of  the 
Maguey   C Agave  AviericanaJ   and  wove   very  wide  apart. 
The  Indians  and  Creoles  say  the  picture  is  miraculous,  be- 
cause, as  it  is  approached,  the  painting  becomes  less  visible, 
and  when  quite  close,  all  traces  of  the  picture  disappear ;  their 
blind  superstition  not  permitting  them  to  discover,  that  the 
open  texture  of  the  material,  upon  which  it  is  painted,  is  the 
cause  of  this  disappearance.     A  priest  told  the  writer  another 
circumstance  respecting  the  Virgin's  picture,  which  he  deemed 
the  most  important  part  of  the  miracle  ;  it  is,  that  the  picture 
was  found  under  a  heap  of  roses,   in  the  winter   season,   and 
on  a  spot  where  those  flowers  had  never  bloomed.     It  did  not 
occur  to  the  mind  of  the  priest,  that  at  the  distance  of  a  few 
leagues,   the   climate   was  quite  different,  where  roses  grow 
throughout  the  year,  and  that,  consequently,  the  painters  of 
the  picture  of  the  Virgin  did  not  require  any  celestial  aid  to 
procure  a  heap  of  roses.     In  such   veneration  do  the   lower 
orders  of  Creoles,  and  indeed  many  of  the  middling  and  higher 
classes,  and  the  Indians,  hold  their  patroness,  that  they  keep 
paintings  of  her  in  all  their  houses,   invoke  her  in  ail  their 
prayers,  and  implore  her  assistance  in  all  their  difficulties. 

In  the  religious  processions  which  take  place  in  the  Mexi- 
can empire,  almost  daily,  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating  some 
rites  of  the  church,  or  to  offer  homage  to  some  of  the  tutelar 
saints,  there  is  a  solemnity  and  magnificence  displayed,  ad- 
mirably calculated  to  captivate  the  vulgar,  to  gratify  the 
vanity,  and  impose  on  the  credulity  of  all  classes  of  the  com- 
munity.    The  simplicity  and  purity  of  the  Christian  religion 

(9) 


55  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

is  lost  in  these  pompous  and  mystical  exhibitions.  'I'he  poor 
converted  Indian,  as  he  is  called,  knows  nothing  of  the  Catho- 
lic religion  beyond  its  ceremonies.  To  the  images  of  saints, 
and  other  external  symbols,  he  offers  his  daily  homage,  but 
he  is  as  utterly  uninformed  of  the  precepts  of  the  Christian 
doctrine,  as  any  of  the  Pagans  of  former  ages. 

In  order  to  accommodate  the  Catholic  religion  to  the  pre- 
judices and  consciences  of  the  Indians,  the  priests,  with  their 
usual  art,  have  interwoven  many  of  the  Indian  customs  and 
symbols  with  Christian  ceremonies.  Of  this  strange  mixture 
of  Pagan  and  Christian  rites,  there  are,  to  this  day,  numerous 
evidences  over  the  whole  of  the  Mexican  empire.  On  vari- 
ous holidays,  the  Indians  of  both  sexes,  dressed  in  the  most 
fantastic  manner,  dance  to  the  sound  of  rude  instruments  be- 
fore the  church  doors,  and  in  front  of  the  altar,  exhibiting  the 
most  ludicrous  figures.  During  the  parade  of  many  religious 
processions  through  the  streets,  we  see  Indians,  decorated  in 
the  most  grotesque  manner,  beating  drums,  dancing,  and  crack- 
ing fireworks.  In  the  churches,  we  are  struck  by  the  glaring 
paintings  and  images  of  martyrs,  saints  and  bishops,  surround- 
ed by  suns,  moons  and  stars ;  while  the  trinkets,  precious 
stones,  gold  and  silver  ornaments,  and  the  twinkling  of  num- 
bers of  wax  tapers,  induce  a  stranger  to  believe,  that  he  is  in 
one  of  the  fairy  edifices  of  Aladdin,  instead  of  a  temple  dedi- 
cated to  the  Christian  worship.  In  a  conspicuous  situation, 
in  the  wall  of  the  cathedral  church  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  is 
placed  a  huge,  mishapen  stone,  on  which  are  engraved  hiero- 
glyphic characters,  that  had  formerly  been  appropriated  to  the 
religious  ceremonies  of  the  aborigines.  In  the  painting  of  the 
Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  the  Mexican  patroness  is  represented  in 
a  blue  robe  embellished  with  stars,  and  standing  on  a  crescent 
supported  by  cherubim.  Even  the  complexion  of  the  Vir- 
gin has  been  suited  to  the  spirit  of  the  times,  in  order  to  prove 
to  the  Indians,  that  her  apparition  was  a  mark  of  the  especial 
favour  of  Heaven.  If,  therefore,  she  had  been  represented 
with  a  fair  complexion,  the  intent  might  not  have  been  an- 
swered ;  and,  for  this  reason,  perhaps,  we  see  her  represented 
with  features  of  a  "  dusky  hue." 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  67 

To  support  these  pompous  ceremonies,  or,  as  it  is  styled, 
to  sustain  the  splendour  and  dignity  of  the  church,  the  unfor- 
tunate Mexican  is  taught  to  believe  constitutes  his  primary 
duty;  hence,  the  greatest  part  of  the  fruits  of  his  hard  la- 
bour are  absorbed  by  the  ecclesiastic  coffers. 

The  wealth  that  has  been  lavished  on  some  of  the  religious 
edifices,  will  appear  incredible  to  those  who  have  never  visited 
Spanish  America.  From  the  numerous  instances  which  every 
where  present  themselves  in  Mexico,  we  select  the  following. 

About  three  leagues  from  the  town  of  San  Miguel  el  Grande^ 
in  the  province  of  Guanaxuato,  stand  two  chapels,  on  the  sum- 
mit of  a  high  mountain  ;  one,  for  ordinary  divine  offices  ;  the 
other,  to  exhibit  the  different  scenes,  in  the  sufferings  of  our 
Redeemer,  previous  to,  and  on  his  arrival  at  Mount  Calvary, 
In  this  chapel  was  a  magnificent  altar,  on  which  were  the 
images  of  our  Saviour,  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  other  saints, 
made  of  solid  silver,  ornamented  with  emeralds  and  other 
precious  stones.  On  entering  this  chapel,  on  the  left-hand, 
the  stranger  is  astonished  on  beholding  a  range  of  thirty-txvo 
altars^  on  each  of  which  are  figures,  the  size  of  life,  represent- 
ing the  different  passages  In  our  Saviour's  ordeal,  and  at  the 
end,  Mount  Calvary,  with  the  body  on  the  cross,  accompanied 
by  Mary,  John,  and  others,  as  mentioned  in  Holy  Writ.  All 
these  altars,  figures,  crosses,  &c.  are  of  pure  silver.  This 
temple  is  called  the  sanctuary  of  our  Lord  of  Atonilco,  from 
the  name  of  the  place  where  it  is  situated.  Devotees  from  all 
parts  of  the  kingdom  go  there  to  confess,  and  conform  to  the 
penance  prescribed  by  the  priests;  and  large  sums  are  annually 
collected  bv  our  Lord  of  Atonilco,  from  these  devout  pilgrims. 

The  origin  of  this  chapel  merits  notice  from  its  singularity. 
Many  years  ago^  a  bandit  of  the  name  of  Lohra^  was  at  the 
head  of  such  a  formidable  band,  that  the  Spanish  government 
offered  him  not  only  a  pardon,  but  an  immense  salary,  with 
the  arbitrary  power  and  title  of  supreme  judge  of  the  accor- 
dada,  provided  he  would  exterminate  the  banditti.  Lohra 
accepted  the  conditions;  seized  his  fellow  robbers;  and, 
under  various  pretexts,  hung  them  up  by  hundreds  on  the 


68  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

ti'ees.  In  a  few  months  he  completely  destroyed  them.  He 
was  immediately  invested  with  the  character  of  supreme  judge, 
and  enjoyed  with  it,  a  salary  of  ten  thousand  dollars  a  year, 
until  his  death.  This  office  was  one  of  the  most  arbitrary 
and  independent  situations  in  the  kingdom.  He  had  the  pow- 
er of  life  and  death,  inflicting  what  punishment  he  pleased, 
and  levying  contributions  on  all  such  as  were  found  trafficking 
in  liquors  prohibited  by  the  Spanish  government. 

Lohra  no  sooner  found  himself  clothed  with  this  extraordi- 
nary power,  than  he  began  to  levy  contributions  without  mer- 
cy on  all  whom  he  suspected  of  dealing  in  contraband  liquors ; 
and  in  case  any  one  resisted  his  decrees,  he  was  immediately 
hung.  By  such  means  he  amassed  immense  treasures,  which 
he  devoted  to  the  building  of  the  sanctuary  of  our  Lord  of 
Atonilco. 

His  successors  continued  long  to  enjoy  those  high  preroga- 
tives, but  they  became  so  capricious  and  cruel,  that  about  the 
year  1790,  the  viceroy  count  Galvez,  took  on  himself  the  re- 
sponsibility of  putting  a  check  on  the  tyrannical  tribunal  of 
the  accordada.  A  man  of  the  name  of  Santa  Maria  was  then 
judge,  and  had  three  culprits  at  the  foot  of  the  gallows  ready 
for  execution,  when  count  Galvez  suddenly  presented  himself 
on  horseback,  and  pronounced  their  pardon  in  the  name  of  the 
king.  This  act  was  highly  grateful  to  the  people  of  Mexico, 
and  Charles  III.  approved  the  conduct  of  count  Galvez,  di- 
recting that  in  future,  all  sentences  of  the  judge  of  the  accor- 
dada must  be  subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the  royal  audiencia, 
of  which  the  viceroy  is  president. 

In  having  noticed  thus  briefly  the  superstitious  follies  and 
exti-avagance,  which  have  been  encouraged  among  the  Mexi- 
cans, by  the  Spanish  priests,  we  do  not  mean  to  speak  lightly 
of  the  Catholic  religion  ;  it  is  the  abuses  which  have  been  sanc- 
tioned under  its  name  that  we  reprobate,  and  think  a  proper 
subject  for  animadversion  ;  we  have  no  prejudices  in  favour 
of  any  particular  denomination  of  Christians,  and  we  have 
only  deeply  to  regret,  that  many  other  sects  as  well  as  the 
Catholics,  have  sullied  the  purity  of  true  religion,  by  mingling 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  69 

■with  it  a  mass  of  ceremonies,  revolting  to  common  sense,  and 
disgusting  to  every  enlightened  mind.  We  will  now  resume 
the  thread  of  our  narrative. 

The  brig  returned  to  Galvezton,  from  New  Orleans,  well 
equipped,  and  was  now  put  under  Mexican  colours,  as  a  nation- 
al vessel  of  war.    She  was  called  "  El  Congreso  Mex'icano^'' 

The  general  received  despatches  from  his  agent  at  New  Or- 
leans, containing  overtures  from  certain  persons,  who  wished 
him  to  make  an  attack  upon  Pensacola,  and  who  offered  to 
furnish  him  with  men,  arms,  &c.  &c.  for  that  purpose.  Mina 
was  anxious  to  examine  into  the  merits  of  this  project,  con- 
ceiving that  if  it  could  be  carried  into  effect,  it  might  promote 
his  ulterior  views  on  Mexico.  Accordingly,  he  embarked  in 
the  brig,  and  proceeded  to  New  Orleans,  leaving  colonel  Don 
Mariano  Montilla,  an  officer  who  had  distinguished  himself 
in  the  Venezuelan  revolution,  in  the  command  of  the  division 
at  Galvezton. 

Previous  to  the  departure  of  the  general,  a  very  extraordi- 
nary circumstance  was  brought  to  light,  which  proved  that  the 
Spanish  government  had  resorted  to  a  treacherous  plan,  to  get 
rid  of  Mina.  The  instrument  of  this  diabolical  scheme  was  a 
young  Spaniard,  named  Correa.  This  youth  was  under  deep 
obligations  to  the  general.  He  was  the  son  of  Don  Diego 
Correa,  who  then  resided  at  London,  and  who  had  been  a  con-* 
spicuous  victim  to  the  despotism  of  Ferdinand.  Young  Cor- 
rea arrived  at  London,  from  the  continent,  totally  destitute  of 
the  means  of  subsistence  ;  and,  on  expressing  a  wish  to  the 
friends  of  Mina,  to  follow  that  officer,  he  was  by  them  fitted 
out  in  a  handsome  style,  his  passage  and  expenses  to  the  L^ni- 
ted  States  were  paid,  and  a  letter  of  credit  was  furnished  him 
on  New  York.  He  arrived  at  that  city,  and  then  proceeded 
to  Baltimore  to  meet  the  general,  who  received  him  with  that 
generous  sympathy  which  he  invariably  manifested  towards 
the  sufferers  from  Ferdinand's  tyranny.  Chevalier  Don  Luis 
de  Onis,  minister  plenipotentiary  of  his  Catholic  majesty,  in 
the  United  States,  soon  ascertained  that  Correa  enjoyed  the 
high  regard  and  confidence  of  Mina  ;  of  course,  it  was  of  great 
impgrtance  for  the  minister  to  gain  Correa  over  to  the  inter- 


70  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

ests  of  Spain.  It  is  not  necessary  to  enter  into  a  minute  de- 
tail of  the  artifices,  used  by  the  chevalier,  to  seduce  this  youth, 
but  the  following  plain  statement  of  facts  will  show,  that  Cor- 
rea  deliberately  formed  a  plan  to  assassinate  his  friend  and 
benefactor  Mina.  In  what  manner  the  chevalier  Onis  is  im- 
plicated, in  such  an  infernal  sheme,  we  know  not  from  any 
positive  data,  but  we  have  strong  grounds  to  suspect,  that  he 
not  only  was  acquainted  with,  but  promoted  the  bloody  de- 
signs of  Correa.  We  have  been  promised  some  authentic 
documents  on  this  subject;  and  should  they  reach  our  hands, 
we  shall  not  hesitate  in  giving  them  publicity. 

Correa,  in  pursuance  of  his  project,  arrived  with  the  expe- 
dition at  Galvezton :  after  being  there  a  short  time,  he  made 
an  attempt  to  excite  a  mutiny  among  Aurv's  troops,  with  an 
intention,  no  doubt,  to  seize  the  first  favourable  occasion  that 
might  offer,  to  perpetrate  the  savage  act. 

The  fellow  had  the  address  to  seduce  some  of  Aury's  offi- 
cers, as  well  as  two  of  Mina's,  and  to  influence  them  so  as  to 
promote  the  mutiny,  but  he  did  not,  except  to  one  individual, 
communicate  his  real  intention.  Fortunately,  one  of  Aury's 
officers  disclosed  the  plot  of  the  mutiny  to  the  commodore, 
by  whom  the  conspirators  were  immediately  an-ested.  A  court 
of  inquiry  was  held  on  Mina's  officers,  but  the  general,  not 
conceiving  it  politic  to  punish  them  with  the  severity  they  de- 
served, merely  gave  them  a  severe  reprimand,  and  set  them 
at  liberty. 

Correa,  finding  his  plan  defeated,  despaired  of  another  op- 
portunity to  create  an  insurrection  among  the  troops,  and  ob- 
serving that  Mina's  officers  looked  on  him  with  contempt, 
found  his  situation  unpleasant  at  Galvezton.  As  he  was  too 
much  attached  to  his  own  existence,  to  act  the  part  of  a  daring 
assassin,  he  became  anxious  to  abandon  the  expedition,  and 
gladly  embraced  the  opportunity  of  retiring  from  the  island, 
conformably  to  an  order  he  received  from  the  general,  to  pro- 
ceed to  New  Orleans. 

Scarcely  had  Correa  left  the  island,  when  Mina  received 
some  letters  from  the  United  States,  which  developed  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  71 

whole  scheme  of  viilany ;  but  they  unfortunately  arrived  too 
late  to  aid  justice  in  her  vengeance. 

By  these  letters  it  appeared,  that  Correa  was  to  receive 
twelve  thousand  dollars,  and  the  promise  of  a  matrimonial 
connexion  in  Onis's  family,  provided  Mina  was  put  to  dtath. 
If  the  chevalier  really  made  such  promises  to  Correa,  he  no 
doubt  had  in  view  the  interests  of  his  beloved  master  Ferdi- 
nand, aiid  probably  was  guided  by  the  chivalrous  example 
which  had  been  exhibited  in  Europe,  by  the  renowned  Cos- 
sack general  Platojf^  who  offtred  his  daughter  in  marriage  to 
the  wretch  who  would  assassinate  the  emperor  Napoleon. 

The  substance  of  the  letters,  before  mentioned,  were  pub- 
lished in  an  order  of  the  day,  at  the  camp  at  Galvezton,  and 
caused  a  universal  burst  of  indignation  among  all  the  officei's 
and  soldiers  in  the  division. 

After  Correa  arrived  at  New  Orleans,  he  found  his  situa- 
tion unsafe,  as  some  of  Mina's  officers,  who  were  there  at  the 
time,  had  resolved  to  inflict  on  him  exemplary  punishment, 
which  he  escaped  by  flying  to  Pensacola. 

The  traitor  afterwards  reached  Havana,  where  the  captain 
general  of  Cuba,  by  way  of  premium  for  his  services  to  the 
Spanish  government,  gave  him  a  situation  in  the  revenue  de- 
partment. The  last  accounts  slate  this  wretch  to  be  a  custom 
house  officer  at  Trinidad  de  Cuba,  We  presume,  however, 
that  when  the  officers  of  the  Spanish  government  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  facts  previously  stated,  he  will  be  treated 
by  them  with  that  scorn  and  abhorrence,  which  a  traitor  and 
coward  deserves. 

We  would  fain  hope,  for  the  honour  of  human  nature,  as 
well  as  for  the  dignity  of  the  diplomatic  character,  that  the 
suspicions  excited  against  chevalier  Onis,  in  this  affair,  may 
eventually  turn  out  to  be  unfounded,  and  that  the  assassin 
Correa  was  not  stimulated  by  such  high  authority,  to  murder 
his  patron ;  but  the  page  of  history,  more  especially  of  the 
events  of  the  last  thirty  years,  shows  that  diplomatists  have, 
on  several  occasions,  countenanced  deeds  that  would  disho- 
nour banditti,  and  have  boldly  asserted  the  doctrine,  that  "  thf 
end  justifies  the  means.'''' 


72  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

The  ministers  of  Spain,  resident  in  foreign  countries,  have 
long  been  in  the  habit  of  accomplishing  their  views,  by  the 
most  refined  intrigue,  and  certainly  have  not  been  very  deli- 
cate as  to  the  means  they  have  employed.  Arrogant  menaces 
and  secret  promises,  they  have  considered  as  component  points 
in  diplomacy.  It  may  not  be  amiss,  although  a  digression 
from  our  narrative,  to  insert  here  two  letters,  written  some 
years  ago,  on  the  subject  of  Miranda's  expedition,  because 
they  will  illustrate  the  spirit  and  policy  which  the  Spanish  ca- 
binet has  invariably  pursued,  better  than  a  hundred  ordinary 
anecdotes. 

In  the  year  1806,  Miranda  conducted  an  expedition  against 
the  province  of  Caracas,  which  failed.  Several  foreigners, 
who  were  engaged  in  it,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  go- 
vernment, among  whom  were  some  young  Americans,  be- 
longing to  distinguished  families. 

The  marquis  de  Casa  Yrujo,  then  ambassador  of  Spain  in 
the  United  States,  received  from  the  government  of  Caracas, 
a  list  of  the  names  of  those  unfortunate  prisoners,  and  imme- 
diately addressed  to  a  friend  of  colonel  Smith,  of  New  York, 
the  following  insidious  letter. 

"  Philadelphia^  June  28th,  1806. 
«  Sir, 
"  I  have  just  received  from  Caracas,  a  list  of  the  names  of 
the  Americans  taken  by  the  Spaniards,  on  board  of  Miranda's 
schooners.  The  name  of  Smith  is  twice  found  in  it.  I  sus- 
pect the  last  to  be  the  son  of  colonel  Smith,  and  grandson 
of  Mr.  Adams,  Although  I  had  some  political  difference 
with  him  when  he  was  president,  this  circumstance  has  not 
deprived  me  of  that  particular  regard  and  respect  towards  such 
a  distinguished  character,  and  particular  consideration  for  his 
family.  Not  the  least  doubt  exists,  but  the  greater  part  of  the 
prisoners  will  be  put  to  death  as  pirates,  and  I  should  be  very 
happy  to  be  able,  by  a  timely  and  immediate  interference,  to 
save  the  life  of  the  unfortunate  youth,  grandson  to  the  vene- 
rable Mr.  Adams  and  his  worthy  spouse.  But  to  render  my 
intercession  effectual,  I  would  require,  as  the  only  condition. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  73 

that  colonel  Smith  would  disclose  to  me,  through  you,  on  his 
word  of  honour,  all  the  knoxvkdge  he  has  of  Mira7idcCs  plans  ; 
of  his  intended  points  of  attack  ;  of  the  persons  xvith  whom  he 
had  connexions  at  Caracas  ;  and  the  names  of  the  Spaniards 
in  this  country^  xvho  shared  in  his  scheme  and  expedition  ;  in. 
fact,  all  the  material  information  he  may  be  possessed  of,  and 
the  knowledge  of  which  may  be  useful  to  my  government, 
and  the  preservation  and  tranquillity  of  the  provinces  Miran- 
da had  in  view  to  revolutionize. 

"As  I  remember  your  attachment  for  Mr.  Adams,  I  take  the 
liberty  to  make  these  suggestions  to  you,  v»'ho,  no  doubt,  will 
employ  all  the  means  to  relieve  from  affliction  a  worthy  and 
disconsolate  family ;  at  all  events,  I  expect  from  you  a  prompt 
and  decisive  answer  on  this  head.  I  remain,  sir,  with  parti- 
cular regard  and  consideration, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
Signed,  "  Marquis  de  Casa  Yrujo. 

«  To  Mr. ." 

The  preceding  letter  was  handed  to  colonel  Smith,  who  re- 
turned the  following  dignified  and  Roman-like  answer  :— 

"  Nexu  Tork,  June  30th,  1806. 
"  Dear  Sir, 
"  Accept  my  warmest  acknowledgments  for  your  very  in- 
teresting communication  of  this  date,  presented  by  your  son, 
accompanied  by  a  letter  from  the  marquis  de  Casa  Yrujo, 
which,  after  maturely  considering,  I  return,  agreeably  to  your 
request.  I  am  sure  I  shall  do  justice  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Adams, 
if  in  their  name  I  thank  the  marquis  for  his  very  polite  atten- 
tion, in  a  case  no  doubt  near,  interesting,  and  affecting !  I  am 
sure,  when  I  do  him  the  justice  to  communicate  his  tender 
solicitude  for  their  grandson,  it  will  not  fail  to  excite  those  sen- 
sibilities and  acknowledgments,  which  the  marquis  is  highly 
entitled  to.  For  myself,  not  having  the  honour  of  his  ac- 
quaintance, I  have  no  right  to  expect  other  attention,  or  dig- 
nity of  character,  than  what  would  naturally  spring  from  his 
own  mind,  when  making  such  an  interesting  communication'. 
(10) 


74  MEXICAN  REVOLUTIOX. 


u 


He  informs  me  he  has  just  received  from  Caracas  a  list, 
of  the  names  of  the  Americans  taken  by  the  Spaniards,  on 
board  of  Miranda's  schooners ;  that  the  name  of  Smith  is 
twice  found  in  it ;  and  he  suspects  the  last  to  be  my  son,  and 
grandson  to  Mr.  Adams ;  and  says,  that  he  should  be  very 
happy,  by  a  timely  and  immediate  interference,  to  save  the 
life  of  the  unfortunate  youth,  grandson  to  the  venerable  Mr. 
Adams  and  his  worthy  spouse ;  he  having  no  doubt  but  the 
greatest  part  of  the  Americans  will  be  put  to  death ;  but  to 
render  this  intercession  effectual,  he  requires,  as  the  onli/  co?i- 
ditio7i^  that  I  declare  to  him,  through  you,  on  my  xvord  of  ho- 
nour^ all  the  knowledge  I  have  of  Miranda's  plans,  of  the 
points  of  attack,  of  the  persons  with  whom  he  has  connexions 
in  the  Caracas,  and  the  names  of  the  Spaniards  in  this  coun- 
try, who  shared  in  his  schemes  and  expedition ;  in  fact,  all  the 
material  information  I  may  be  possessed  of,  the  knowledge  of 
which  may  be  useful  to  the  Spanish  government,  for  the  pro- 
motion and  preservation  of  tranquillity,  in  the  provinces  Mi- 
randa had  in  view  to  revolutionize. 

•"  When  the  marquis  takes  a  dispassionate  view  of  the  cir- 
cumstances connected  with  general  Miranda's  visit  to  Wash- 
ington, his  subsequent  visit  here,  and  clearly  ascertains  that 
the  persons  accompanying  him  in  the  Leander  were  not  in- 
formed of  his  projects  and  plans,  he  will  permit  his  benevo- 
lence to  expand,  and  shelter  all  those  taken  in  the  schooners, 
from  harsh  treatment  and  unmerited  punishment,  and  will  in- 
duce the  government  of  his  own  country  to  view  the  question 
in  other  lights,  than  those  which  may  tend  to  expose  it  to  more 
serious  animadversions  than  have  been  hitherto  made,  or  to 
rousing  the  spirit  of  indignation  and  resentment,  which,  if  once 
permitted  to  burst  forth,  cannot  fail  of  being  attended  by  strong 
marks  of  resentment. 

"  With  regard  to  my  son,  he  was  not  made  acquainted  with 
the  plans  of  Miranda;  he  went  with  him  as  a  young  compa- 
nion, to  share  his  fortune  and  his  fate ;  he  was  accompanied 
by  some  of  his  friends,  capable  of  deeds  of  hai'dihood  and  va- 
lour, worthy  their  leader — worthy  their  cause  ! 


MEXICAN  REV0LUTI05r.  75 

"  Whatever  may  be  the  situation  and  fate  of  the  prisoners 
on  board  of  the  schooners,  I  can  never  tacitly  sanction  the  lash 
of  tyranny  on  his  associates,  and  snatch  my  son  from  a  parti- 
cipation in  their  fate,  whatever  it  may  be.  Nothing  but  the 
marquis's  want  of  acquaintance  with  me,  can  plead  an  excuse 
for  the  indelicacy  of  the  proposition. 

"  Do  me  the  favour,  my  friend,  to  inform  the  marquis,  that 
Avere  I  in  my  son's  situation,  I  would  not  comply  with  his  pro- 
posals to  save  myself,  and  would  not  cast  so  great  an  indigni- 
ty on  my  son,  my  family,  and  myself,  as  to  shelter  him  under 
the  shield  of  disgrace. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  the  marquis  M'ill  give  such  advice  to  the 
government  of  Caracas,  and  make  such  statement  to  his  king, 
(by  whom  I  may  have  the  honour  to  be  personally  recollect- 
ed,) as  will  induce  them  not  to  tarnish  the  dignified  character 
of  the  Spanish  nation,  by  an  act  of  passion  and  barbarity, 
connected  with  the  present  case. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  with  respect, 

"  Your  friend  and  humble  servant. 
Signed,  '        "  William  S.  Smith. 

"  To ." 

Fortunately,  the  son  of  colonel  Smith  was  not  among  the 
hapless  prisoners  at  that  time  in  Caracas  ;  but  there  is  lit- 
tle doubt,  that  had  he  been  there,  h%  would  have  been  sacri- 
ficed among  the  victims  of  Spanish  Brueltv  who  were  execut- 
ed at  Puerto  Cavello.  He  is  now  a  resident  of  the  city  of 
Washington. 

After  the  departure  of  Mina  for  New  Orleans,  as  already 
mentioned,  a  serious  difference  arose  between  commodore 
Aury  and  colonel  Perry,  who  commanded  a  body  of  one  hun- 
dred Americans,  in  Aury's  service.  When  Mina  first  landc'l, 
Perry  determined,  with  his  men,  to  quit  the  service  of  Aury, 
and  join  the  standard  of  Mina.  This  intention  was  soon  dis- 
covered by  the  commodore,  who  tried  various  means  to  dis- 
possess Perry  of  his  command ;  he  at  length,  on  the  1st  of 
March,  arrested  him  and  captain  Gordon,  making  prisoners  of 


76  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

them  in  his  own  quarters.  This  act  produced  an  open  rupture' 
Perry's  men,  on  being  informed  that  their  colonel  was  thus 
arrested,  sent  word  to  the  commodore,  that  they  were  deter- 
mined to  defend  him  to  the  last,  and  for  that  purpose  beat  to 
arms.  To  oppose  this  party,  Aury  drew  up  the  men  whom 
he  thought  were  in  his  interest,  about  eighty  in  number,  prin- 
cipally coloured  men,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Savary, 
with  one  field  piece.  During  this  disgraceful  scene  in  Aury's 
camp,  Mina's  division  was  not  inactive.  Colonel  Montilla 
placed  sentries  so  as  to  cut  off  the  communication  between  the 
encampments ;  a  supply  of  ammunition  was  delivered,  and  the 
division  was  kept  under  arms.  This  altercation,  however, 
fortunately  terminated  without  blood-shed.  Perry  was  liber- 
ated ;  he  and  his  men  were  allowed  by  the  commodore  to  join 
the  standard  they  preferred,  as  well  as  such  others  of  the  com- 
modore's troops  as  might  deem  proper  to  do  so.  Colonel 
Perry  accordingly  placed  himself  under  the  orders  of  Mina. 

While  the  general  was  at  New  Orleans,  he  had  fr-equent 
interviews  with  the  gentlemen  who  had  proposed  the  project 
of  an  expedition  against  Pensacola.  But  he  soon  discovered 
that  it  was  merely  a  mercantile  speculation,  from  which  no 
advantage  would  result  in  favour  of  his  views  on  Mexico ;  in- 
deed, all  the  propositions  made  to  him,  while  at  New  Orleans, 
were  widely  different  from  his  own  plans.  As  a  soldier  and 
a  patriot  he  disliked  to  \v:d}r  for  mercenary  considerations,  and 
he  was  most  decidedly  hostile  to  all  predatory  projects.  He 
purchased  at  New  Orleans  a  ship,  the  Cleopatra,  for  a  trans- 
port, to  replace  the  ship  with  which  he  left  England,  having 
given  her  up  according  to  agreement.  Having  likewise  made- 
arrangements  for  the  purchase  of  another  ship,  the  Neptune, 
he  set  sail  for  Galvezton,  taking  with  him  a  few  European 
and  American  officers.  Upon  his  arrival,  on  the  16th  of 
March,  he  found  the  division  embarked,  and  ready  for  sailing. 

In  consequence  of  not  having  received  any  definite  infor- 
mation of  a  pl^ce  at  which  he  could  unite  with  any  part  of 
Victoria's  forces,  and  as  the  whole  line  of  coast  was  in  pos- 
session of  the  royalists,  he  resolved  to  proceed  to  a  town 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  77 

called  Soto  la  Mm-'ina^  on  the  river  Santander,  in  the  colony 
of  that  name.  This  was  a  point  at  which  the  descent  was  least 
expected  by  the  royalists.  The  enemy  conjectured  that  the 
general  meditated  effecting  a  landing  in  the  northern  parts  of 
the  province  of  Vera  Cruz,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  junc- 
tion with  Victoria.  They  had  therefore  concentrated  a  body 
of  troops  in  the  vicinity  of  Tuspan,  a  central  situation,  from 
whence  they  could  quickly  march  to  the  invaded  point,  and 
crush  Mina  at  the  outset. 

During  the  time  the  division  was  at  Galvezton,  some  of  the 
officers  had  resigned,  and  received  passports  to  leave  the 
island.  Colonel  Montilla,  and  two  other  officers  of  Caracas, 
also  embarked  for  New  Orleans. 

While  the  fleet  was  waiting  a  wind,  two  brigs,  the  one  a 
prize  to  a  Mexican  privateer,  the  other  to  a  Buenos  Ayres 
cruizer,  loaded  with  jerked  beef  and  rice,  were  brought  in  for 
condemnation.  As  there  was  not  leisure  to  attend  to  their 
business,  it  was  determined  that  they  should  proceed  with  the 
expedition.  The  division  was  distributed  among  the  vessels  ; 
and,  the  wind  coming  out  from  the  northward,  the  fleet,  on 
the  27th  of  March,  made  sail.  It  consisted  of  the  following 
vessels  : — 

An  armed  schooner ^  Commodore  Aury,  having  on  board 

the  company  of  artillery,  and  the  caval- 
ry, under  colonel  the  count  De  Ruuth. 

Cleopatra^  (transport)   Captain  Hooper,  the  general  and 

staff,  Guard  of  Honour,  and  first  regi- 
ment of  the  line. 

Two  prize  brigs^      Regiment  of  the  Union,  colonel  Perry, 

Neptunp^  (storeship)    Captain  Wisset,  commissariat  and 

stores. 

Schooner  Ellen  Tooker^  on  a  trading  voyage:  she  arrived  as 

the  fleet  was  getting  under  way,  and 
agreed  to  accompany  the  expedition. 

A  small  sloops  Captain  Williams. 


78  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

The  force  of  the  division,  on  board  the  fleet,  including  all 
those  in  any  manner  attached  to  it,  the  sailors,  mechanics,  and 
servants,  was  three  hundred. 

Soon  after  sailing,  it  came  on  to  blow  heavy  from  the  west- 
ward, which  threatened  a  long  run;  and  it  was  also  discovered 
that  the  Cleopatra  had  not  the  necessary  provisions  on  board. 
The  general  had  confided  in   the  reports  made  by  the  then 
commissary,  Bianchi,  and  the  captain  of  the  ship,  and  pre- 
sumed, that,  agreeably  thereto,  stores  were  shipped.    Supplies 
were,  however,  obtained  from  the  cargo  of  the  prize  brig  : 
but,  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  ofi"  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte, 
the  water  was  nearly  expended.     As  the  weather  had  mode- 
rated, the  general  resolved  to  endeavour  to  procure   supplies 
there,  and  the  fleet  ran  in  and  anchored  off"  the  mouth  of  the 
river.     A  sergeant's  guard  had  been  stationed  there  by  the 
royalists,  for  the  purpose,  as  was  understood,  of  preventing 
privateers  from  watering.      Major  Sarda    and    some    other 
officers,  who   volunteered,  w^ere  sent  on  shore  to  ascertain  if 
supplies  could  be  procured.     As  the  fleet  had  hoisted  Spanish 
colours,  and  as  major  Sard^,  the  commander  of  the  party  was  a 
Spaniard,  the  guard  supposed  the  fleet  to  be  Spanish,  bound  to 
Vera  Cruz.     The  boats  had  free  access  to  the  river  to  obtain 
water,  and  the  soldiers  of  the  guard  drove  up  some  cattle, 
which  were  wild,  and  in  great  abundance.    The  bar  of  the  Rio 
Grande  is  very  shoal,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  a 
small  supply  of  water  could  be  got  off",  owing  to  the  danger  of 
the  bar.     A  boat  belonging  to  commodore  Aury's   schooner 
was  upset  among  the  breakers,  and  a  Spanish  officer,  lieutenant 
Dallares,  was  unfortunately  lost.     This  young  Spaniard,  to 
whom  Mina  had  been  a  benefactor,  and  who  had  left  England 
with  him,  was  one  of  the  few  of  his  countrymen,  that  had  ad- 
hered to  the  general  to  the  last.     Mina  was  much  attached  to 
him,  and  deeply  regretted  the  accident  which  had  deprived 
him  of  a  warm  friend.     Four  men  also,  belonging  to  the  fleet, 
deserted  and  hid  themselves  in  the  woods ;   they  afterwards 
presented  themselves  to  the  enemy,  to  whom  they  gave  every 
information. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  79 

As  soon  as  the  vessels  had  obtained  a  sufficient  supply  of 
fresh  beef  and  water,  to  carry  the  expedition  to  the  intended 
point,  the  fleet  made  sail,  with  the  wind  at  south  east,  but  it  soon 
afterwards  shifted  to  the  westward,  and  blew  a  gale,  in  which 
the  vessels  were  dispersed.  The  troops  on  board  the  Cleo- 
patra, whose  stores  were  less  ample  than  those  of  the  other 
vessels,  were  thereby  placed  in  a  disagreeable  situation.  The 
fresh  beef  would  not  last  more  than  twenty-four  hours,  and  the 
prize  brig,  which  had  hitherto  supplied  their  Vv'ants,  was  not  in 
sight.  The  stores  were  soon  reduced  to  a  small  quantity  of 
bread,  and  a  keg  of  almonds,  and  as  the  weather  continued 
bad,  it  became  absolutely  necessary  to  put  every  one  on  short 
allowance.  Accordingly,  half  a  biscuit,  and  a  few  almonds, 
with  a  pint  of  water,  were  daily  served  out  to  each  man,  the 
general  receiving  the  same  ;  but  this  privation  continued  only 
five  or  six  days.  The  Cleopatra  arrived  at  the  rendezvous  the 
11th  of  April ;  and  the  next  and  following  day  the  rest  of  the 
fleet  got  in  also. 

Arrangements  were  then  made  to  disembark  the  troops, 
and,  early  on  the  15th,  it  was  effected  without  accident. 

Two  men,  dressed  and  mounted  as  peasantry  (paisanos) 
joined  the  general  in  the  course  of  the  day.  They  afforded 
him  some  local  information,  and  he  understood  from  them 
that  Don  Felipe  La  Garza^  the  commandant  of  the  district, 
was  in  the  adjacent  town  of  Soto  la  Marina^  with  a  small  force. 
These  men  appeared  frank  and  well  disposed,  and  offered  their 
services  as  guides,  and  accompanied  a  party  to  drive  up  some 
horses.  They,  however,  watched  an  opportunity,  and  slipped 
off.  It  afterwards  appeared,  that  these  men  were  Creoles,  of 
that  part  of  the  country,  and  royalist  soldiers,  who  had  been 
sent  down  by  La  Garza  to  ascertain  the  strength  of  the  inva- 
ding force,  which  having  done,  to  the  best  of  their  abilities, 
they  decamped.  The  general  had  brought  with  him  from 
New  Orleans  a  native  of  Soto  la  Marina,  so  that  he  suffered 
no  great  inconvenience  for  the  want  of  a  guide,  by  the  deser- 
tion of  his  new  friends. 

During  the  passage  from  Galvezton,  Mina  published  an 
address  to  his  companions  in  arms,  in  M'hich  he  reminded  them 


X. 


80  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

of  the  sacred  enterprise  in  which  they  had  engaged,  to  con- 
stantly bear  in  mind  that  they  were  not  going  to  conquer  the 
country,  but  to  aid  in  its  emancipation  from  a  tyrannical  go- 
vernment ;  he  particularly  recommended  to  them,  to  be  care- 
ful in  conciliating  the  good  will  of  the  inhabitants,  to  respect 
their  customs,  to  show  the  most  scrupulous  regard  to  the  min- 
isters of  religion,  and  on  no  occasion,  or  under  any  pretence, 
to  violate  the  sanctity  of  the  temples  dedicated  to  divine  wor- 
ship.. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  81 


CHAPTER  lY. 

Soto  la  Marina  occupied  by  Mina — General  arrangements  there 
-—Action  of  colonel  Perry  zvit/i  Don  Felipe  La  Garza — 
Co7itinuation  of  events  in  Soto  la  Marina — Capture  of  the 
Cleopatra^  by  the  Spanish  frigate  La  Sabina — Dastardly 
conduct  of  the  officers  of  that  expedition — Line  of  march 
taken  tip  for  the  interior— -A  succession  of  events — Action 
at^  and  capture  of  the  town  of  LI  Valle  de  Mais— Occur- 
rences at  that  place^  and  departure  therefrom — Battle  ofPe- 
otillos — Sanguinary  decrees  of  the  enemy — Conduct  of  the 
priest  of  Hideonda^  and  remarks  thereon — Mina^s  progress 
— Attack  and  taking  of  Sierra  de  I^inos — Departure  there- 
from— function  xvith  the  Patriots — Arrival  at  the  Patriot 
fortress  of  Sombrero — Its  description. 

THE  mouth  of  the  river  Santander  is  very  narrow,  with  a 
bar  across  it,  over  which  vessels  drawing  more  than  six  feet 
of  water  cannot  be  carried.  Near  the  beach  the  country  is 
intersected  by  large  bavous,  and  shallow  ponds,  extending  a 
long  way  to  the  northward.  After  passing  the  bar,  the  river 
suddenly  widens,  but  afterwards  gradually  contracts  itself  to- 
wards the  town  of  Soto  la  Marina.  It  is  navigable,  for  such 
vessels  as  can  pass  the  bar,  to  within  a  very  short  distance  of 
the  town,  beyond  which  it  is  too  shallow  even  for  boats.  The 
village  (pueblo)  of  Soto  la  Marina  stands  upon  an  elevated 
situation,  on  the  left  or  north  bank  of  the  river,  and  is  distant 
from  its  mouth  eighteen  leagues. 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th,  the  boats  of  the  fleet  were  des- 
patched up  the  river,  with  a  field  piece,  some  stores,  and  a 
detachment  of  artillery,  to  meet  the  division  at  the  old  set- 
tlement of  Soto  la  Marina,  which  is  but  a  short  distance  up 
the  river,  on  the  road  to  the  present  village;  for  which  place- 
the  division,  at  the  same  time,  took  up  its  march.      The 

(11) 


S2  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

boats,  not  finding  the  division  at  the  old  settlement,  as  was 
expected,  proceeded  on  to  the  town,  where  they  found  the 
troops  had  just  arrived  before  thenv.  The  division  had  been 
three  days  on  the  march  from  the  beach,  owing  to  the  igno- 
rance of  the  guide,  who  had  conducted  it  by  a  very  circuitous 
route ;  and  it  had  suffered  much,  from  extreme  heat  and  want 
of  water. 

In  Mexico,  five  months  of  the  year,  commencing  with  May, 
\J  are  rainy;  the  other  seven  are  perfectly  dry.  The  expedition 
had  landed  at  a  period  of  the  most  parching  heat  and  drought, 
when-  every  rivulet  was  dried  up;  so  that  a  march  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  day,  was  almost  insupportable.  The  least  fatiguing 
method  of  conducting  a  march  in  Mexico,  particularly  in  the 
low  regions  of  its  coasts,  and  the  internal  provinces,  is,  to 
move  forward  at  the  first  dawn  of  day,  and  advance  until  nine 
or  ten  o'clock;  then  to  halt,  and  employ  the  interval  in  cooking, 
and  refreshing  the  troops,  until  four  in  the  afternoon,  when 
the  march  should  be  resumed,  and  a  halt  made  for  the  night 
where  the  local  positions  best  point  out.  Thus,  more  ground 
can  be  gone  over,  and  with  less  fatigue  to  the  soldier,  than  by 
continuing  the  march  through  the  middle  of  the  day. 

The  advanced  guard,  composed  of  volunteers  from  the  Guard 
of  Honour,  and  the  cavalry,  with  a  detachment  of  the  first  re- 
y  giment  of  the  line,  under  major  Sardi,  entered  Soto  la  Marina, 

without  any  opposition ;  La  Garza,  with  the  garrison  and  some 
families,  evacuating  the  town  on  its  approach.  The  division 
was  met,  at  the  entrance  of  the  village,  by  the  curate,  who 
welcomed  the  general  with  open  arms.  When  La  Garza  an- 
nounced to  the  inhabitants  the  landing  of  Mina,  he  represent- 
ed him  as  accompanied  by  a  band  of  heretics,  who  had  come 
into  the  country  to  deal  out  destruction  on  every  side,  and 
indiscriminately  to  put  all  to  the  sword.  By  these  mis-repre- 
seiitations,  and  by  coercive  measures,  he  had  compelled  the 
most  respectable  part  of  the  community  to  abandon  the  town; 
and  it  was  with  much  astonishment  and  satisfaction,  that  the 
remaining  inhabitants  found  themseh^es  treated  with  respect. 
On  taking  possession,  the  necessary  proclamations  were 
issued,  offering  protection  to  the  persons  and  property  of  those 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  83 

who  remained  peaceably  at  their  homes,  recalling  the  inhabi- 
tants who  had  deserted  the  place,  and  threatening  the  confis- 
cation of  the  property  of  those  who  did  not  return  within  a 
given  time.  Civil  officers  also  were  selected  from  among  the 
inhabitants,  and  clothed  with  authority  by  the  general.  Colo- 
nel the  count  De  Ruuth,  at  this  period,  resigned  his  command, 
and  returned  on  board  of  the  commodore's  vessel.  The  colonel 
was  highly  esteemed  by  the  whole  division  ;  and  his  loss  was 
much  regretted.  Captain  Maylefer  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  major,  and  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  cavalry. 

A  printing-press  was  immediately  established,  under  the 
direction  of  Doctor  Infante,  a  native  of  Havana  ;  and  the  ge- 
neral's manifesto  was  published.  It  took  a  retrospect  of  his 
exertions  in  the  cause  of  libertv,  and  set  forth  the  motives 
which  had  induced  him  to  espouse  that  of  the  suffering  colo- 
nies. This  document  soon  reached  the  military  commandants, 
many  of  whom,  with  their  troops,  would  have  joined  the 
standard  of  Mina ;  but,  as  the)'  had  ascertained  the  strength 
of  his  division,  they  held  back,  conceiving  his  force  too  incon- 
siderable to  effect  any  important  object.  Nevertheless,  manv 
of  the  inhabitants  were  not  overawed  by  the  royalists;  and,  in 
the  first  instance,  countrymen,  to  the  number  of  upwards  of 
one  hundred,  united  under  his  banners  :  they  were  well-formed, 
hardy  fellows,  and  subsequently  proved  themselves  faithful 
and  brave.  The  division,  at  different  periods,  was  joined  by 
other  recruits,  the  whole  number  amounting  to  above  two 
hundred.  Among  those  who  joined  it  were  two  royalist  offi- 
cers, lieutenant-colonel  Don  Vakntine  Rubio,  and  his  brother, 
lieutenant  Rubio. 

The  attention  of  the  general  was  constantly  directed  towards 
the  equipment  and  regulation  of  his  little  band.  By  colonel 
Rubio,  as  well  as  from  other  sources,  he  was  furnished  Avith 
horses ;  and  a  hundred  of  the  recruits  were  attached  to  the 
cavalry,  the  others  to  the  first  regiment.  They  who  after- 
wards joined  the  division,  were  enrolled  either  with  the  hus- 
sars, the  dragoons,  or  the  first  regiment.  The  different  corps 
were  equipped  as  follows  : — 

Guard  of  Honour^   (infantry)   officers,  uniformed  as*  such, 

armed  with  musket  and  bayonet. 


84  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Artillery^  Brown  coats,  faced  with  red ;  four  field 

pieces,  two  six  inch  howitzers,  and  two 
eleven  and  a  half  inch  mortars. 

Cavalry^  Hussars^    Scarlethussarjackets,chucot  and  plume, 

armed  with  swords,  light  dragoon  cara- 
bines, and  pistols. 

,  Dragoons^  United  States  dragoon  uniform,  armed 

with  sword,  pistol,  and  lance. 

Regiment  of  the  Union.,  Uniform  of  the  British  104th  regi- 
ment of  infantry. 

First  regiment  of  the  li?ie,  United  States  rifle  uniforms. 

Mina,  in  furtherance  of  his  plans,  scoured  the  country  in 
every  direction;  but,  although  these  incursions  were  made  by 
small  parties,  sometimes  not  exceeding  twenty,  yet  La  Garza, 
who  was  hovering  in  the  vicinity  of  Soto  La  Marina,  with 
upwards  of  three  hundred  men,  never  attacked  them.  The 
general  visited  some  of  the  towns  and  haciendas,  (plantations) 
and  a  detachment  penetrated  even  to  Santander,  the  capital  of 
the  province  :  but  La  Garza's  threats  obliged  the  respectable 
inhabitants  to  retire  from  their  settlements,  on  the  approach  of 
Mina's  parties,  and,  however  ill  inclined  they  might  be  to  such 
removal,  they  were  forced  to  comply  with  seeming  alacrity. 

During  this  period,  a  valuable  prize  was  unluckily  snatched 
from  the  grasp  of  the  general.  He  received  intelligence  that 
Don  Ramon  de  La  Mora,  owner  of  the  hacienda  of  Palo  Alto^ 
seven  leagues  distant  from  Soto  la  Marina,  who  had  been  for 
some  time  amusing  him  with  promises  of  supplies,  had  sud- 
denly decamped,  taking  with  him  all  his  moveables,  with  his 
cash,  amounting,  as  was  said,  to  one  hundred  thousand  dollars; 
and  that  he  was  encamped  in  a  rancho^^  eleven  leagues  distant 

•  Rancho  signifies  a  farm,  or  collection  of  peasant  luits  from  one  and  up- 
wards. These  places  have  no  churches,  depending  for  spiritual  assistance 
on  the  curate  of  an  adjoining  pueblo  or  hacienda,  A  church  is  necessary  to 
constitute  a  pueblo  ;  but  a  collection  of  houses,  be  their  number  great  or 
small,  if  there  be  not  a  ciiurch,  is  called  a  rancho.  Some  of  them  are  very 
extensive,  while  others  contain  only  a  single  house.  Some  of  the  pueblos 
contain  merely  the  church  and  the  curate's  house,  while  others  have  a  dense 
population. 

/ 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  85 

from  the  town.     The   general,  with   twenty  dragoons,   and 
eighty  infantry,  under  colonel  Perry,  marched,  on  the  same 
night,  to  surprise  him.     While  on  their  way,  the  general  was 
informed  that  de  La  Mora  was  escorted  by  a  body  of  troops. 
Arrived  within  two  leagues,    Mina  ordered  colonel   Perry 
to   continvie  his  march    to    the    rancho,  while    he,  with  the 
cavalry,  took  another  road,  that  they  might  attack  the  enemy 
in   front  and  rear.      Having  arrived    near  the  rancho,  and 
expecting  to  find  the  enemy  unprepared,  the  general  charged 
into  the  place ;  but,  to  his   great  surprise,  he  found  neither 
the  enemy  nor  his  own  infantry  :  the  houses  also  were  aban- 
doned, but  the  lights  which  were  burning  evidently  denoted 
that  their  inmates  had  recently  fled.      Unable  to   gain  any 
intelligence,   either  of  his   infantry,  or  of  the  object  of  his 
march,  he   was  obliged  to  return  to  Soto  la  Marina,  highly 
mortified  at  the  disappointment.     Perry,  after  separating  from 
the  cavalry,  arrived  at  the  rancho,  where  he  learned  that  Don 
Ramon  had  proceeded  onward;  and,  leaving  information  with 
the  inhabitants  for  the  general,  he  marched  in  pursuit  of  him. 
But,  as  soon  as  Perry  had  left  the  place,  the  people  retired  to 
the   woods.     Unexpectedly,  in  the   morning,  colonel   Perry 
came  upon  the  object  of  his  pursuit,  encamped  in  a  plain;  and 
the  property  was  captured.     But  it  had  not  been  long  in  his 
possession,  when  La  Garza,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
who  had  been  escorting  the  property,  made  their  appearance. 
The  colonel,  finding  himself  opposed  by  such  a  superiority  of 
force,  and  being  unacquainted  with  the  character  of  his  enemy, 
deemed  it  prudent  to  occupy  an  advantageous  position,  there 
to  act  on  the  defensive,  leaving  a  guard  of  six  men  with  the 
property.     La  Garza  advanced  singly,  and  held  a  parley  with 
an  officer  of  colonel  Perry;  during  which,  he  offered  the  royal 
clemency  to  the  troops,   if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms. 
This  proposition   put  an  end  to  the  conference  :   La  Garza 
returned  to  his  troops,  and  prepared  for  the  attack.     In  the 
meantime.  Perry,  who,  whatever  faulfs  may  be  ascribed  to 
him,  was  an  heroic  American,  addressed  his  men  in  a  short 
but  enthusiastic  harangue  ;   reminding  them,  that  the  eyes  of 
their  country  were  fixed  on  their  c,onduct,  and  that  an  oppor> 


86  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

tunit}'  now  presented  itself  to  prove  that  they  were  worthy  oF 
the  cause  they  had  espoused.  At  that  moment,  the  enemy's 
cavah-y  charged,  with  its  accustomed  impetuosity :  they  were 
repulsed.  They  returned  to  the  charge,  and  made  several 
unsuccessful  attempts  to  break  Perry's  infantry;  but,  find- 
ing all  their  endeavours  fruitless,  they  at  length  retired  in 
confusion,  leaving  nine  dead.  As  the  colonel  had  no  cavalry 
with  which  to  follow  up  his  success,  the  enemy  again  formed, 
but  manifested  no  disposition  to  renevv^  the  attack.  Perry, 
after  having  gained  this  advantage,  was  reluctantly  obliged  to 
abandon  the  object  of  his  expedition,  being  unable,  from  the 
want  of  cavalry,  to  withdraw  the  property.  He  fell  back, 
immolested,  on  Soto  la  Marina.  In  this  affair,  he  lost  one 
man  killed,  and  two  taken  prisoners ;  they  belonged  to  the 
guard  placed  over  the  property :  but,  in  the  ranks,  no  one  was 
either  killed  or  wounded.  This  advantage,  although  trivial 
as  regards  the  injury  done  the  enemy,  had  great  weight  with 
Mina's  division.  It  inspired  confidence,  and  induced  a  belief 
in  his  little  band,  that  they  were  able  to  contend  against  far 
superior  numbers. 

After  Mina's  disemharkation,  a  force  of  upwards  of  eight 
hundred  royalists  was  stationed  at  Altamira,  forty  leagues 
south  of  Soto  la  Marina.  The  passive  conduct  of  the  enemy, 
in  allowing  Mina  to  remain  so  long  unmolested,  is  a  circum- 
stance which  can  best  be  explained  by  the  royal  commanders. 
But  the  dispersed  condition  of  the  enemy's  troops,  who  were 
scattered  in  small  parties  over  the  country,  and  the  invasion 
of  the  kingdom  at  Soto  la  Marina  being  entirely  unexpected, 
are,  it  is  probable,  the  reasons  why  Don  Joaquin  Arredondo, 
the  commandant  general  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces,  was 
so  long  in  making  preparations,  and  in  moving  from  Monte- 
rey, his  head-quarters. 

The  situation  of  that  division  of  the  kingdom,  and  indeed 
of  the  whole  of  Mexico,  was  at  this  time  very  critical.  The 
great  body  of  the  troops  were  disaffected  to  the  royal  cause  ; 
Mina  was  adored  by  the  European  soldiers;  and  he  had  indu- 
bitable intelligence,  that  a  large  number  of  natives  were  ready 
to  come  down  from  the  mountains  to  the  sea-coast  to  join  him; 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  87 

who  were  only  prevented  from  doing  it,  by  the  subsequent 
movement  of  the  enemy.  Had  Mina  landed  with  only  five 
hundred  troops,  he  might,  with  a  sure  confidence  of  success, 
have  awaited  the  enemy  in  his  intrenchments  at  Soto  la  Ma- 
rina ;  and  there  can  scarcely  exist  a  doubt,  that  in  that  case 
a  blow  would  have  been  struck  against  Arredondo,  from  which 
he  could  not  have  easily  recovered.  The  intimate  knowledge 
which  we  have  acquired,  since  that  period,  respecting  the  royal 
troops;  their  known  disaffection;  the  intrepidity,  and  superior 
appointment,  of  Mina's  little  band,  and  the  distinguished  abi- 
lity, activity,  and  bravery  of  their  commander,  all  combine  to 
warrant  this  assertion. 

The  general,  by  advices  and  spies,  received  intelligence,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  month  of  May,  that  Arredondo 
was  concentrating  all  the  disposable  force  of  the  coynandancia. 
Knowing  that  the  enemy  would  be  too  strong  for  his  small 
force,  he  proposed  to  throw  up  a  small  work  of  defence  at 
Soto  la  Marina,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  military 
stores,  and  holding  out  against  a  siege,  should  the  royalists 
attempt  to  invest  it;  while,  in  the  interim,  he  should,  by  rapid 
marches,  penetrate  into  the  interior,  and  form  a  junction  with 
the  patriots  in  that  quarter;  an  enterprise  which  he  conceived 
to  be  practicable,  and  from  which  he  flattered  himself  he  should 
be  able  to  return  with  an  augmented  force,  sufficient  to  defeat 
the  enemy,  and  also  to  bring  with  him  pecuniary  supplies. 
In  pursuance  of  these  determinations,  an  eligible  situation  was 
selected,  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  a  little  to  the  eastward  of 
the  village  ;  and  the  construction  of  the  fort  was  commenced, 
under  the  direction  of  captain  Rigal,  of  the  engineers.  The 
whole  division  laboured  with  alacrity,  in  the  accomplishment 
of  this  work,  in  which  they  were  assisted  by  the  country  peo- 
ple, the  general  himself  setting  the  example,  by  sharing  the 
labour  with  them.  The  little  fortification  was  soon  in  a  state 
of  considerable  forwardness;  and,  although  it  was  only  a  mud 
fort,  yet  it  was  hoped,  that,  when  completed,  it  would  be  suf- 
ficient to  bid  defiance  to  the  efforts  of  the  enemy.  As  the 
river  was  here  very  narrow,  it  was  intended  to  throw  up  a 
redoubt  on  the  opposite  bank,  which  should  protect  the  reaT 
of  the  fort,  and  cover  the  water. 


88  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Miliars  conduct,  on  this  occasion,  was  marked  with  the 
greatest  firmness  and  intrepidity.  Aware  that  Arredondo 
would  put  in  motion  an  overwhehning  force  of  two  thousand 
men  at  least,  he  resolved  to  leave  a  garrison  in  the  mud  fort, 
and  to  cut  his  way,  with  the  residue  of  his  little  band,  into  the 
interior  of  the  Mexican  empire.  These  dispositions  appear 
stamped  with  temerity,  or  rather  bear  the  features  of  knight- 
errantry;  but  the  circuinstances  of  his  situation  justified  the 
measures  that  he  adopted,  and  the  sequel  will  show,  that 
untoward  circumstances  alone  prevented  the  gallant  general 
from  succeeding  in  his  object. 

During  this  interval,  commodore  Aury  had  departed  in  his 
schooner,  having  made  an  arrangement  with  the  general  for 
the  purchase  of  his  brig  of  war,  the  Congreso  Mexicano,  then 
in  New  Orleans. 

The  prize  brigs  had  also  sailed,  and  there  remained  at  the 
bar  the  Cleopatra,  Neptune,  and  Ellen  Tooker.  The  former 
had  come  down  as  a  transport,  in  ballast.  The  Neptune  store 
ship,  being  old,  and  a  very  heavy  sailer,  was  run  on  shore 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  as  soon  as  she  was  discharged,  in 
order  to  be  broken  up,  as  her  materials  could  be  applied  to 
various  other  purposes.  Of  her  cargo,  a  considerable  quanti- 
ty had  been  carried  up  the  river,  though  much,  particularly  of 
the  powder,  still  remained  at  the  landing  place.  The  officers 
and  seamen  of  the  ships,  in  charge  of  these  stores,  had  pitched 
some  tents  on  the  beach,  with  the  view  of  sheltering  them 
from  the  weather;  but  they  little  expected  that  these  very  tents 
should  have  the  effect,  as  was  subsequently  the  case,  of  exciting 
alarm  among  the  crews  of  a  Spanish  frigate  and  two  schooners, 
so  as  to  deter  them  from  disembarking  for  the  purpose  of 
destroying  the  stores. 

On  the  part  of  the  sailors,  matters  went  on  very  pleasantly 
till  the  morning  of  the  17tli  of  May,  when,  at  seven  o'clock, 
the  Spanish  frigate  La  Sabina^  and  the  schooners  La  Belona 
and  La  Proserpina^  appeared  in  the  offing,  despatched  from 
Vera  Cruz  with  most  positive  orders  (as  it  afterwards  ap- 
peared) not  only  to  destroy  the  vessels,  but  also  the  stores 
that  might  be  found  on  shore. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  89 

At  sight  of  these  unwelcome  visiters,  the  crew  of  the  Cleo- 
patra got  into  the  boats,  and  pushed  for  the  shore.  As  it  was 
impossible  for  the  seamen  to  resist  so  powerful  an  enemy,  all 
hands  abandoned  the  stores,  took  to  the  boats,  and  came  up 
to  Soto  la  Marina  with  the  intelligence.  Captain  Hooper, 
however,  remained  with  his  boat  a  short  way  up  the  river, 
from  whence  he  could  distinctly  observe  the  conduct  of  the 
Spanish  marine. 

The  Ellen  Tooker  immediately  made  sail,  and,  as  the  Spa- 
niards say,  escaped  by  superior  sailing.  Tla£__CleqpatraJiad 
nothing  whatever  on  board,  except  acat,^which  the  sailors, 
in  their  hurry,  had  forgotten  to  carry  with  them.  The  ves- 
sel had  not  the  semblance  of  any  thing  warlike;  she  was 
quite  light,  had  bright  sides,  and  was  without  quarters.  While 
the  schooners  were  in  chase  of  the  Ellen  Tooker,  the  frigate 
acted  with  commendable  caution.  She  came  down  with  great 
care  upon  the  unfortunate  Cleopatra,  and  after  pouring  two 
broadsides  into  her,  finding  she  made  no  return,  they  ven- 
tured to  board  and  take  possession  of  her.  Encouraged  by  this 
dash,  they  manned  the  boats  of  the  squadron,  (the  schooners 
having  returned  from  the  chase,)  for  the  purpose  of  landing, 
and  either  carrying  off  or  destroying  the  stores  on  the  beach. 
After  pulling  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  these  valiant  fellows 
took  fright,  no  doubt  at  the  sight  of  the  tents  pitched  by  the 
sailors.  The  appearance  of  them  probably  excited  an  appre- 
hension that  a  party  was  in  waiting ;  they,  therefore,  thought 
it  most  prudent  to  abandon  this  perilous  attempt,  and  con- 
tent themselves  with  the  victory  achieved  over  the  empty 
ship.  They  accordingly  returned  to  their  respective  vessels, 
and  soon  afterwards,  having  put  two  guns  from  the  frigate  on 
board  the  prize,  the  whole  squadron  made  sail.  The  ship 
however  was  so  much  shattered  by  the  unmerciful  cannonading 
she  had  sustained,  as  to  be  rendered  unseaworthy,  and  after 
being  in  possession  of  the  enemy  a  short  time,  they  burnt  her. 

On  returning  to  Vera  Cruz,  these  heroes  boasted  of  their 

bravery  in  having  destroyed  txvo  vessels,  one  a  ship  of  xvar^ 

alluding  to  the  Neptune,  which,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  been 

previously  broken  up  bv  order  of  the  general ;  and  thev  alleged 

(12) 


90  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

as  a  reason  for  not  destroying  the  stores  ashore,  that  the  surf 
ran  too  high.  The  true  reason  we  have  before  conjectured; 
for  the  surf  certainly  was  no  obstacle.  The  stores  had  been 
safely  landed  when  it  had  been  equally  great,  and  the  crew 
of  the  ship  had  that  very  morning  experienced  no  difficulty 
from  it. 

The  victory  over  the  rebel  Mina,  at  Soto  la  Marina,  was 
celebrated  at  Vera  Cruz,  on  the  return  of  the  frigate  La 
Sabina,  by  a  solemn  Te  Deum.  Despatches  were  transmitted 
to  the  city  of  Mexico,  which  were  afterwards  published  in  the 
Mexican  Gazette,  announcing  that  Mina's  expedition  was 
totally  destroyed,  and  a  number  of  prisoners  taken.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  signal  victory,  a  general  promotion  took  place ; 
and  the  midshipman,  who  fearlessly  boarded  the  Cleopatra, 
was  appointed  a  lieutenant.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  notice, 
in  the  sequel,  other  exaggerations  and  palpable  falsehoods, 
which  the  Spanish  government  have  been  in  the  habit  of  pub- 
lishing in  the  course  of  this  revolution  ;  indeed,  how  could  it 
be  otherwise,  when  there  is  only  a  solitary  newspaper  in  the 
whole  kingdom,  and  that  under  the  vigilant  control  of  a  des- 
potic government  ? 

Mina  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  squadron  off  the  river,  and 
of  the  capture  of  the  vessels,  with  the  greatest  composure. 
He  at  once  concluded  that  the  enemy  would  not  only  destroy 
the  stores,  but  would  co-operate  with  Arredondo.  The  gene- 
ral therefore  ordered  a  detachment,  with  a  field  piece,  down 
the  river  to  observe  the  movements  of  the  enemy;  but  captain 
Hooper  soon  after  coming  up,  his  account  of  the  affair  con- 
verted the  alarm  of  the  garrison  into  a  scene  of  merriment,  at 
the  expense  of  their  valiant  antagonists. 

The  fort  was  by  this  time  in  a  state  of  completion.  Four 
carronades  from  the  fleet,  the  field  pieces  and  howitzers,  were 
mounted.  Two  eleven  and  a  half  inch  mortars,  a  considerable 
quantity  of  ammunition,  and  part  of  the  Neptune's  cargo,  were 
brought  up.  Cattle  were  killed,  and  their  flesh  jerked;  such 
corn  as  could  be  procured  in  the  vicinity  was  brought  in,  and 
the  place  was  put  in  as  good  a  state  of  defence,  as  the  time 
and  circumstances  would  permit. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  91 

As  general  Arredondo  had  commenced  his  march  from 
Monterey,  and  was  advancing  upon  the  garrison  with  a  body 
of  two  thousand  men,  and  seventeen  pieces  of  artillery,  (being 
the  united  force  of  the  eastern  internal  provinces,)  Mina  made 
the  necessary  dispositions  for  his  intended  march  into  the  in- 
terior. He  encamped  the  part  of  the  division  with  which  he 
was  to  perform  the  undertaking,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river, 
about  a  league  distant  from  Soto  la  Marina,  where  it  remained 
a  few  days. 

Colonel  Perry  had  for  some  time  given  strong  evidences  of 
discontent.  He  had  frequently  avowed  his  opinion,  that  the 
division  was  too  weak  to  be  of  any  service  to  the  patriots,  and 
that  he  anticipated  its  annihilation.  It  was  afterwards  suppos- 
ed, that  he  had  long  meditated  the  scheme  which  he  now  put 
into  execution.  Taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  gene- 
ral and  colonel  Young  from  the  encampment,  he  harangued 
his  soldiers,  and  informed  them  of  his  intention  of  separating 
from  Mina,  and  returning  to  the  United  States  ;  he  represented 
to  them  the  very  great  perils  into  which  they  were  about  to 
be  drawn,  and  urged  them  to  retreat  while  an  opportunity 
presented  itself.  By  these  means  he  prevailed  on  fifty-one  of 
his  troops,  including  major  Gordon,  and  the  rest  of  his  officers, 
with  one  of  the  Guard  of  Honour,  to  accompany  him.  They 
marched  in  the  direction  of  Matagorda^  at  which  place  he  ex- 
pected to  meet  with  a  sufficient  number  of  boats  to  convey  his 
party  witliin  the  line  of  demarcation,  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Spanish  possessions. 

The  colonel's  conduct  caused  both  surprise  and  regret ;  for 
although  he  had  occasionally  manifested  some  caprice  and  dis- 
content, yet  no  one  supposed  it  possible  that  he  could  abandon 
the  cause  in  the  hour  of  danger;  and  indeed  his  conduct  on  this 
occasion  is  still  very  mysterious.  Besides,  to  march  with  such 
a  handful  of  men  along  the  sea  coast,  where  he  knew  that 
water,  particularly  at  that  season  of  the  year,  was  very  scarce, 
and  when  the  enemy,  it  was  presumable,  would  oppose  his 
progress,  was  an  act  of  palpable  rashness. 

It  was  subsequently  ascertained  from  the  best  Mexican  au- 
thorities, that  the  colonel  did  actually  penetrate  to  within  a 


92  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

short  distance  of  his  destined  point ;  after  several  skirmishes 
with  the  royal  troops,  in  which  success  attended  him.  Flush- 
ed with  these  victories,  he  determined  on  attacking  a  fortified 
position  near  Matagorda,  which  might  have  been  left  in  his 
rear,  as  the  garrison  did  not  evince  the  least  disposition  to 
annoy  him.  He  had  summoned  the  commandant  to  surrender, 
who  was  deliberating  on  the  propriety  of  doing  so,  at  the  mo- 
ment when  a  party  of  two  hundred  cavalry  made  its  appear- 
ance. A  refusal  to  the  summons  was  the  consequence.  The 
garrison  sallied  out,  and  a  severe  action  commenced,  in  which 
Perry  and  his  men  displayed  the  most  determined  valour. 
They  continued  combating  against  this  superiority  of  force 
till  every  man  was  killed,  except  Perry.  Finding  himself  the 
only  surviver,  and  determined  not  to  be  made  a  prisoner,  he 
presented  a  pistol  to  his  head,  and  terminated  his  existence. 
Thus  perished  a  brave  but  rash  man,  and  with  him  fell  some- 
valuable  officers  and  men. 

Colonel  Perry  had  been  in  the  United  States'  service,  and 
was  at  the  memorable  battle  of  New  Orleans.  He  embarked 
in  the  cause  of  Mexico,  and  was  attached  to  the  division  that 
invaded  Texas^  under  Don  jfose  Bernardo  Giitierez.  He  was 
under  the  command  of  Toledo,  in  the  attack  made  on  the 
Spanish  troops  commanded  by  Arredondo,  in  advance  of  San 
Antonio  de  Bejar,  on  the  18th  of  August,  1813.  In  that  dis- 
astrous affair,  the  colonel  behaved  with  his  usual  courage,  but 
narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  His  sufferings  from  fatigue 
and  privations  were  extreme,  before  he  again  reached  the 
United  States. 

The  desertion  of  colonel  Perry,  with  so  great  a  number  of 
valuable  men,  was  a  most  severe  blow  to  Mina;  but  it  did  not 
daunt  his  resolute  mind.  Major  Stirling,  who  had  been  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States,  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  regiment  of  the  Union,  and  other  officers  were 
nominated  in  lieu  of  those  who  had  deserted. 

Arredondo  having,  by  this  time,  advanced  to  within  a  short 
distance  of  Soto  la  Marina,  the  general  made  his  final  arrange- 
ments at  the  fort;  leaving,  for  its  garrison,  detachments  of  the 
Guard  of  Honour,  artillery,  first  regiment  of  the  line,  engi- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  §3 

neers,  medical  and  commissariat  departments,  mechanics,  &c. 
with  the  sailors  of  the  destroyed  vessels,  under  captain  Hoop- 
er, and  some  recruits.  The  whole,  amounting  to  about  one 
hundred  men,  were  placed  under  the  command  of  major  Don 
Jose  Sarda.  The  general  instructed  the  major  to  hold  out  to 
the  last ;  assuring  him  that  he  would  return  in  a  short  time, 
and  compel  the  enemy  to  raise  the  siege,  should  they  attempt 
to  form  one  during  his  absence. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  the  division  commenced  its  march. 
It  was  composed  of  the  following  troops  : — 

General  and  staff,    --         -         -         -  -  11 

Guard  of  Honour,  colonel  Young,     -        -  -  31 

Cavalry,  hussars  and  dragoons,  major  Maylefer,  124< 

Regiment  of  the  Union,  major  Stirling,     -  -  56 

First  regiment  of  the  line,  captain  Travino,  -  64 

Artillery  soldiers,           -           _         -         -  -  5 

Officers'  servants,  armed,         -         -         -  -  12 

Ordinanzas  of  the  staff,            .         _         -  >  5 


Total, 308* 


When  the  march  was  commenced,  the  enemy  was  only  a 
few  leagues  distant ;  and  therefore  the  utmost  secrecy,  and 
rapid  movements,  became  necessary,  in  order  to  elude  him. 
The  following  day,  the  guide  conducted  the  division  through 
an  Indian  path,  over  hills  covered  with  dense  woods,  which, 
in  many  places,  it  became  necessary  to  re»open.  It  traversed 
thickets,  which  had  not,  perhaps,  for  many  years  previously, 
been  penetrated.  This  day's  march  was  long,  commencing  at 
sun-rise.     The  troops  suffered  for  want  of  water ;  for  until 

•  This  was  not  the  actual  strength  of  the  division,  when  it  first  marched, 
A  change  also  took  place  in  the  corps  Some  of  the  officers  of  the  Guard 
of  Honour,  were  transfered,  on  the  march,  to  other  corps.  During  the  first 
twelve  days  of  its  progress,  several  recruits  offered  themselves  ;  and,  as  a 
few  stand  of  arms,  and  some  clothing,  were  carried  along  with  the  division, 
they  were  enrolled  with  the  cavalry,  or  the  first  regiment.  In  addition  to 
the  above,  there  were  several  muleteers.  To  avoid  a  prolix  detail,  the  writer 
has  at  once  stated  the  greatest  strength  of  the  division. 


94  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

sun-set,  when  the  division  emerged  from  the  thickets,  it  had 
been  exposed  to  a  burning  sun,  without  any  breeze  or  water 
to  refresh  them.  Some  water  was  found  at  the  edge  of  the 
thicket;  and,  after  a  few  minutes'  halt,  the  march  was  resumed, 
and  continued  till  midnight,  when  the  general,  with  the  caval- 
ry, advanced  to  an  hacienda.  Mina  took  with  him  the  guide, 
and  the  division  was  inconsequence  obliged  to  halt;  but  it 
remained  under  arms,  and  at  day-light  again  moved  on,  ar- 
riving, about  noon,  at  the  hacienda,  fatigued  and  hungry. 

Beef  was  here  served  out,  but  the  necessary  article  of  bread, 
from  the  method  of  preparing  it,*  could  not  possibly  be  pro- 
cured; and  the  troops  were  under  the  necessity  of  eating  meat 
alone.  This  was  the  general  fare  the  road  afforded,  for  the 
remainder  of  the  march,  and  that  only  once  in  twenty-four 
hours.  Although  the  whole  of  the  troops  were  mounted,  yet 
their  progress  was  tedious  and  slow,  as   the  horses  were  soon 

•  The  bread  stuff  consumed  by  the  INIexicans  generally,  but  particularly 
by  the  country  people,  is  made  of  corn,  and  by  a  process  unknown  elsewhere. 
The  quantity  of  corn,  necessary  for  the  daily  consumption  of  the  family,  is 
put  to  steep,  over  night,  in  a  lai'ge  earthen  vessel,  in  hot  water,  mixed 
with  lime.  Tliis  softens  the  husk,  and  in  the  morning  it  is  ready  for  use ; 
but  the  taste  of  the  corn,  and  the  greatest  part  of  its  substance,  is  extracted 
by  this  preparation.  It  is  then  ground  up,  with  much  labour,  between  two 
flat  stones,  called  by  the  Indians  a  metate;  and  afterwards  formed,  by  beating 
it  between  the  hands,  into  cakes,  about  eight  or  ten  inches  in  diameter,  and 
about  one-sixteenth  of  an  inch  in  thickness.  These  are  then  placed  on  an 
earthen  heater,  or  griddle,  fcomalj  and  baked.  These  cakes  they  call  tor- 
tillas. The  preparation  of  them  is  very  laborious,  and  entirely  performed 
by  the  women;  and,  if  the  family  be  large,  it  requires  four  or  five  to  perform 
this  duty.  The  art  of  making  tortillas  is  considered  of  great  importance 
by  the  natives;  and  its  excellency  consists  in  grinding  the  grain  till  it  be- 
comes white,  making  the  cakes  thin,  and,  above  all,  in  keeping  the  table 
supplied  with  a  succession  of  hot  ones  during  the  meals.  The  Indian,  when 
about  to  marry,  is  particularly  careful  to  select  for  his  bride  one  who  under- 
stands this  art ;  perfection  in  it  being  considered  by  them  as  the  acme  of 
female  accomplishments. 

From  the  preceding  description,  it  will  be  perceived,  that  to  make  tortil- 
las, in  the  small  ranches,  for  upwards  of  three  hundred  soldiers,  would  have 
required  more  time  than  could  have  been  spared  for  the  purpose ;  and  there- 
fore it  rarely  happened  that  the  troops  were  supplied  with  this  important 
article  of  food.  In  the  towns  and  large  villages,  however,  abundance  of 
wheaten  bread  can  always  be  procured. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  "  95 

broken  down  by  continual  and  long  marches.  The  sufferings 
of  the  troops,  from  the  want  of  good  provisions,  the  tedious- 
ness  of  the  marches  through  a  broiling  sun,  and  the  being  fre- 
quently many  hours  without  water,  together  with  other  causes, 
were  almost  incredible ;  but,  as  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the 
writer  to  swell  the  narrative  with  a  prolix  statement  of  person- 
al hardships,  although  it  was  one  continuation  of  privations, 
he  will  restrict  himself  to  the  mention  of  such  only  as  he  con- 
ceives to  be  essential  to  the  history. 

The  general,  by  making  the  rapid  and  secret  march  of  the 
two  preceding  days,  not  only  eluded  the  enemy,  but  calculated 
on  being  able  to  surprise  some  of  the  rich  refugees  from  Soto 
la  Marina,  who,  he  learned,  were  at  this  hacienda,  which  was 
distant  from  that  place,  by  the  route  taken  by  the  division, 
twenty-five  leagues.  He  presumed  they  would  be  lulled  into 
security,  as  they  conceived  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  ad- 
vance by  the  high  road,  without  their  receiving  timely  advice. 
In  fact,  the  mission  was  completely  surprised;  but  Mina  found 
there  only  some  priests,  and  the  wife  of  Don  Ramon  de  La 
Mora,  the  proprietor  of  Palo  Alto.  A  part  of  the  property 
which  had  been  taken  by  colonel  Perry,  was  found  deposited 
there;  and,  as  it  consisted  of  articles  essential  to  the  comfort 
and  wants  of  the  troops,  the  general  ordered  them  to  be  distri- 
buted among  his  men. 

From  this  place,  the  division  moved  forward,  the  next 
morning.  Nothing  material  occurred,  until  its  arrival  at  the 
town  of  Horcasitas,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  river  Altami- 
ra.  The  river  was  fordable,  but  by  a  very  dangerous  pass  ; 
and  one  officer,  lieutenant  Gabet,  was  swept  away,  with  his 
horse,  and  drowned.  About  noon,  on  the  following  day,  the 
troops  reached  an  hacienda,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river, 
about  five  leagues  down  the  stream,  where  a  halt  was  made  for 
the  day.  From  this  place,  a  party  was  despatched  to  bring  in 
a  herd  of  seven  hundred  horses,  which  had  been  collected,  in 
the  vicinity  of  this  place,  for  the  use  of  the  enemy's  troops. 
The  horses  were  driven  in  :  they  were  a  most  important  ac- 
quisition to  Mina,  while  their  loss  was  severely  felt  by  the 
enemy.     The  following  afternoon,   Mina  continued  his  pro- 


96  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

gress,  having  mounted  his  troops  on  the  best  of  the  horses, 
the  remainder  being  driven  in  the  rear  of  the  division.  But, 
a  few  nights  afterwards,  nearly  the  whole  of  these  animals 
were  lost,  while  the  division  was  ascending,  in  great  darkness, 
a  thickly  wooded  mountain,  by  a  very  narrow  and  bad  road. 
The  general  was  now  advancing  upon  the  town  of  El  Valle  de 
Jllais.  Mina's  late  movements  had  kept  the  royalists  in  a 
state  of  continual  alarm.  The  enemy  were  at  a  loss  to  ascer- 
tain the  point  upon  which  they  were  directed ;  and,  as  both 
Altamira  and  Tampico  were  in  their  turns  threatened,  the 
enemy  were  obliged  to  remain  in  these  positions,  to  protect 
them.  As  soon,  however,  as  he  advanced  from  Horcasitas 
upon  El  Valle  de  Mais,  a  strong  body  of  troops  was  put  in 
motion  to  pursue  him.  To  these,  the  capture  of  the  cavallada 
(herd  of  horses)  just  mentioned,  was  a  sore  event. 

Just  as  the  division  was  about  to  march,  on  the  morning  of 
the  8th  of  June,  a  peasant  arrived,  with  the  intelligence  that 
the  enemy  from  El  Valle  de  Mais,  about  four  hundred  strong, 
all  cavalry,  had  taken  post  some  distance  in  advance  of  the 
town,  and  were  determined  to  make  a  bold  stand. 

This  news  raised  the  spirits  of  the  little  band,  who  continu- 
ed the  march,  anxious  to  come  in  contact  with  the  enemy.  It 
was  soon  perceived,  from  various  articles  of  provisions  scat- 
tered along  the  road,  that  the  enemy  had  changed  his  resolu- 
tion, and  had  retreated  :  the  track  of  wheels  also  denoted  that 
he  had  cannon.  It  appeared,  however,  that  he  again  deter- 
mined to  make  a  stand;  for,  about  noon,  the  division  came 
upon  the  enemy,  whose  force  consisted  of  nearly  two  hundred 
cavalr)',  advantageously  posted  on  an  eminence  on  the  high 
road,  three  leagues  from  El  Valle  de  Mais. 

The  satisfaction  manifested  by  the  division,  convinced  Mina 
that  he  could  rely  on  their  conduct ;  and  he  immediately  made 
dispositions  for  the  attack.  The  infantry  were  dismounted  ; 
and  the  best  marksmen  from  the  Guard  of  Honour,  and  regi- 
ment of  the  Union,  were  selected  to  act  as  light  troops.  These, 
fourteen  in  number,  were  directed  to  enter  a  thicket,  on  which 
the  enemy's  left  rested,  and  to  dislodge  it ;  while  the  main 
body  remained  firm,  ready  to  act  according  to  circumstances. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  97 

The  light  troops  advanced  to  the  thicket,  and  after  giving  a  few 
well-directed  tires,  by  which  they  killed  five  and  wounded  seve- 
ral others, they  were  astonished  to  see  their  antagonists  iall  back 
on  their  reserve.  They  were  pursued  by  the  same  party,  who 
again  opened  a  fire  on  them,  and  the  whole  then  retreated.  The 
general,  as  soon  as  the  enemy's  troops  gave  way,  ordered  the 
main  body  to  move  on;  and,  Vvfhen  they  finally  retreated,  Mina 
selected  from  the  cavalry  twenty  of  the  best  mounted,  partly 
foreigners,  ancf  partly  natives  of  Soto  la  Marina,  and  boldly 
pursued  the  enemy,  nearly  four  hundred  strong,  all  cavalry, 
through  the  town,  and  a  short  way  on  the  other  side  of  it, 
when  a  part  of  them  rallied.  The  general,  at  the  head  of  his 
twenty  men,  dashed  in  among  them  ;  they  broke  and  fled. 
Mina  pursued  them  upwards  of  two  leagues,  seized  one  gun, 
a  small  mountain  piece,  and  put  them  entirely  to  the  rout. 
He  then  returned,  and  occupied  the  town.  The  enemy  lost 
several  men,  and  some  prisoners  were  taken.  Mina  had  one 
man  severely  wounded,  but  none  killed. 

The  personal  intrepidity  and  skill  displayed  by  the  general 
on  this  occasion,  produced  in  the  minds  of  the  division,  not 
only  devotion  to  him,  but  the  most  unbounded  confidence  in 
his  abilities. 

El  Valle  de  Mais  is  situated  near  the  river  Paniico^  and  not 
far  from  the  town  bearing  that  name,  in  the  province  of  San 
Luis  Potosi.  It  was  by  far  the  best  town  the  division  had  yet 
seen.  It  has  a  large  square,  with  extensive  and  well  built 
edifices  and  some  handsome  churches.  The  houses  generally 
have  an  air  of  neatness,  and  are  well  constructed.  The  divi- 
sion had  almost  despaired  of  seeing  a  town  like  this,  from  the 
gloomy  appearance  of  the  country  it  had  hitherto  traversed. 
The  road  had  lain  through  the  worst  part  of  the  Tierra 
Ca/iente^  or  hot  region,  which,  from  the  paucity  of  inhabitants, 
the  want  of  culture,  and  the  scarcity  of  water,  had  induced 
many  to  form  a  mean  opinion  of  Mexico.  But,  at  the  Valle 
de  Mais,  a  brighter  prospect  was  unfolded.  The  ascent  into 
the  Tierra  Fria^  or  cold  region,  which  extends  over  the  vast 
mountain  or  table  land  composing  eight-tenths  of  the  Mexican 
(13) 


98  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

kingdom,  had  commenced.  The  population  of  the  country 
was  becoming  more  dense,  good  towns  and  fine  haciendas  now 
met  the  eye  in  various  directions,  and  every  hour  gave  a  more 
agi-eeable  climate. 

El  Valle  de  Mais  is  a  place  of  important  trade.  Its  maga- 
zines were  well  stored  with  dry  goods,  and  many  of  its  inha- 
bitants were  extremely  wealthy.  They  had,  generally  speak- 
ing, precipitately  decamped,  under  an  impression  that  Mina's 
progress  would  be  marked  by  sanguinary  conduct.  Their 
fears  also  were  increased,  in  consequence  of  their  having  just 
celebrated,  with  great  rejoicings,  the  victory  which  the  Gazette 
of  Mexico  had  announced  to  have  been  gained  by  the  royal 
fleet  over  Mina.  Such,  however,  had  been  their  hurry  to 
escape,  that  they  left  to  the  mercy  of  their  conqueror  their 
valuable  and  well-furnished  stores.  Here  Mina  gave  an  un- 
equivocal proof  of  his  politic  and  generous  character.  The 
strictest  orders  were  given  to  the  troops  not  to  stain  the  cause 
they  had  espoused,  by  any  act  of  plunder  or  personal  violence 
towards  the  inhabitants.  Only  a  few  articles  which  were 
necessary  for  the  troops,  were  taken  from  the  stores  ;  and  he 
received  but  a  moderate  sum  of  money  from  the  town ;  thus 
convincing  the  people,  that  he  did  not  come  to  oppress  or 
maltreat  them.  Some  dry  goods,  captured  during  the  march, 
were  served  out,  and  a  few  dollars  each  were  given  to  the 
troops. 
^  On  the  evening  of  the  9th,  the  general  received  information 

that  Arminan,  commandant  of  a  battalion  of  the  European 
regiment  of  infantry  of  the  line  of  Estremadura,  v/as  in  pur- 
suit of  him  from  Altamira,  with  about  seven  hundred  infantry, 
and  a  strong  body  of  cavalry,  and  was  then  two  days'  march 
in  the  rear.  The  receipt  of  this  news  caused  neither  surprise 
nor  dismay  among  the  troops.  They  were  so  elated  by  the 
victory  recently  gained,  that,  had  the  general  proposed  to 
march,  and  meet  this  formidable  force,  the  troops  would  cheer- 
fully have  obeyed  the  order.  But  the  general  was  too  pru- 
dent to  seek  combats  with  such  a  disparity  of  numbers.  His 
great  object  was  to  form  a  junction  with  the  patriot  forces  in 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  99 

the  interior;  and  although  he  calculated  on  his  troops  behaving 
well,  yet  he  was  aware  that  every  action  against  superior  num- 
bers must  reduce  his  own  :  it  therefore  became  his  invariable 
policy  to  avoid,  instead  of  fighting,  the  enemy.  He,  however, 
called  a  council  of  his  principal  officers,  to  consult  whether  it 
was  best  to  await  the  enemy  in  the  same  position,  where  the 
attack  had  been  made  the  preceding  day,  or,  by  making  forced 
marches,  endeavour  to  join  the  patriots,  before  the  enemy 
could  get  up.  ^'he  council  determined  in  favour  of  the  latter 
movement,  and,  at  dawn  of  the  next  moi-ning,  the  division  was 
on  its  march. 

The  marches  were  now  longer  than  heretofore  ;  the  troops 
obtaining  scarcely  any  rest  or  refreshment :  but  they  were 
cheered  by  Mina's  example.  He  appeared  superior  to  fatigues 
or  privations,  and  was  constantly  on  the  alert. 

On  the  12th,  at  night,  the  division  arrived  and  halted  at  a 
rancho.  The  next  morning,  a  sufficiency  of  tortillas,  with 
meat,  was  provided.  A  small  detachment  of  cavalry  was 
despatched  to  a  neighbouring  rancho,  but  was  driven  in  by  a 
superior  number  of  the  enemy's  cavalry.  It  was  also  under- 
stood, that  Arminan  was  uniting  with  a  considerable  body, 
called  the  lUo  Verde  cavalry,  and  was  but  a  few  leagues  off. 
Mina  thereupon  caused  the  division  to  move  forward;  and  as 
it  became  necessary  to  advance  rapidly,  time  could  not  be 
spared  to  obtain  provisions.  On  the  night  of  the  14th,  the 
division  arrived  at  the  hacienda  called  Peotillos.  The  ene- 
my, however,  by  making  double  marches,  was  close  up,  and 
took  prisoner  a  soldier  of  the  regiment  of  the  Union,  who,  un- 
able to  proceed,  lagged  in  the  rear.  \ 

On  arriving  at  the  hacienda,  worn  down  by  hunger  and 
fatigue,  the  troops  expected  that  something  necessary  for  their 
refreshment  would  be  obtained.  But,  to  their  great  disap- 
pointment, they  found  that  the  Mayor  Domo  (overseer)  had 
run  away,  and  had  taken  with  him  all  the  Indians,  so  that  no 
cattle  could  be  procured.  In  the  tired  state  of  the  troops, 
sleep  was  even  more  grateful  to  them  than  provisions,  and 
they  consoled  themselves  with  the  expectation  of  a  good  meal 


100  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  next  morning.  Accordingly,  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
15th,  the  poultry  and  pigs  of  the  hacienda  were  laid  under 
requisition,  and  the  troops  were  animated  with  the  prospect  of 
a  good  breakfast ;  but  at  eight  A.  M.  while  it  was  cooking, 
advice  was  brought,  that  the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy  was 
within  two  miles  of  the  hacienda ;  the  troops  were  called  to 
arms,  and  marched  to  a  small  eminence  adjoining  the  hacienda, 
whence  there  was  an  extensive  view  of  the  plain. 

The  hacienda  de  Peotillos  is  the  property  of  a  convent  in 
Mexico.  It  is  valuable,  and  the  buildings  are  extensive  and 
handsome,  situated  at  the  foot  of  a  range  of  hills  running  north 
and  south,  fifteen  leagues  north-west  from  the  city  of  San  Luis 
Potosi.  East  of  the  hacienda  extends  a  large  plain,  bounded 
on  that  side  also  by  hills.  The  plain,  in  many  places,  was 
planted  with  corn,  but  was  much  overrun  with  bushes,  about 
ten  feet  high.  The  advance  of  the  enemy  had  formed  on  the 
edge  of  one  of  these  thickets,  with  a  clear  space  of  ground  in  its 
front,  and  near  it  was  a  corn  field,  strongly  fenced  in. 

From  the  eminence,  to  which  the  division  was  marched, 
Mina  reconnoitred  the  enemy.  He  saw  that  an  action  was 
now  inevitable.  To  retreat  in  the  presence  of  such  a  force, 
in  the  fatigued  state  of  his  infantry,  and  with  the  broken  down 
horses  of  the  cavalry,  was  destruction ;  and,  to  defend  the 
hacienda,  could  only  eventuate  in  the  extermination  of  his 
little  band.  He  therefore  determined  to  strike  a  blow,  trusts 
ing  that  it  might  be  attended  by  some  fortunate  results.  Ha\^- 
ing  fixed  upon  his  plan,  he  rode  up  to  his  troops,  and  stated 
to  them,  that  the  body  of  cavalry  then  in  view,  consisted  of 
about  four  hundred  men ;  that  the  cloud  of  dust  rising  some 
distance  in  the  rear,  was  caused  by  the  main  body ;  but,  he 
thought,  that  before  it  could  get  up,  there  might  be  time  enough 
to  defeat  the  advanced  guard.  The  general  concluded  by 
asking  them,  if  they  were  willing  to  march  down  to  the  plain 
and  attack  the  enemy.  The  division  had  learnt  to  despise  the 
enemy's  cavalry,  and  from  the  knowledge  they  had  acquired 
of  their  undisciplined  state,  and  the  great  confidence  they  re- 
posed in  Mina,  would  cheerfully  have  engaged  any  number 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  101 

of  them.  With  three  cheers,  they,  therefore,  answered  the 
general,  that  they  would  follow  wherever  he  chose  to  lead 
them.  He,  thereupon,  selected  from  the  division,  the  Guard 
of  Honour,  the  regiment  of  the  Union,  detachments  from  the 
cavalry  and  first  regiment  of  the  line,  and  the  armed  servants, 
composed  of  coloured  boys,  under  the  command  of  one  of  the 
general's  servants,  and  marched  to  the  conflict.  His  small 
band,  including  the  general  and  staff,  and  a  reenforcement  of 
ten  cavalry  ordered  up  during  the  action,  was  one  hundred  and 
seventij-txvo.  Of  these,  the  Guard  of  Honour  and  regiment 
of  the  Union  formed  the  line,  and  was  commanded  by  cojonel 
Youijg;  a  detachment  from  the  Union,  with  that  from  the  first 
regiment,  and  the  armed  servants,  operated  as  skirmishers, 
and  the  cavalry  covered  the  flanks.  The  residue  of  the  di- 
vision remained  in  the  hacienda,  to  protect  the  stores,  of  which 
colonel  Noboa  was  left  in  command. 

Immediately  on  the  arrival  of  the  division  at  the  cleared 
ground,  the  enemy  made  a  furious  charge;  but  were  received 
with  firmness.  A  well-directed  fire  checked  their  ardour,  and 
they  fell  back,  leaving  twenty-two  dead.  But,  knowing  the 
powerful  support  that  was  coming  up,  and  being  joined  in  the 
meantime  by  a  reenforcement  of  cavalry,  they  were  thereby 
stimulated  to  continue  the  contest.  They  played  round,  oc- 
casionally charging,  and  harassed  the  division  in  this  manner, 
until  the  main  body,  composed  of  infantry,  cavalry,  and  can- 
non, arrived.  It  got  up  under  cover  of  the  bushes  before  de- 
scribed, which  had  concealed  its  approach,  until  the  first  in- 
timation that  the  division  had  of  its  arrival  was  a  tremendous 
fire  from  its  line.  Mina,  on  perceiving  the  overwhelming 
force,  made  a  disposition  to  retire  upon  the  hacienda,  in  order 
to  re-unite  his  forces.  But  the  enemy,  encouraged  by  this 
movement,  advanced,  beating  the  charge  and  maintaining  a 
heavy  fire,  by  which  several  of  the  little  band  fell.  The  gene- 
ral, finding  it  would  be  impracticable  to  draw  off  his  troops, 
halted  them,  and  made  some  necessary  movements.  The 
enemy,  thereupon,  took  up  a  position,  with  their  l^ft  resting 
on  the  fence  of  the  corn  fields,  and  their  right  flanked  by  a 
cloud  of  cavalry.     The  division  now  saw  the  immense  supe- 


102  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

riority  of  the  force  they  had  to  contend  with,  and  destruction 
appeared  inevitable.  But  the  serenity  and  courage  of  their 
leader  filled  the  men  with  enthusiasm,  and  inci'eased  the  reso- 
lution they  had  formed  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible. 

The  infantry  had  been  supplied  with  buck  shot,  and  many 
of  the  men  loaded  with  eighteen  in  addition  to  the  ball.  They 
committed  havoc  among  the  enemy.  But  the  constant  fire  of 
the  royalists  considerably  thinned  the  ranks  of  Mina's  infantry, 
and  his  cavalry  sustained  some  sharp  conflicts,  and  suffered 
severely. 

At  length  the  enemy's  cavalry  were  observed  coming  up  in 
the  rear,  and  lancing  the  unfortunate  wounded ;  sevejjal  of 
whom  had  still  sufficient  strength  remaining  to  fire  a  musket, 
and  continued,  as  they  lay  on  the  ground,  to  give  battle  till 
they  were  pierced  with  wounds.  At  this  juncture  the  oi'der 
was  given  to  charge,  and  the  line  advanced  with  cool  determi- 
nation. The  enemy  evinced  a  strong  disposition  to  withstand 
it,  and  remained  firm  till  Mina's  infantry  were  within  a  few 
paces.  This  was  the  critical  moment  which  was  to  decide  the 
fate  of  the  division.  Mina's  infantry,  animated  by  their  reso- 
lution to  conquer  or  die,  gave  three  cheers,  and,  pouring  into 
the  enemy  a  destructive  volley  of  buck  shot,  rushed  upon 
them  ;  they  broke ;  and,  throwing  away  their  arms,  fled  with 
such  precipitation,  that  only  a  very  few  were  bayoneted. 
The  cavalry,  viewing  with  astonishment  the  fate  of  the  infan- 
try, partook  of  the  terror.  They  dispersed,  and  fled  in  every 
direction.  The  general  was  unable  to  follow  up  his  success, 
as  the  horses  of  the  detachment  from  the  cavalry,  with  him, 
were  completely  worn  down.  He,  however,  pursued  the  fu- 
gitives a  short  distance.  Had  colonel  Noboa  been  animated 
with  the  gallantry  of  major  Maylefer,  who  commanded  the 
cavalry  in  the  hacienda,  not  one  of  the  enemy's  infantry  would 
have  escaped.  The  major,  anxious  to  signalize  himself,  re- 
peatedly requested  colonel  Noboa  to  allow  him  to  share  in 
the  glory  of  the  day,  and  to  reenforce  the  general  with  the 
cavalry  v-l>ut,  for  some  reason  or  other,  he  would  not  allow 
liim,  and  thus  the  enemy's  infantry  escaped  annihilation. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  103 

It  was  supposed,  that  the  enemy,  after  flying  a  reasonable 
distance,  and  not  finding  themselves  pursued,  would  rally, 
and  then  return  to  the  attack.  The  division  was,  in  conse- 
quence, ordered  to  the  hacienda,  where  it  arrived,  after  having 
been  warmly  engaged  three  hours  and  a  half.  The  troops 
returned  in  high  spirits,  each  man  feeling  conscious  of  having 
not  only  done  his  duty,  but  that  he  had  escaped  the  destruc- 
tion which,  a  few  hours  before,  appeared  to  await  him.  Never 
was  any  man  welcomed  with  more  heart-felt  congratulations, 
than  those  which  Mina  received  from  his  troops.  They  rent 
the  air  with  their  cheers,  and  even  the  wounded  seemed  almost 
insensible  to  suffering,  amidst  the  general  joy. 

The  first  impulse  of  the  little  band,  on  being  dismissed,  was 
to  fly  to  the  meal  which  had  been  left  in  cooking:  but,  to  their 
keen  mortification,  they  found,  that  the  cooks,  feeling  as  was 
natural,  more  interest  in  the  fate  of  the  battle,  than  in  dressing 
the  provisions,  had  deserted  their  trust.  In  their  absence, 
the  dogs  of  the  hacienda  had  upset  the  pots,  and  had  regaled 
themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  famished  soldiers.  Other 
provisions  were  speedily  procured  for  cooking;  but,  in  the 
meantime,  an  alarm  was  given,  which,  however,  turned  out  to 
be  unfounded. 

Immediately  on  reaching  the  hacienda,  the  attention  of  the 
general  was  directed  to  the  removal  of  the  woimded  from  the 
field,  and  parties  were  sent  out  for  that  purpose,  as  well  as  to 
collect  some  of  the  fruits  of  the  victory.  Owing  to  the  dis- 
tance of  the  scene  of  action  from  the  hacienda,  and  the  want 
of  the  necessary  means  of  conveyance,  this  duty  was  not  fin- 
ished till  night  had  set  in.  Besides  the  wounded  of  the  divi- 
sion, some  of  the  enemy's  were  brought  in  also.  From  the 
same  causes,  only  fifty  stand  of  arms,  one  gun,  three  drums, 
some  accoutrements,  and  eight  mule  loads  of  ammunition,  wei-e 
all  that  could  be  saved ;  of  the  latter,  the  enemy  blew  up  a 
considerable  quantity  when  they  fled. 

The  return  of  the  loss  of  the  division  was  heavy,  and  a 
melancholy  reduction  from  its  strength.    It  was  as  follows  : — 


104  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 


Officers, 

» 

Rank 

and  fie. 

A 

A 

killed.        -mounded. 

killed. 

-  1 

■wounded. 

Staff,     -     -     -     - 

1 

1 

0 

0 

Guard  of  Honour, 

8 

7 

0 

0 

Cavalry,     -     -     - 

2 

3 

9 

7" 

Regiment  of  the  Union, 

0 

0 

6 

7 

First  Regiment,     -     - 

0 

0 

4 

0 

Armed  servants,   -     - 

0 

0 

0 

1 

11 

11 

19 

15 

Total  killed  and  wounded,      -      -      -     -     56 

Among  the  killed  was  Don  Lazaro  Goni,  a  native  of  Na- 
varre :  the  general  was  much  attached  to  him.  He  was  be- 
loved by  the  army,  and  had  gallantly  distinguished  himself. 

On  the  body  of  a  lieutenant  colonel,  killed  in  the  action,  was 
found  the  order  of  the  day,  which  showed  that  the  force  ac- 
tually engaged  was  six  hundred  and  eighty  infafitry  of  the 
European  regiments  of  Estremadura  and  America,  and  eleven 
hundred  of  the  Rio  Verde  and  Sierra  Gorda  cavalry ;  and  that 
the  rear  guard  consisted  of  three  hundred  men.  This  was 
subsequently  corroborated  by  official  documents,  published  at 
Mexico :  so  that  Mina,  with  one  hundred  and  seventy  fa- 
tigued infantry,  and  badly  mounted  cavalry,  defeated,  in  a 
plain,  without  even  the  advantage  of  a  good  position,  upwards 
of  seventeen  hundred  men.  The  royalist  soldiers,  who  fled 
from  the  field  of  battle,  returned  to  their  homes,  and,  in  vin- 
dication of  their  own  conduct,  exaggerated  the  numbers  and 
intrepidity  of  Mina's  troops,  who,  they  said,  were  not  men,  but 
devils ;  and  portrayed  in  melancholy  colours,  the  dreadful 
execution  committed  by  their  fire.  The  general's  fame  thus 
spread  in  every  direction,  and  paralyzed  the  enemy. 

The  action  of  Peotillos  is  yet  mentioned  with  shame  and 
mortification  by  the  royalists.  It  was  blazoned  through  the 
kingdom,  and  particularly  in  the  central  provinces,  where  it  is 
known  to  all  ranks  of  people.     It  will  long  live  in  the  recol- 


I 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  105 

lection  of  the  Mexicans ;  and  perhaps  the  day  is  not  distant, 
when  the  Mexican  people  will  offer  to  the  memory  of  Mina, 
those  honours  due  to  the  hero  of  Peotillos.  This,  and  other 
actions  and  circumstances,  have  created  in  their  minds  a  strong 
predilection,  and  great  respect  for  foreigners  :  a  circumstance 
which  would  be  attended  by  the  most  astonishing  results, 
should  a  body  of  them  ever  invade  the  kingdom  in  the  cause 
of  its  emancipation.  If  Mina,  after  this  action,  had  had  with 
him  one  thousand,  instead  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  foreigners, 
he  might  have  marched  direct  upon  the  capital  of  Mexico, 
and  the  royalist  troops,  instead  of  opposing  him,  would  have 
flocked  to  his  banners. 

The  battle  of  Peotillos  incontestably  proves  the  quality  and 
character  of  the  royalist  troops,  and  shows  what  a  few  deter- 
mined foreigners  can  achieve  against  them  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  This  is  not  the  only  action  which  can  be  adduced 
in  support  of  this  assertion.  That  of  colonel  Perry,  near  Soto 
la  Marina,  and  that  of  El  Valle  de  Mais,  already  noticed, 
and  those  of  Pinos  and  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos,  yet  to  be 
mentioned,  were  all  gained  over  a  superiority  of  numbers ; 
and  it  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  that  Mina's  division  was  cut 
up  by  the  enormous  force  of  five  thousand  men,  whose  efforts 
even  then  would  have  been  unavailing,  if  their  success  had 
depended  entirely  upon  their  personal  prowess.  If  these  are 
not  sufficient  proofs  of  the  awful  fall  of  the  Spaniards  from  their 
once  lofty  elevation  in  the  records  of  military  fame,  let  the 
reader  revert  to  the  history  of  their  struggle  against  the  em- 
peror Napoleon,  and  there  he  will  find,  that  in  the  central  pro- 
vinces of  Spain,  the  French,  with  one  third  their  numbers, 
gained  victories,  and  drove  them  from  point  to  point,  even  af- 
ter their  armies  were  organized  and  disciplined. 

The  sanguinary  style  in  which  the  order  of  the  day,  found 
as  before  mentioned,  was  couched,  roused  the  indignation  of 
the  division  against  its  author.  It  expressly  forbade  quarter, 
and  so  sure  was  Arminan  of  the  victory,  which  his  great 
superiority  of  numbers  was  well  calculated  to  inspire,  that  he 
exulted  in  having  at  length  got  the  traitor  Mina  and  his  rabble 
(gavilla)  into  his  power,  not  one  of  whom,  the  order  said, 
(14) 


106  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

should  escape.  It  modestly  pointed  out  the  description  of 
the  plunder  which  was  to  belong  to  the  king,  and  that  which 
was  to  be  distributed  among  his  troops,  whom  it  strictly  en- 
joined not  to  stop  the  work  of  extermination  to  plunder,  but, 
that  after  the  slaughter  was  finished,  a  division  of  the  spoils 
should  be  made.  The  great  disposer  of  human  events  had 
ordained,  that  matters  should  not  correspond  with  the  savage 
principles  and  predictions  of  colonel  Arminan.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  received  a  merited  punishment  for  his  intended  cruel- 
ties, by  having  his  host  put  to  flight  by  one  tenth  of  its  num- 
bers. Arminan  with  his  staff,  fled  several  leagues  from  the 
field  of  battle,  before  he  deemed  it  safe  to  halt.  His  despatch 
to  the  commander  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  was  published  in  the 
Gazette  of  Mexico,  and  is  a. tolerably  fair  sample  of  all  the 
royalist  despatches,  which  have  appeai-'ed  in  that  paper,  during 
the  revolution.  It  is  a  composition  of  so  much  absurdity,  and 
so  palpably  false,  that  the  Spanish  officers  yet  treat  it  with 
merited  ridicule,  and  never  touch  upon  the  subject  but  with 
disgust.  It  is  very  brief,  and  sets  out  with  saying,  that  he 
had  encountered  a  column  of  men  determined  to  die  killing  ; 
he  states,  that  his  cavalry  took  fright  at  somethings  and  ran 
over  his  infantry ^  which  threw  them  into  disorder^  but  that  he 
gained  the  battle^  and  that  he  only  wanted  two  hundred  more 
cavalry s  which  he  requested  might  be  sent  him,  to  finish  the 
total  destruction  of  Mina.  He  concludes  this  singular  despatch^ 
by  saying,  "  no  hay  mas  papel^''  "  I  aiu  out  of  paper  l^"*  else,  we 
presume,  he  would  have  communicated,  for  the  information  of 
the  Mexican  people,  a  few  more  falsehoods. 

During  the  action,  a  trumpeter  was  made  prisoner  by  a 
major  of  the  enemy's  cavalry.  The  major  immediately  forced 
him  to  dismount,  and  then  gave  him  his  carabine  to  carry. 
The  trumpeter  soon  ascertained  that  it  was  loaded,  and  when 
he  found  that  the  enemy's  troops  were  in  a  state  of  confusion, 
he  suddenly  presented  the  carabine  at  the  major,  and  peremp- 
torily ordered  him  to  dismount;  he  did  so,  and  the  trumpeter 
jumping  into  the  saddle,  ordered  the  major  to  march  before 
him,  observing  to  him,  "  as  you  are  obliged  to  walk,  sir,  I'll 
not  trouble  you  to  carry  the  gun."     So  much  pleased  was  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  107 

major  with  the  manner  in  which  he  was  treated,  that  although 
Mina  gave  him  his  liberty,  he  subsequently  joined  a  division 
of  the  patriots. 

As  the  people  of  the  hacienda  had  retired  on  the  approach 
of  the  division,  no  emissary  could  be  despatched,  to  obtain 
information  of  the  enemy's  situation.  Mina  knew,  that  igno- 
rance of  his  force  could  not  have  been  the  cause  of  his  signal 
victory,  for  the  enemy  had  various  opportunities  of  ascertain- 
ing it  to  a  man  ;  besides,  they  had  taken  one  of  the  division 
prisoner,  the  preceding  evening,  from  whom  they  had  undoubt- 
edly gained  every  information.  He  therefore  expected,  that, 
feeling  ashamed  at  having  been  beaten  by  so  contemptible  a 
number,  they  would  make  a  desperate  attempt  to  retrieve  the 
disasters  of  Peotillos,  and  it  was  accordingly  judged  best  to 
steal  a  march  on  the  enemy.  The  division  was,  therefore,  put 
in  light  marching  order,  and  the  superfluous  baggage  was  de- 
stroyed, to  make  room  for  the  conveyance  of  the  arms  and 
ammunition  taken  from  the  enemy. 

It  has  already  been  noticed,  that  some  of  the  wounded  of 
the  enemy  had  been  removed  from  the  field,  with  those  be- 
longing to  the  division.  Their  wounds  were  dressed,  and  the 
same  sympathy  was  extended  to  them  as  to  those  of  Mina, 
The  surgeon  reported,  that  four  of  the  division  were  so  dan- 
gerously wounded,  that  it  was  impossible  to  remove  them, 
and  with  reluctance  the  general  was  obliged  to  leave  them. 
He,  however,  left  a  letter  for  the  royalist  commander,  begging 
that  he  would  pay  the  same  attention  to  them,  as  had  been 
shown  to  his  own  wounded.  The  parting  with  these  brave 
fellows  was  extremely  painful.  They  shook  the  general  and 
their  companions  cordially  by  the  hand,  and  wished  them  suc- 
cess, while  bidding  them,  as  they  conceived,  an  eternal  adieu. 
We  have  great  pleasui-e  in  recording  the  fact,  which  we  after- 
wards learned,  that  Mina's  request  was  most  scrupulously  ful- 
filled; they  were  removed  by  order  of  the  royalist  commander, 
to  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  were  there  treated  in  the  most  hu- 
mane manner,  particularly  by  the  inhabitants. 

Every  thing  being  arranged,  at  two  o'clock  of  the  morning 
of   the   16th,   the  division  moved  forward,    and  continued 


108  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

advancing  till  noon,  when  it  arrived  at  arancho.  Here,  intel- 
ligence was  received  of  the  complete  defeat  of  the  enemy; 
and,  as  the  fear  of  pursuit  from  that  quarter  was  now  at  an 
end,  the  division  took  up  its  quarters  for  the  night.  As  the 
rancho  afforded  every  thing  necessary  for  their  refreshment, 
the  troops  fared  sumptuously. 

The  next  morning,  the  march  was  resumed  :  but  two  offi- 
cers, from  some  motive  which  could  not  be  developed,  re- 
mained in  the  rancho  ;  they  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.  At  sun-set,  the  division  passed  through  the 
pueblo  of  Hideonda.  Its  priest  ordered  the  bells  to  be  rung, 
and  gave  other  apparent  demonstrations  of  joy,  to  celebrate, 
as  he  said,  the  result  of  the  battle.  He  endeavoured  to  per- 
suade the  general  that  he  was  warmly  attached  to  the  patriotic 
cause.  But  his  conduct,  it  afterwards  appeared,  was  guided 
by  the  most  profound  dissimulation  ;  his  real  object  being  to 
get  rid  of  Mina,  in  the  safest  way  possible  ;  and  to  obtain  an 
exact  account  of  his  numbers.  He  afterwards  boasted  to  the 
royalists,  that  he  had  counted  Mina's  troops  as  they  remained 
formed  in  the  square. 

It  should  not  be  inferred,  hovirever,  from  this  instance  of 
hypocrisy,  that  the  clergy  are  averse,  in  general,  to  the  cause 
of  liberty,  excepting  that  portion  of  them  which  first  drew 
their  breath  in  Spain.  It  is  true,  that  the  European  priests, 
from  interest  and  prejudice,  have  been,  and  ever  will  be,  hos- 
tile to  the  independence  of  the  New  World;  but  the  sweeping 
imputations  which  have  been  cast  on  the  Spanish  American 
clergy,  are  without  the  least  foundation.  To  accuse  the  Cre- 
ole priests  of  a  lack  of  amor  patriae^  and  an  attachment  to  the 
interests  of  the  Spanish  government,  could  only  arise  from  a 
total  ignorance  of  their  real  character  and  situation.  There  is 
no  part  of  the  Mexican  population  which  has  more  ample 
cause  to  desire,  or  in  secret  does  more  ardently  pant  after,  a 
change  of  government,  than  its  native  clergy.  The  church 
preferments  are  regulated  in  an  equally  odious  manner,  with 
the  civil  and  military.  No  Ci^eole,  whatever  claims  he  may 
have  on  the  score  of  family,  or  however  great  his  talents  may 
be,  can  ever  aspire  to  the  mitre.   The  subordinate  livings  only 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  109 

are  filled  by  Creoles ;  rare  Indeed  are  the  instances  of  native 
divines  attaining  to  any  situation  beyond  that  of  a  cura  (rector 
of  a  parish,)  and  even  the  most  valuable  of  these  livings  are 
presented  to  old  Spaniards.  Inequality  of  fortune  is  here  even 
more  striking  than  among  the  civilians ;  for  no  country  pre- 
sents such  contrasts  of  wealth  and  poverty,  luxury  and  misery, 
as  Mexico.  While  a  large  proportion  of  the  curas  suffer  ex- 
treme poverty,  (manv  depending  for  subsistence  entirely  on 
the  charity  of  their  parishioners)  the  canons  and  bishops,  and 
even  some  of  the  curas,  roll  in  affluence  and  luxury.  The 
Creole,  once  placed  in  a  curato^  there  lives  and  dies,  unnotic- 
ed,— unregarded  ;  while  he  has  the  mortification  to  see  daily 
arrivals  from  Spain  of  the  x'efuse  of  the  Spanish  convents,  who 
are  destined  to  succeed  to,  and  invariably  monopolize,  the 
clerical  dignities  and  wealth. 

The  Mexican  clergy  arc  far  less  numerous  than  is  generally 
supposed.  According  to  a  late  enlightened  traveller,  M.  de 
Humboldt,  the  secular  clergy  and  regulars  who  wear  the  cowl 
do  not  exceed  ten,  and,  including  the  lower  orders  attached 
to  the  convents,  fourteen,  thousand ;  being  about  three  for  every 
thousand  inhabitants.  The  kingdom  is  divided  into  one  arch- 
bishopric and  eight  bishoprics.  The  revolution  has  materially 
reduced  their  incomes ;  but,  prior  to  that  event,  the  dignitaries 
received  the  following  immense  annual  revenues  :— 

Archbishop  of  Mexico,  S  130,000 

Bishop  of  La  Puebla,  -         110,000 

Valladolid,  -          100,000 

Guadalaxara,  -        90,000 

Durango,  -           35,000 

Monterey,  -         30,000 

Yucatan,  -           20,000 

Oaxaca,     -  -         18,000 

Sonora,        -  -         6,000 

The  canons,  from  seven  to  nine  thousand  dollars,  and  the 
sub-canons,  from  two  to  four  thousand  dollars,  each. 

The  church  revenue  was  derived  principally  from  tithes. 
Its  lands  were  in  value  about  two  and  a  half  millions  of  dol- 


110  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

lars  ;  and  it  held  mortgages  to  the  immense  amount  of  about 
forty  millions  of  dollars. 

When  it  is  considered,  that  these  immense  sums  flow  into 
the  coffers  of  a  comparatively  few  individuals,  of  whom  by  far 
the  greater  proportion  are  old  Spaniards,  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  natives  of  the  country,  can  it  be  for  a  moment  supposed, 
or  is  it  consistent  with  human  nature,  that  a  class  of  men  so 
degraded  and  so  abused,  should  uphold,  from  sentiments  of 
attachment  to  the  Madre  Patria^  a  government  which  thus 
oppresses  them  ?  It  is  true,  they  have  great  power  over  their 
flocks,  which  they  do  not  fail  to  exercise  ;  but,  as  that  dreadful 
engine  of  despotism,  the  Inquisition,  has  hitherto  hung  over 
their  heads,  and  the  civil  government  possesses  all  the  physical 
foixe,  which  is  always  called  forth  in  its  aid,  they  are  awed 
into  subjection,  and  fear  alone  compels  them  to  act  a  part,  at 
which  they  would  otherwise  spurn.  Were  the  clergy  proper- 
ly supported,  they  would  soon  convince  the  world  that  they 
are  regally  patriots,  and  that  the  charges  against  them  are  foul 
aspersions. 

In  taking  a  retrospective  view  of  their  conduct,  we  find  that 
the  plan  to  drive  despotism  from  Mexico  was  laid  hy  priests  ; 
the  father  of  the  revolution  (Hidalgo)  was  a  priest.  From 
the  commencement,  priests  have  held  the  first  rank  in  the  pa- 
triot armies :  such  were  Morelos,  Matamoros,  and  an  infinite 
number  of  other  distinguished  members  of  the  church.  Those 
just  mentioned,  beside  several  hundreds  of  priests^  have  fallen 
victims,  during  the  struggle  for  liberty;  and  there  are  yet 
many  of  the  clergy,  acting  with  the  revolutionists,  in  the  pro- 
vinces of  Mexico,  Guanaxuato,  and  Valladolid. 

The  next  day's  march  brought  the  division  to  a  very  exten- 
sive hacienda,  called  Espiritu  Santo.  Being  on  the  frontiers 
of  the  provinces  possessed  by  the  patriots,  and  open  to  their 
incursions,  the  hacienda  was  fortified,  and  a  garrison  had  been 
maintained  at  the  owner's  expense  :  but,  not  deeming  it  pru- 
dent to  withstand  an  attack  from  the  force  which  now  ap- 
proached, they  had  retreated  to  San  Luis,  having  the  propri- 
etor, a  European  Spaniard,  under  their  convoy.  The  majority 
of  the  male  inhabitants  had  been  compelled  to  depart;  but  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  HI 

division  was  met,  at  the  entrance  of  the  hacienda,  by  a  troop 
of  females,  bearing  a  picture  of  the  Virgin,  and  chaunting 
hymns.  Fearing  the  worst  from  victorious  troops,  and  judg- 
ing what  would  be  the  conduct  of  Mina,  by  what  they  had 
experienced  from  others  in  the  same  situation,  they  adopted 
this  method;  hoping,  by  the  intercession  of  their  tutelar  saint, 
to  awaken  the  compassion  of  the  conqueror,  and  to  obtain  that 
clemency  which  was  seldom  extended  to  them.  Their  fears 
soon  subsided;  and,  to  their  very  great  surprise,  the  soldiers, 
instead  of  plundering  them,  as  had  been  customary  with  the 
contending  parties,  paid  for  whatever  they  required.  The 
division  bivouaced  without  the  hacienda,  rations  were  pro- 
vided, and  the  next  morning  it  moved  forward. 

By  a  forced  march,  the  division  reached  the  Real  de  P'lnos^ 
at  sun-set.  The  term  Real  implies  a  place  where  mines  are 
worked.  This  town  is  in  the  intendancy  of  Zacatecas;  is 
extensive  and  wealthy;  and  is  located  on  an  ascent,  partly 
surrounded  by  hills,  out  of  which  the  precious  minerals  are 
extracted.  It  was  fortified ;  being  defended,  on  the  hill  side, 
by  a  very  wide  and  deep  trench,  which  was  raked  from  breast- 
works built  on  the  tops  of  the  houses.  On  the  side  next  the 
plain,  the  streets  leading  to  the  Plaza  Mayor  (principal  square) 
were  blocked  up  by  a  wall,  calculated  only  to  afford  protection 
against  musketry,  constructed  with  loop-holes,  and  strength- 
ened by  ditches.  These  would  be  vmavailing  against  orga- 
nized troops,  as  the  heights  completely  cor.»mand  the  place 
within  musket-shot.  It  had,  however,  been  once  invested  by 
a  body  of  fifteen  hundred  patriots,  and  had  resisted  their  at- 
tacks. 

At  the  time  Mina  appeared  before  Pinos,  it  contained  a 
garrison  of  three  hundred  men.  He  summoned  the  place  to 
surrender,  promising  that  respect  should  be  paid  to  persons 
and  property,  and  threatening  the  consequences  that  awaited 
its  reduction  by  force.  A  refusal  to  this  summons  was  re- 
turned; and  Mina,  thereupon,  made  preparations  for  storming 
the  place.  Soon  after  dark,  parties  were  despatched  to  the 
different  points  of  attack ;  and  a  smart  skirmishing  was  main- 
tained on  both  sides,  but  without  causing  any  loss  to  Mina. 


112  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

A  little  before  midnight,  a  detachment  of  fifteen  men  from 
the  Union  was  ordered  up  to  reenforce  a  party  of  the  first  re- 
giment. At  that  point,  the  houses  were  low,  and  afforded  a 
communication  from  their  terraces  with  the  Plaza  Mayor, 
extending  some  distance  into  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  works. 
The  small  party  of  fifteen  men,  anxious  to  distinguish  them- 
selves, immediately  mounted  the  terraces,  and  unobserved, 
as  the  night  was  dark,  proceeded  along  them  in  silence.  Ar- 
rived at  the  square,  they  lowered  themselves  down  by  their 
blankets;  where,  by  the  light  of  the  torches  of  the  enemy,  they 
saw  the  reserve  under  arms,  with  five  pieces  of  artillery :  they 
advanced  upon  them  as  long  as  they  could  do  so  unperceived, 
then  gave  their  usual  three  cheers,  and  rushed  on  the  enemy 
with  the  bayonet.  They  were  completely  surprised,  and, 
each  one  seeking  his  own  safety  in  flight,  abandoned  the  place, 
without  farther  resistance.  Thus  Pinos  was  carried,  with 
the  loss  of  one  man.  As  the  place  had  refused  to  surrender 
on  honourable  terms,  and  as  it  was  taken  by  storm,  Mina,  in 
conformity  with  the  laws  of  war,  gave  it  up  to  be  plundered; 
but,  at  the  same  time,  charged  the  troops  not  to  commit  any 
act  of  personal  violence.  Large  sums  in  specie  were  found  by 
the  troops,  many  of  whom  obtained  more  treasure  than  they 
could  find  means  to  carry  away.  They  amply  supplied  them- 
selves with  clothing,  which  they  much  needed  ;  few  leaving 
the  place  without  a  richly  embroidered  cloak  thrown  over  the 
shoulders,  worth  from  one  to  two  hundred  dollars,  and  many 
of  them  far  more  valuable.  A  considerable  magazine  of  mili- 
tary stores  was  also  found  here. 

One  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Union  regiment  had  entered  a 
church,  and  was  detected  in  the  act  of  purloining  the  golden 
ornaments  belonging  to  the  altar.  The  general  had  always 
given  the  most  positive  orders  to  his  troops,  to  respect  all 
places  dedicated  to  divine  worship:  and  had  declared  his  firm 
determination  to  punish  with  death  whoever  was  found  com- 
mitting an  act  of  sacrilege.  On  a  former  occasion,  at  Soto  la 
Marina,  he  had  caused  a  Creole  to  be  shot,  for  breaking  into 
a  church  at  Palo  Alto.  He  therefore,  on  being  informed  of 
the  circumstance,  immediately  directed  the  soldier  to  be  taken 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  113 

out  to  the  front  of  the  division,  and  there  shot: — thus  proving 
to  the  royalists,  that  the  men  whom  they  called  heretics,  and 
whom  they  had  represented  to  the  people  as  sacrilegious  plun- 
derers, paid  more  respect  to  the  sanctuaries  of  religion  than 
themselves;  for  the  royalist  troops,  throughout  the  revolution, 
have  invariably  polluted  the  churches,  by  using  them  as  forti- 
fications, barracks,  and  stables,  whenever  it  suited  their  pur- 
poses. They  have,  on  several  occasions,  despoiled  cathedrals 
and  convents  of  immense  quantities  of  silver  ornaments,  and 
converted  them  into  specie.  It  would  not,  therefore,  be  sur- 
prising, did  the  patriots  follow  this  example  :  but  to  their 
honour  be  it  said,  that  they  are  more  scrupulous  in  these  mat- 
ters than  their  enemies.  In  various  parts  of  the  province  of 
Guanaxuato,  were  seen  churches  in  ruins,  which  the  inhabi- 
tants had  razed  to  the  ground,  rather  than  that  they  should  be 
applied  to  the  purposes  of  fortifications. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  19th,  the  general,  after  releasing  on 
parole  those  who  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  evacuated  Pinos, 
carrying  with  him  a  part  of  the  trophies  of  his  late  victory, 
consisting  of  a  stand  of  colours,  four  guns,  several  stand  of 
arms,  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition,  clothing  and  accoutre- 
ments ;  but  for  the  want  of  mules  to  remove  them,  fifteen 
cases  of  ammunition,  two  guns  after  being  spiked,  and  several 
other  articles,  were  thrown  into  a  well. 

It  was  expected  that  the  long-looked-for  junction  with 
the  patriots  of  the  interior,  would  be  formed  in  a  few  days. 
The  road  now  traversed  one  of  those  extensive  arid  plains, 
with  which  the  intendancy  of  Zacatecas  abounds.  A  number 
of  ruined  houses,  and  quantities  of  human  bones  scattered 
here  and  there,  gave  an  air  of  desolation  to  the  plain,  and  indi- 
cated that  the  country  had  suffered  severely  by  revolutionary 
ravages.  For  three  days,  the  division  marched  through  this 
solitary  plain;  and,  as  every  thing  had  been  laid  waste,  nei- 
ther human  being,  nor  beast,  were  visible.  No  provisions 
were  to  be  procured:  but,  fortunately,  the  plains  were  covered 
with  grass,  which  afforded  the  horses  superabundant  forage, 
and  enabled  them  to  go  over  much  ground  every  day. 
(15) 


114  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

After  dark,  on  the  22cl,  the  guide  became  bewildered  as  to 
the  right  road,  and  the  division  halted.  It  had  been  three 
days  with  scarcely  any  nourishment;  and  as  there  was  no 
prospect  of  immediate  relief,  their  situation  became  unplea- 
sant. Early  the  next  morning,  an  officer,  with  a  small  escort 
of  cavalry,  was  ordered  to  ad,vance,  and  seek  for  habitations. 
He  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  he  fell  in  with  a  small  party 
of  patriots^  who  were  reconnoitring.  The  detachment  being 
well  uniformed,  and  as  the  patriots  had  not  heard  any  thing 
of  Mina's  approach,  they  supposed  the  division  to  be  hos- 
tile, and  commenced  firing.  It  was  with  difficulty  the  offi- 
cer could  bring  them  to  aparleyj  which  having  accomplished, 
and  remaining  himself  as  a  hostage,  a  few  of  the  patriots  came 
down  to  the  division.  The  joy  of  the  troops,  at  having  at 
length,  after  surmounting  so  man)'^  obstacles,  joined  their  al- 
lies, may  readily  be  imagined.  Every  man,  in  his  rejoicings, 
forgot  his  past  sufferings,  and  contemplated  with  pleasure  the 
field  of  glory  which  he  supposed  was  in  consequence  about  to 
be  opened  to  him.  The  general  immediately  set  off,  to  meet 
and  pay  his  respects  to  the  commandant  of  his  allies,  lieutenant 
colonel  Do7i  Christoval  Naba;  and,  in  the  course  of  the  fore- 
noon, the  general  with  the  lieutenant  colonel,  returned  to  the 
encampment. 

The  grotesque  figure  of  the  colonel  surprised  the  division. 
He  wore  a  threadbare  roundabout  brown  jacket,  decorated  with 
a  quantity  of  tarnished  silver  lace;  a  red  waistcoat;  his  shirt 
collar,  fancifully  cut  and  embroidered,  was  flying  open,  with 
a  black  silk  handkerchief  hanging  loosely  round  his  neck.  He 
also  wore  a  pair  of  loose,  short,  rusty,  olive-coloured  velve- 
teen breeches,  also  decorated  with  lace  ;  and  round  his  legs 
were  wrapped  a  pair  of  dressed  deer-skins,  tied  under  the  knee 
by  a  garter.  He  had  on  a  pair  of  country  made  shoes ;  and 
on  either  heel  was  a  tremendous  iron  spur,  inlaid  with  silver, 
weighing  near  a  pound  each,  Avith  rowels  four  inches  in  dia- 
meter. On  his  head  was  placed  a  country  made  hat,  with  an 
eight  inch  brim,  ornamented  with  a  broad  silver  band,  in  the 
front  of  which  was  stuck  a  large  picture  of  the  Virgin  of 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  115 

Guadalupe,  enclosed  in  a  frame,  and  protected  by  a  glass.  He 
was  mounted  on  a  fine  horse,  and  was  armed  with  a  brace  of 
pistols,  a  Spanish  Toledo^  and  an  immensely  long  lance.  His 
men  were  equipped  much  in  the  same  style ;  but  were  princi- 
pally clad  and  armed  with  the  spoils  taken  fi'om  the  enemy. 
Though  these  Mexican  Cossacks  were  thus  singularly  and 
rudely  equipped,  they  were  robust  looking  fellows,  accustomed 
to  hardships  and  severe  privations,  and  full  of  courage. 

The  district,  under  the  command  of  Don  Christoval,  was 
poor,  which  accounted  for  his  appearance  :  but,  in  the  rich 
districts,  although  the  patriot  officers  are  clothed  in  the  same 
style  that  the  colonel  was,  (which,  by  the  by,  is  the  dress  of 
the  Mexican  peasantry,  and  is  far  from  being  unbecoming) 
yet  they  expend  vast  sums  on  their  dress,  and  the  equipage  of 
their  horses.  Many  of  the  troops  are  well  uniformed,  agree- 
ably to  their  taste.  The  officers  are  literally  covered  with  gold 
and  silver  buttons,  lace,  and  embroidery;  and  to  protect  them 
from  the  weather,  they  wear  a  cloak,  called  "  mangas^''  richly 
adorned  with  gold  lace.  They  mount  superb  horses,  which 
are  generally  richly  caparisoned :  the  headstalls  of  the  bridles 
are  covered  with  silver ;  that  part  of  the  saddletree  which 
shows  itself,  is  mounted  with  silver ;  and  the  saddle  is  richly 
and  elegantly  embroidered  with  gold  and  silver  thread :  many 
of  the  latter  cost  from  one  to  three  hundred  dollars.  Some 
of  the  commandants  run  into  the  extremes  of  extravagance,  in 
respect  to  their  appearance ;  but  the  generality,  except  in  the 
very  poor  districts,  are  richly  and  handsomely  clothed, 

Mina  learned  from  Don  Christoval,  that  five  leagues  dis- 
tant was  a  national  rancho,  and  that  four  leagues  farther  was 
the  national  fort  called  Sombrero,  This  was  cheering  intelli- 
gence; and  in  high  spirits  the  troops  resumed  the  march. 

After  dark,  on  the  preceding  evening,  lieutenant  Porter  was 
unfortunately  lost.  In  the  morning,  he  was  made  prisoner  by 
the  royalists,  and  sent  to  the  town  of  Lagos. 

While  the  division  was  ascending  the  heights  of  Ybarra,  a 
strong  body  of  the  enemy  were  seen  in  the  plain  below.  Their 
appearance  was  as  unexpected  as  unwelcome,  to  the  exhausted 


116  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

troops.  As  Mina  expected  they  would  bring  him  to  action, 
he  took  the  necessary  measures  to  act  on  the  defensive  ;  and 
there  is  little  doubt,  that,  had  the  enemy  attacked  him,  his 
troops,  flushed  as  they  were  with  recent  victory,  and  elated 
by  being  so  near  their  allies,  would  have  given  him  a  warm 
reception.  But  for  reasons  inexplicable  by  the  division,  the 
enemy  declined  a  combat,  and  allowed  Mina  to  reach  the  ran- 
cho  unmolested.  There  the  troops  found  plenty  of  meat  pro- 
vided by  their  friends,  which  constituted  a  rich  repast  to  men 
who  had  fasted  for  four  days. 

The  enemy  were  encamped  in  a  ruined  hacienda,  only  two 
leagues  distant  from  the  division,  and  the  next  morning  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Villa  de  Leon.  They  consisted  of  the  battalion 
of  the  European  regiment  of  Navarre^  and  cavalry,  seven 
hundred  strong,  under  the  command  of  Don  Francisco  de  Or- 
rantia,  v/ho,  it  appeared,  had  been  ordered,  after  the  defeat  at 
Peotillos,  from  the  city  of  ^lei-etai'O^  to  prevent  Mina's  junc- 
tion with  the  patriots.  The  manner  in  which  he  obeyed  his 
orders  is  here  seen.  Orrantia  will  become  a  conspicuous 
figure,  in  our  subsequent  pages ;  and  it  will  be  perceived  that 
his  future  conduct  exactly  corresponded  with  his  behaviour  in 
this  instance.  The  true  cause  of  his  declining  an  action  with 
Mina,  may  be  attributed  to  the  respectful  awe  he  entertained 
for  the  general. 

Orrantia  is  one  among  the  many  Spaniards,  sent  to  seek  their 
fortunes  in  the  colonies,  without  education  or  principle.  It  is  by 
this  class  of  Spaniards  that  the  unfortunate  Creoles  have  been 
so  dreadfully  oppressed,  in  every  part  of  the  New  World.  He 
soon  became  opulent;  and  was,  and  is  yet,  the  owner  of  a  large 
store,  in  the  town  of  San  Miguel  el  Grande^  where  he  carries 
on  a  lucrative  business.  When  the  revolution  broke  out,  he 
became  a  soldier;  and  his  sanguinary  enormities  toM^ards  de- 
fenceless men,  women,  and  children,  recommended  him  to  the 
then  royal  authorities,  and  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
colonel. 

The  officer  who  had  remained  with  Don  Christoval  Naba  as  a 
hostage,  and  was  sent  on  to  his  commanding  officer,  Don  Pedro 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  117 

Jforeno^  the  commandant  of  Sombrero,  after  having  exhibited 
his  commission  to  Don  Pedro,  received  fi^om  that  commander 
an  invitation  for  the  general,  welcoming  him,  and  requesting 
that  the  division  might  be  marched  to  the  fort.  At  the  same 
time,  Don  Pedro  sent  despatches  to  the  patriot  government, 
announcing  the  happy  event,  and  the  intelligence  soon  spread 
in  every  direction. 

The  general,  with  the  staff,  early  on  the  morning  of  the  24th, 
proceeded  to  the  fort.  The  division  moved  on  soon  after, 
and  arrived  at  noon  at  the  patriot  fortress,  where  they  were 
received  with  the  most  cordial  demonstrations  of  joy.  The 
patriots  viewed  the  division  with  astonishment,  and  could 
scarcely  believe  it  possible  that  such  a  handful  of  men  could 
have  penetrated  such  a  distance  Jo  the  interior,  and  through  a 
country  occupied  by  the  royalists  in  every  part  of  the  route. 

The  division  had  been  thirty  days  on  the  march,  and  had 
gone  over  a  distance  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  leagues.  It 
was  harassed  a  considerable  distance  by  the  enemy,  from  which 
cause,  and  from  the  nature  of  the  marches,  no  regular  supplies 
of  provisions  could  be  procured.  Frequently  two,  sometimes 
three,  and  even  four  days  had  elapsed,  without  rations  :  and  in 
no  instance  did  the  division,  except  in  El  Valle  de  Mais,  pro- 
cure more  than  one  meal  a  day,  and  that  of  meat  only ;  fighting, 
during  these  scenes  of  privation  and  fatigue,  two  severe  battles, 
and  taking  one  town.  The  troops  bore  up  against  hardships, 
with  cheerfulness,  by  observing  that  their  leader  fared  like 
themselves,  and  in  the  hour  of  danger  was  invariably  at  their 
head,  cheering  them  on. 

The  privations  which  the  division  suffered,  did  not  arise 
from  the  want  of  means  in  that  part  of  Mexico,  to  support  an 
army,  but  from  the  circumstances  of  the  general  being  obliged 
to  seek  the  most  unfrequented  paths,  and  the  constant  and 
rapid  marches  which  his  situation  obliged  him  to  make,  fre- 
quently not  allowing  him  time  to  refresh  his  troops,  except 
by  a  few  hours  sleep,  which  the  troops  generally  preferred  to 
employing  the  time  in  cooking.  If  Mina's  force  had  been 
Strong  enough  to  have  allowed  him  to  advance  by  the  high 


118  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

road,  the  division  would  have  fared  differently,  for  few  coun- 
tries can  afford  more  provisions  for  an  army  than  Mexico, 
particularly  in  meat.  A  few  leagues  from  the  sea  coast,  where 
there  is  scarcely  any  population,  bread  is  difficult  to  be  obtain- 
ed, but  soon  afterwards,  an  army  reaches  a  delightful  country, 
tolerably  well  settled,  enjoying  a  fine  climate,  and  where,  in 
the  towns,  wheat  bread  can  always  be  procured. 

By  looking  over  M.  le  Baron  de  Humboldt's  chart,  the  only 
correct  one  extant,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  distance  by  the 
king's  high  way  (camino  real,)  from  Soto  la  Marina  to  Som- 
brero, is  not  more  than  half  the  distance  before  mentioned,  but 
Mina's  peculiar  situation  obliged  him  to  take  circuitous  routes, 
which  can  be  seen  by  tracing  the  march  on  the  maps. 

The  following  is  the  return  made  by  colonel  Noboa,  of  the 
strength  of  the  division,  on  its  arrival  at  Sombrero  : — 


The  general  and  staff, 

10 

Guard  of  Honour, 

23 

Cavalry,     -         -         -         _ 

109 

Regiment  of  the  Union, 

46 

First  regiment  of  the  line,    - 

59 

Artillerists,         _         .         - 

5 

Armed  servants, 

12 

Ordinanzas,        .         -         _ 

5 

Total,  269 

Of  these,  twenty-five  were  wounded;  and  the  loss,  in  killed, 
and  those  who  were  taken  prisoners  on  the  road,  amounted  to 
thirty-nine.  When  it  is  considered  that  the  division  marched 
through  so  great  an  extent  of  enemy's  country,  enduring  se- 
vere privations  and  sufferings,  for  thirty  days,  it  will  appear 
almost  incredible,  that  under  such  circumstances,  besides 
fighting  two  battl'es  and  carrying  by  storm  one  town,  the  loss 
sustained  should  have  been  so  trifling.  It  affords  a  criterion, 
which  will  enable  the  reader  to  judge  of  the  skill  and  enter- 
prise of  Mina,  and  of  the  good  conduct  of  his  officers  and  men. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 


119 


The  following  munitions  of  war  were  brought  away,  after 
the  different  affairs : — 


c 

<u 

tfi 

•-*-  o 

c 
o 

c 

CD 

'S 

O 

CO 

o 
o 

c 

2 
o 

to 

e 

-    'A 

6 

to 

C 
CS 

CO  '2 

1)  - 

to 

C 

^ 

S 

CO 

OS 

o 

Q 

o 

o  c 

Ci< 

AcTIOir  AT 

El  Vaile  de  Mais. 

4 

8 

10 

50 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Action  at 
Peotillos. 

1 

50 

0 

0 

0 

18 

0 

0 

8 

0 

Capture  of 

SlERIlA  DE  PiNOS. 

4 

ri8 

90 

50 

1 

1 

?A 

60 

60 

r 

400 

Total 

9 

96 

30 

100 

1 

4 

52 

60 

60 

18 

400 

A  much  larger  quantity  would  have  been  obtained,  if  time 
had  allowed  to  collect  them,  or  if  mules  could  have  been  pro- 
cured to  transport  them  ;  for  the  want  of  the  latter,  in  Pinos 
alone,  fifteen  boxes  of  ammunition,  two  guns,  and  other  arti- 
cles, were  thrown  down  a  well.  Trifling,  however,  as  these 
trophies  were,  the  impression  they  produced  on  the  patriots 
rendered  them  of  great  importance.  Not  one  of  the  patriot 
officers  had  ever  heard  of  Mina,  nor  had  either  they  or  the 
soldiers  ever  seen  a  foreigner;  consequently,  they  judged  of 
the  merits  of  the  division  by  the  battles  won,  and  spoils  brought 
into  the  fort. 

The  downfal  of  the  Spanish  government  in  Mexico,  was 
an  event  now  viewed  by  the  patriots  as  near  at  hand,  and  the 
whole  country  held  by  them,  presented  a  scene  of  rejoicing. 

The  government  of  Mexico,  at  no  period  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  revolution,  had  been  in  a  situation  so  criti- 
cal and  embarrassing.  It  had  calculated  that  the  forces  under 
Arredondo,  Armiiian  and  others,  would  have  been  sufficient 
to  have  annihilated  Mina  ;  but  when  they  learned  that  he  had 
actually  formed  a  junction  with  the  patriots,  they  began  to 
tremble  for  the  consequences.  They  were  conscious,  that  it  » 
would  have  been  impossible  for  him  to  have  penetrated  so  far 
into  the  interior  of  the  country,  with  so  inconsiderable  a  body 
of  men,  if  the  inhabitants  had  not  secretly  favoured  his  pro- 


120  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

gress ;  and  they  were  aware,  from  the  results  of  the  battles, 
that  their  own  troops  could  not  be  relied  upon  for  fidelity  of 
valour.     They  were,  besides,  not  ignorant  of  the   fact,  that 
Mina  was  well  known  and  popular  among  the  European  troops 
then  in  Mexico ;  and  consequently  that  there  was  a  risk  of 
disaifection  spreading  among  that  class  of  the  soldiery.    These 
.   reflections  and  fears,  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  in  the  city 
of  Mexico,  were  well  founded;  and  there  is  no  doubt  existing 
in  the  mind  of  the  writer,  that  if  Mina  had  found  the  patriots 
concentrated,  and  in  such  numbers  as  he  had  calculated  on ; 
or,  scattered  as  they  were,  had  they  embraced  and  zealously 
co-operated  in  his  plans,  he  would  have  been  enabled,  not  only 
to  have  resisted  any  force  the  royalists  could  have  brought 
against  him;   but  in  all  probability,  to  have  conducted  his  en- 
terprise to  a  successful  issue.     This  opinion  will  be  strongly 
supported  by  the  facts  to  be  related  in  the  sequel. 

The  first  objects  of  the  general,  on  entering  Sombrero,  were 
to  lay  his  services  at  the  feet  of  the  government,  and  to  write 
to  Padre  Torres^  a  neighbouring  chieftain,  who  bore  the  title 
of  commander  in  chief.     He  also  distributed  his  manifesto. 

The  fort  was  commanded  by  Don  Pedro  Moreno,  maris- 
cal  de  campo,*  and  had  a  garrison  of  about  eighty  infantry, 
and  a  few  cavalry,  tolerably  well  clothed  and  armed.  Don 
Pedro  had  also  under  his  orders,  a  body  of  about  two  hundred 
cavalry,  commanded  by  Don  Encarnac'iori  OrtiZj  who  tra- 
versed the  country  in  the  vicinity  of  Sombrero. 

P'ort  Sombrero,  called  by  the  royalists  Comcmja,  was  situ- 
ated on  the  mountain  of  that  name,  about  eighteen  leagues 
north-west  of  the  city  of  Guanaxuato,  in  that  intendancy ;  from 
Lagos,  in  the  intendancy  of  Guadalaxara,  east-south-east, 
about  five;  and  from  the  Filla  de  Leon^  north-east  six  leagues. 
It  was  a  rudely  fortified  neck  of  land,  about  five  hundred 
paces  long,  stretching  north  and  south,  and  elevated  above  the 
plain  of  Leon,  about  one  thousand  feet.     At  the  north  end, 

•  The  Spanish  grades,  which  are  also  observed  by  the  patriots,  are,  from 
a  colonelcy  to  brig-adier ;  brigadier  to  mariscal  de  campo  ;  thence  to  lieute- 
nant general,  and  finally  to  captain  general 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  121 

there  was  a  narrow  ridge  or  causeway,  skirted  by  precipices, 
which  connected  the  neck  of  land  Avhich  formed  the  fort,  with 
a  chain  of  hills ;  one  of  which  completely  commanded  it  within 
long  musket-shot.  This  alone  rendered  the  fort  untenable 
against  any  i-egular  attack,  but,  as  Moreno  had  successfully 
repulsed  the  royalists  in  one  attempt  made  by  them  to  enter  it, 
he  considered  it  as  a  very  strong  hold.  On  the  east  side,  the 
fort  was  separated  from  the  mountains  by  a  very  deep  and 
wide  barranca  (ravine.)  At  the  south  end,  the  declivity  of 
the  hill  was  very  steep  :  and  on  the  west  side  was  a  bold  de- 
scent to  the  plain.  From  the  south  end,  at  a  less  elevation 
than  the  fort,  extended  out  into  the  plain  two  narrow  ridges. 
Across  the  end  of  the  causeway  next  to  the  fort,  where  it  was 
about  fifty  paces  wide,  a  miserably  constructed  wall  had  been 
run.  It  was  flanked  by  two  ill-planned  one  gun  batteries, 
which  raked  the  greatest  part  of  the  causeway,  and  the  de- 
clivity of  the  hill  in  front;  but  could  not  annoy  the  ditch. 
This  was  the  only  regular  entrance  into  the  fort.  In  its  rear 
was  a  conical  hill,  crowned  by  a  work  of  one  gun,  which 
commanded  the  causeway.  From  the  entrance,  for  some  dis- 
tance along  the  fort,  it  was  naturally  defended  by  perpendicu- 
lar rocks  and  precipices  ;  and  beyond  them,  at  the  south  or 
lower  end,  as  it  was  called,  it  was  artificially  strengthened  by 
a  low  wall,  built  of  loose  stones,  but  its  real  defence  at  this 
place,  which  was  bad  enough,  consisted  in  the  steepness  of 
the  hill.  Seventeen  pieces  of  crooked,  rough,  and  mishapen  ar- 
tillery, from  two  to  eight  pounders,  were  mounted  on  various 
parts  of  the  fort.  The  commandant's  house,  magazines,  hos- 
pital, and  the  greater  part  of  the  soldiers'  dwellings — barracks 
there  were  none — were  built  on  the  south  side  of  the  conical  hill; 
some  grass  huts  were  also  standing  at  the  lower  end,  and  cram- 
med in  amongst  the  rocks  in  various  parts  of  the  fort.  The 
greatest  of  all  its  defects  was,  the  want  of  water,  the  garrison 
depending  on  a  supply  from  a  brook,  farroi/o^J  which  ran 
through  the  bottom  of  the  ravine,  at  a  distance  of  nearly  eight 
hundred  paces  from  the  fort.  At  the  time  the  division  enter- 
ed the  fort,  it  did  not  contain  a  week's  provisions,  and  in  every 
(16) 


122  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

point  of  view  it  was  badly  calculated  to  resist  any  serious 
attack. 

Having  conducted  the  general  to  the  accomplishment  of  one 
of  his  most  important  objects,  the  formation  of  a  junction  with 
the  patriots  :  we  must,  before  we  proceed  with  the  narrative 
of  Mina's  exploits,  resume  the  memoirs  of  the  Mexican 
revolution,  in  order  to  show  in  a  clear  point  of  view,  the  then 
distracted  and  miserable  state  of  the  insurgents,  and  the  in- 
surmovmtable  obstacles  the  general  had  to  contend  with,  from 
the  gross  ignorance,  ambition,  inactivity,  and  want  of  princi- 
ple, in  many  of  their  leaders  at  that  epoch,  which  in  fact, 
were  the  immediate  causes  of  the  failure  of  Mina's  enterprise, 
and  of  the  melancholy  termination  of  his  career. 


I~. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION".  12 


CHAPTER  V. 

Reflections  on  the  state  of  the  Revohitwn  after  the  dispersion 
of  the  Congress — General  Don  Manuel  Mier  y  Teran — His 
talent  and  enterprise — His  fall — General  Don  Guadalupe 
Victoria — General  Osourno — General  Don  Ignacio  Rayon — 
Geiieral  Don  Jose  Antonio  Torres — Degraded  state  of  the 
Patriots  after  he  assumed  the  command — Reflections  thereon. 

WE  have  already  mentioned  the  dissokition  of  the  Mexi- 
can congress  at  Tehuacan  by  general  Teran,  and  the  disper- 
sion of  its  members  over  the  different  revolted  provinces. 
Although  they  subsequently  made  various  attempts  to  re-es- 
tablish themselves,  yet  they  never  succeeded  in  forming  any 
civil  government,  meriting  that  name.  The  diff^erent  milita- 
ry commandants  wei'e  thus  uncontrouled  by  any  civil  authori- 
ty ;  and  hence  arose  a  long  and  fatal  train  of  disasters  to  the 
patriot  cause,  terminating  as  might  be  expected,  in  a  scene 
of  anarchy  among  themselves,  and  of  triumph  to  the  royalists. 

The  patriot  chiefs  who  gave  the  royalists  most  uneasiness 
and  trouble,  after  the  breaking  up  of  the  Mexican  congress, 
were  Teran^  in  the  district  of  Tehuacan;  Victoria^  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Vera  Cruz  ;  Osourno,  in  the  district  of  Papantla,  in 
the  province  of  Mexico ;  and  RaVfon^  at  the  fort  of  Copero,  in 
the  province  of  Valladolid.  There  were  other  chiefs,  whose 
names  and  operations  we  shall  have  occasion  to  notice;  but  on 
the  conduct  of  the  four  chiefs  just  mentioned,  during  the  year 
1816  and  the  beginning  of  1817,  rested  the  fate  of  the  Mexi- 
can revolution. 

If  those  four  individuals  had  discarded  from  their  breasts 
the  ambition  and  jealousy,  which  unfortunately  had  become 
the  ruling  passions  with  each  of  them,  then  would  the  patriot 
cause  have  triumphed ;  because  the  concentration  of  their 
forces,  and  a  cordial  co-operation  in  one  grand  system  of  ac- 
tion, would  have  enabled  them  to  contend  with  any  army  that 
the  rovalists  could  at  that  time  have  raised. 


124  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Teran  had  under  his  command  at  least  fifteen  hundred  men, 
tolerably  well  armed  and  disciplined ;  Victoria,  about  the  same 
number,  well  equipped  ;  Osourno,  about  two  thousand,  prin- 
cipally cavalry,  the  finest  in  the  kingdom  ;  Rayon  and  his 
brother  had  about  eighteen  hundred,  in  tolerable  discipline. 
There  were,  besides,  in  the  mountains  of  Misteca,  under  the 
valiant  chief  Guerrero,  at  least  one  thousand  good  cavalry. 

The  three  first  named  chiefs  were  within  ttventy  leagues  of 
each  Qthei\  and  could  at  any  time  have  formed  a  junction  in 
three  days.  Rayon,  who  was  at  the  greatest  distance,  could 
have  united  his  forces  with  the  patriots  in  the  Baxio,  or  great 
plains  of  Guanaxuato;  and  menacing  Mexico  on  that  side, 
while  the  forces  under  Teran,  Victoria  and  Osourno  approach- 
ed the  capital  on  the  other,  the  royalists  would  have  been 
placed  in  a  situation  moi*e  alarming,  than  any  which  had  oc- 
curred since  the  beginning  of  the  revolution.  The  plan  just 
mentioned,  was  the  favourite  object  of  Teran,  who  spared  no 
exertions  to  effect  it.  The  writer  has  perused  the  correspon- 
dence between  Teran,  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  he  does  not 
hesitate  to  aver,  that  nothing  but  the  fatal  jealousy  which  they 
entertained  against  Teran,  was  the  cause  of  the  junction  in 
question  not  taking  place. 

In  order  to  evince  the  precarious  situation  of  the  royalists 
at  that  time,  we  have  only  to  recount  the  great  difficulties 
they  experienced  in  subduing  the  patriot  chiefs,  notwithstand- 
ing all  the  disadvantages  under  which  the  latter  were  suffer- 
ing from  want  of  arms,  and  concert  in  their  operations. 

General  Don  Manuel  Mier  y  Teran  was  a  youth  of  only 
twenty  years  of  age.  He  had  received  the  best  education 
which  the  city  of  Mexico  could  give  him;  was  allied  to  a  dis- 
tinguished family  ;  was  modest  in  his  demeanour  ;  of  tempe- 
rate habits  ;  an  ardent  advocate  for  the  emancipation  of  his 
country;  generous  and  brave,  with  a  mind  possessing  extraor- 
dinary strength. 

This  youth,  with  a  force  which  at  no  time  exceeded  ff teen 
hundred  men,  held  the  city  and  district  of  Tehuacan,  in  the 
very  centre  of  the  Mexican  kingdom,  bidding  defiance  to  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  125 

royal  armies,  and  repelling  their  attacks  for  more  than  two 
years. 

He  built  a  fort  on  a  high  mountain  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
city  of  Tehuacan,  and  there  established  his  arsenal,  a  cannon 
foundery,  and  a  manufactory  of  powder.  Whenever  he  was 
pressed  by  a  greatly  superior  royal  army,  he  retired  to  his 
fort,  called  Cerro  Colorado^  and  baffled  all  their  exertions  to 
dislodge  him. 

He  was  particularly  attentive  in  establishing  discipline 
among  his  troops,  and  almost  daily  performed  in  person  the 
duties  of  a  drill  officer.  There  were  no  troops  during  the 
revolution,  of  whom  the  royalists  stood  so  much  in  awe,  as 
those  of  Teran's  division.  Such  was  their  devotion  to  him, 
that  he  could  lead  them  to  combat  against  far  superior  num- 
bers ;  and  when  he  did  not  gain  the  victory,  he  conducted  his 
retreat  with  so  much  skill,  as  to  prevent  the  royalists  from 
ever  causing  him  much  loss. 

The  city  of  Tehuacan  being  situated  in  the  heart  of  a  beauti- 
ful wheat  country,  of  course  Teran  had  abundance  of  provi- 
sions. The  district  is  thickly  populated,  and  he  could  at  any 
time  have  easily  embodied  ten  thousand  men,  could  he  have 
procured  arms  for  them.  The  few  muskets  among  his  troops 
were  daily  diminishing,  and  in  the  early  part  of  1816,  he  fore- 
saw, that  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  keep  his  position 
much  longer,  unless  he  could  obtain  a  fresh  supply  of  arms. 
Many  a  time  has  the  writer  heard  him  exclaim,  while  his  fine 
black  eyes  glistened  with  tears  ;  "  Ah  !  if  I  had  but  six  thou- 
sand vniskets^  and  three  thousand  cavalry  swords  to  arm  the 
brave  youths  that  are  daily  Jlocking  to  my  standard^  I  xvould 
establish  my  cou?itry^s  independence^  even  xvithout  the  aid  of 
those  patriot  chiefs^  rvho  are  noiu  refusing  to  act  in  concert 
xvith  7ne."  So  great  was  his  anxiety  to  obtain  muskets,  that 
he  solicited  Victoria  and  Osourno,  to  co-operate  with  him  in 
a  plan  to  seize  Tampico,  or  some  port  to  the  northward  of 
Vera  Cruz,  for  the  purpose  of  opening  a  trade  with  the  United 
States.  But  his  overtures  being  sullenly  rejected,  he  boldly 
determined  to  proceed  through  the  province  of  Oaxaca,  pene- 
trate to  the  southward  of  the  province  of  Ver^  Cruz,  and  seize 


126  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

on  the  port  of  Guasacualco.  It  is  difficult  to  convey  to  iKe 
reader,  a  proper  idea  of  the  obstacles  which  Teran  had  to 
surmount  in  this  enterprise ;  but  it  is  certain,  that  the  great 
object  he  had  in  view,  justified  his  making  the  attempt,  and 
it  is  likewise  certain,  that  his  not  succeeding  in  that  extraor- 
dinary and  important  project,  was  owing  to  accidental  circum- 
stances, and  not  to  the  valour  of  his  enemies.  Having  formed 
this  determination,  he  departed  in  the  month  of  July,  1816, 
from  Tehuacan.  His  force  consisted  of  txvo  hundred  and  forty 
infantry^  sixty  cavalry  and  two  pieces  of  artillery^  with  twen- 
ty boxes  of  ammunition.  He  was  well  aware,  that  he  had  to  pass 
through  an  enemy's  country,  thickly  populated,  and  that  the 
royalists  might  bring  fifteen  hundred  or  two  thousand  men  to 
act  against  him  ;  but  he  was  in  hopes,  that  by  making  a  rapid 
march,  he  should  in  ten  or  twelve  days  reach  his  place  of  des- 
tination, before  the  enemy  could  have  time  to  concentrate  their 
forces,  or  to  penetrate  his  designs. 

He  had  likewise  reason  to  believe,  that  the  great  body  of  the 
Indian  and  Creole  population  of  the  province  of  Oaxaca  would 
rise  up  in  his  favour,  or,  at  all  events  would  throw  no  obsta- 
cle in  his  way.  He  knew  that  if  he  once  reached  Guasacualco, 
he  could  take  it  with  ease ;  and  by  strengthening  its  fortifica- 
tions, he  presumed  it  would  be  difficult  for  the  enemy  after- 
wards to  dislodge  him  from  his  position.  He  had  received 
unequivocal  information,  that  the  inhabitants  in  the  vicinity  of 
Guasacualco  and  Tabasco  were  ready  to  join  him.  He  knew 
that  the  people  of  Tehuantepec,  on  the  Pacific  Ocean,  were 
ripe  for  revolt  against  the  Spanish  government,  and  as  the 
distance  across  the  country  from  Guasacualco  to  Tehuantepec, 
was  only  about  forty  leagues,  he  would,  by  occupying  those 
places,  have  two  important  sea  ports ;  one  on  the  Mexican 
Gulf  and  the  other  on  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  was  his  intention, 
in  case  he  succeeded  in  taking  Guasacualco,  to  have  immediate- 
ly withdrawn  his  whole  force  from  Tehuacan,  and  established 
his  head-quarters  either  on  the  coast  of  the  gulf,  or  at  Tehu- 
antepec. It  therefore  appears,  that  notwithstanding  his  friends 
and  enemies  considered  his  project,  at  that  time,  Quixotic  and 
impracticable,  yet,  when  it  is  examined  with  deliberation  and 


'MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  127 

an  unprejudiced  eye,  it  was  not  merely  a  plan  dictated  by- 
necessity,  but  the  wisest  under  all  circumstances,  that  Teran 
could  have  adopted  in  favour  of  his  country. 

The  only  error  of  which  this  enterprising  youth  can  be  just- 
ly accused,  in  relation  to  that  expedition  is,  that  he  started 
from  Tehuacan  in  the  month  of  July  instead  of  June. 

The  rainy  season  usually  commences  in  the  beginning  of 
July  in  Oaxaca;  in  a  few  days  the  rivers  swell;  and  the  great 
plain  along  the  sea  coast  of  the  province  of  Vera  Cruz,  to 
upwards  of  one  hundred  miles  from  the  ocean,  becomes  abso- 
lutely impassable  for  an  army.  Teran  was  not  ignorant  of  this 
fact ;  but  when  some  of  his  friends  told  him  it  was  too  late  in 
the  season  to  make  the  attempt,  he  replied ;  "  that  he  had 
known  some  years  when  the  rains  did  not  set  in  until  the  mid- 
dle of  August;  that  at  that  moment  the  whole  country  was  per- 
fectly dry ;  that  he  only  wanted  ten  days  more  of  dry  weather 
to  reach  his  intended  point;  that  he  was  in  hopes  the  God  of 
nature  would  not  defeat  his  project;  that  if  it  was  delayed,  he 
could  not  put  it  into  execution  until  the  next  year;  and  finally, 
that  if  he  did  not  succeed,  he  calculated  on  being  able  to  re- 
turn to  Tehuacan,  before  the  enemy  could  take  measures  to 
cut  off  his  retreat." 

In  fact,  so  determined  was  he  on  making  the  experiment, 
that  all  the  arguments  used  to  dissuade  him  from  it,  were  un- 
availing, and  accordingly,  he  left  Tehuacan,  with  the  force 
before  mentioned,  about  the  24th  of  July. 

He  inet  with  little  opposition  during  the  first  five  days  of  his 
march.  He  took  the  towns  of  SoijaltcpeCy  Iscatlan^  Ox'itlan^ 
and  sevei'al  other  places  of  considerable  importance,  some  of 
them  containing  a  population  of  from  five  to  seven  thousand 
Indians.  They  received  him  in  the  most  cordial  manner,  and 
hoisted  the  flag  of  the  Mexican  republic  wherever  he  appeared. 
The  different  skirmishes  he  had  with  some  divisions  of  royal 
troops,  convinced  him  that  he  had  little  to  fear  from  their 
opposition.  He  proceeded  Avithout  interruption  to  a  place 
called  TustepeCy  about  half  way  to  the  place  of  his  destination. 
His  progress  was  there  Impeded  bv  a  violent  rain,  wliich  con- 


128  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

tinued  without  any  intermission  (except  for  about  two  hours 
each  morning)  for  ten  days.  Not  only  was  the  whole  coun- 
try between  Tustepec  and  Guasacualco  inundated,  but  the 
greater  part  of  the  route  he  had  marched  was  likewise  over- 
flown ;  so  that  even  a  retreat  back  to  Tehuacan  was  not 
practicable  at  that  time.  Thus  hemmed  in  at  Tustepec,  he 
had  to  depend  on  the  good  offices  of  the  Indians,  for  provisions 
for  his  army.  In  this  he  was  not  disappointed.  They  gave 
him  every  evidence  of  their  fidelity  to  the  patriot  cause,  and 
of  their  hatred  to  the  royalists.  They  sent  out  spies  to  dis- 
cover the  movements  of  the  enemy,  who  soon  gave  Teran 
information,  from  the  cities  of  Oaxaca  and  Vera  Cruz,  which 
convinced  him  that  his  designs  were  now  known  to  the  royaU 
ists,  and  also  that  they  were  making  formidable  preparations, 
as  well  to  impede  his  progress  to  Guasacualco,  as  to  cut  off 
his  return  to  Tehuacan.  Teran  was  not  dismayed  by  this  in- 
'  telligence,  and  only  regretted  that  the  incessant  rains  prevented 
<«ffill      him  from  moving  either  to  the  right  or  left. 

Some  intelligent  Indians  at  Tustepec  informed  him,  that  if 
he  could  reach  a  place  called  Amistan,  about  eight  leagues 
distant,  he  would  then  get  into  a  road  upon  which  it  was  prac- 
ticable to  proceed  towards  Guasacualco,  even  during  the  rainy 
season;  but  that,  to  get  to  Amistan  at  that  time,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  cut  a  new  road.  No  sooner  did  Teran  receive  this 
suggestion,  than  he  called  together  the  governor  and  principal 
Indians  of  Tustepec,  requesting  their  advice  touching  the  open- 
ing of  this  new  road.  They  represented  it  as  being  a  difficult 
task,  but  offered  to  afford  him  all  their  aid  to  accomplish  it. 
Accordingly,  two  hundred  men  of  Teran's  division,  with  all 
the  able-bodied  Indians  of  Tustepec,  began  the  undertaking. 
They  completed,  in  ten  days,  a  road,  leading  through  swamps, 
which  the  royalists  afterwards  acknowledged  to  be  a  work  that 
appeared  to  them  impossible  to  have  been  executed  in  less 
than  six  months.  Teran  superintended  the  whole  of  the  ope- 
rations ;  and  his  indefatigable  exertions,  united  with  his  inge- 
nuitv.  excited  the  admiration  of  his  soldiers,  as  well  as  of  the 
Indians.     Causeways  and  floating  bridges  were  thrown  over 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  129 

places  which  had  before  been  considered  as  entirely  impassa- 
ble; proving  what  men  can  accomplish,  when  urged  by  neces- 
sity, and  stimulated  by  an  enterprising  leader. 

On  the  5th  of  September,  he  reached  Amistan,  with  his 
whole  force.  He  there  learned  that  the  royalists  were  prepar- 
ing to  attack  him;  and  were  actually  advancing,  with  a  pow- 
erful force,  towards  Tustepec,  under  an  impression  that  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  have  proceeded  any  further  on  his  route 
to  Guasacualco,  Five  leagues  from  Amistan  was  a  royalist 
post,  called  Plalja  Vicente^  situated  on  a  river.  At  this  post 
there  was  a  valuable  deposit  of  cochineal  and  dry  goods,  be- 
longing to  the  merchants  of  Vera  Cruz  and  Oaxaca,  which 
Teran  immediately  resolved  to  seize  upon.  On  the  6th, 
he  reconnoitred  the  place,  and  ascertained  that  the  enemy 
had  a  force  there  of  about  one  hundred  men.  On  the  7th, 
he  advanced  with  the  division  to  the  bank  of  the  river, 
immediately  opposite  to  Playa  Vicente.  On  the  8th,  in  the 
morning,  a  canoe  came  from  the  opposite  side,  with  two  In- 
dians, who  informed  Teran  that  the  royalists  had,  the  preced- 
ing night,  precipitately  abandoned  the  village.  To  ascertain 
the  truth  of  their  report,  Teran  kept  one  of  the  Indians  as  a 
hostage,  and  sent  the  other,  with  two  of  his  own  soldiers, 
across  the  river  in  the  canoe.  On  their  return,  they  confirmed 
the  intelligence.  Some  of  Teran's  officers  then  volunteered  to 
pass  the  river,  which  he  imprudently  permitted.  They  came 
back  with  such  flattering  accounts  of  the  immense  quantity  of 
dry  goods  and  cochineal,  which  they  had  seen  in  the  stores, 
that  the  whole  division  were  eager  to  gain  possession  of  the 
place.  As  there  was  but  one  small  canoe,  Teran  ordered  rafts 
to  be  made,  to  transport  the  whole  of  his  force  across,  in  the 
evening,  or  the  next  morning. 

In  the  meantime,  the  canoe  had  taken  over  about  twenty 
men  ;  when  Teran,  fearing  that  they  might  commit  some  ex- 
cesses among  the  inhabitants,  or  indulge  too  freely  in  the 
wines  and  brandies  which  were  in  the  stores,  crossed  the  river, 
and  joined  them  himself,  with  three  of  his  officers.  He  was 
making  the  necessary  dispositions  in  the  village,  by  posting 
sentinels  at  the  doors  of  the  warehouses,  and  endeavouring  to 
(17)  ~ 


130  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

gain  the  good  will  of  the  inhabitants,  when  suddenly  an  Indian, 
running  into  the  place,  gave  the  alarm  that  the  Gachupins  were 
upon  them.  Teran  was  in  hopes  that  it  might  prove  a  false 
alarm  ;  but,  with  great  presence  of  mind,  ordered  his  men, 
who  consisted  of  txventy-three  officers  and  soldiers^  to  form, 
and  follow  him.  They  proceeded  to  that  part  of  the  village 
upon  which  the  rovalists  were  said  to  be  approaching,  and 
there  beheld  a  body  of  cavalry  and  infantry  descending  a  hill, 
within  two  hundred  vards  of  them. 

Teran,  at  that  moment,  might  have  fled  to  the  river;  and 
such  of  his  men  as  could  swim,  might  have  saved  themselves. 
But  whether  he  supposed  that  the  enemy's  force  was  less  than 
it  proved  to  be,  or  thought  that  by  a  display  of  firmness  he 
should  be  able  to  check  them  until  he  could  receive  a  reen- 
forcement  from  the  other  side  of  the  river,  are  points  upon 
which  we  can  give  no  opinion.  It  is  certain,  however,  that 
he  took  post  in  the  rear  of  a  small  house,  and  there  gallantly 
sustained  the  attack  of  the  enemy.  The  royalists  appeared 
several  times  disposed  to  retreat ;  but  seeing  that  Teran  re- 
ceived no  reenforcement,  and  observing  at  length  that  the 
main  body  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  they  made  a  bold, 
effort,  and  broke  into  the  little  band.  He  and  two  others  were 
so  fortunate  as  to  reach  the  river,  and,  amidst  a  shower  of 
bullets,  crossed  it  by  swimming.  All  the  rest  of  the  party 
were  bayoneted,  or  taken  prisoners. 

On  the  9th,  Teran  made  his  dispositions  for  transporting 
his  force  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  about  two  hundred 
paces  below  the  village,  with  the  determination  to  attack  it, 
and  take  revenge  for  the  serious  misadventure  he  had  met 
with.  At  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  issued  orders  for 
the  division  to  prepare  for  embarking  on  the  rafts,  his  two 
field  pieces  being  placed  on  the  largest  one,  so  as  to  cover  its 
landing.  When  every  thing  was  ready  for  the  attack  on  Play  a 
Vicente,  it  was  suddenly  suspended,  by  the  unexpected  intel- 
ligence brought  by  an  Indian  from  Amistan,  that  the  royalists 
were  within  two  leagues  of  that  place,  and  intended  to  force 
their  march,  so  as  to  be  able  to  reach  Teran's  encampment  by 
day-light  next  r.iorning. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  131 

Teran  at  once  perceived  his  critical  situation,  and  knew  that 
if  he  remained  where  he  then  was  until  the  enemy  came  up,  it 
would  animate  the  royalists  in  Playa  Vicente,  and  place  him 
between  two  fires.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  it  was  night,  he 
broke  up  his  encampment,  and  marched  about  three  leagues, 
until  he  came  to  an  excellent  position  for  mounting  his  two 
field  pieces.  He  had  scarcely  time  to  make  preparations  for 
battle,  when  the  approach  of  a  party  of  cavalry  announced  that 
the  enemy  were  near.  One  of  Teran's  sentinels  hailed  them, 
at  the  same  time  discharging  his  musket.  This  was  a  circum- 
stance totally  unexpected  to  them,  as  they  had  been  positively 
assured  by  spies,  that  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  day,  Te- 
ran was  at  the  river :  however,  they  conceived  it  prudent  to 
halt  until  day-light.  In  the  meantime,  Teran  was  improving 
every  minute.  He  knew  that  the  enemy's  force  principally 
consisted  of  cavalry,  and  therefore  threw  obstacles  in  the  road, 
by  cutting  down  the  trees,  and  filling  the  path  Avith  bushes; 
behind  which  he  placed  troops,  with  the  field  pieces,  in  am- 
bush. We  have  understood  from  several  royal  officers,  who 
subsequently  examined  the  ground,  and  the  arrangements 
which  Teran  had  made,  that  it  was  scarcely  credible  so  much 
could  have  been  executed,  in  the  short  space  of  four  hours,  by 
a  division  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  men. 

About  half  an  hour  before  day-break,  Teran  visited  each  of 
his  ambuscades,  entreating  his  men  not  to  fire  precipitately, 
and  to  remain  steady  at  the  posts  assigned  them.  He  obliged 
each  officer  and  soldier  to  promise  him,  that  in  no  event  would 
they  become  prisoners,  but  die  or  conquei*.  He  did  not  con- 
ceal from  them,  that  he  was  aware  the  enemy  were  far  superior 
in  numbers ;  but  declared  that  he  felt  confident  of  defeating 
them,  if  the  republican  division  would  only  behave  as  they 
had  frequently  before  done.  No  body  of  men,  perhaps,  ever 
had  greater  confidence  in  a  chief,  than  this  division  reposed  in 
Teran.  They  anticipated  the  victory  they  were  about  to  gain, 
and  the  surprise  and  confusion  which  would  be  occasioned  to 
the  enemy,  by  the  novel  dispositions  which  Teran  had  made. 

At  day-break,  the  royalists  were  discovered,  at  the  distance 
of  about  half  a  mile.    A  stream  of  water  lay  between  them  and 


132  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Teran ;  and,  although  it  was  not  more  than  twenty  yards  wide, 
yet  it  was  deep,  and  difficult  to  pass,  from  the  rapidity  of  the 
current.  On  approaching  it,  the  royalists  halted,  and  seemed 
cautious  in  their  movements:  but,  after  about  an  hour's  delay, 
they  crossed  it.  In  the  meantime,  Teran,  with  about  thirty 
men,  had  advanced  to  meet  them,  intending  to  feign  a  hasty 
retreat,  and  thereby  to  draw  the  enemy  into  the  ambushes 
which  had  been  laid.  This  stratagem  succeeded  :  their  cavalry 
pursued  him,  at  full  speed,  into  the  ambuscade,  until  they 
reached  the  place  where  the  two  masked  field  pieces  were  sta- 
tioned. From  these  a  destructive  fire  was  commenced,  which 
threw  them  into  confusion,  and  compelled  them  to  retire  to- 
wards the  rivulet.  But  it  was  now  too  late  to  retreat :  they  were 
entrapped;  and,  at  a  given  signal,  the  parties  in  ambuscade 
opened  their  fire,  charged,  and  in  a  few  minutes  completely 
routed  the  enemy.  In  attempting  to  pass  the  ford  of  the 
creek,  the  fugitives  so  crowded  on  each  other,  that  many  were 
drowned.  Teran,  promptly  availing  himself  of  these  circum- 
stances, closely  pursued  the  enemy  for  nearly  a  league  on  the 
other  side  of  the  creek,  making  a  dreadful  havoc  among  their 
infantry,  as  well  as  cavalry.  In  vain  the  officers  of  the  royal- 
ists attempted  to  rally  their  men.  The  panic  became  general; 
every  one  endeavoured  to  save  himself  by  flight. 

The  result  of  this  action  was,  on  the  part  of  the  royalists, 
one  hundred  and  twenty  killed^  a  considerable  number  wound- 
ed, and  sixty  prisoners.  Teran's  loss  was  nine  killed,  and 
thirteen  wounded.  It  appeared,  from  official  documents  found 
on  the  prisoners,  that  the  royalist  force  consisted  of  six  hun- 
dred cavalry^  and  fve  hundred  and  sixty-three  infantry^  com- 
manded by  general  Topete.  They  had  been  several  weeks 
collecting  this  force,  at  Tlacotalpan  and  Alvarado^  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Vera  Cruz ;  but,  in  consequence  of  the  heavy  rains, 
were  unable  to  meet  with  Teran  at  an  earlier  period. 

Teran  obtained  from  the  prisoners  such  information  as  com- 
pelled him,  reluctantly,  to  abandon  his  project  of  proceeding 
to  Guasacualco.  He  learned,  that  the  commandant  general  of 
Oaxaca  was  collecting  all  the  disposable  force  of  the  province, 
in  order  to  pursue  him;   that  another  formidable  expedition 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  133 

was  preparing,  at  Vera  Cruz,  for  the  same  purpose  ;  and  that 
two  Spanish  vessels  of  war  had  been  sent  to  Guasacuako.  As 
his  original  plan  had  been  to  seize  the  place  by  surprise,  and 
this  being  now  no  longer  practicable,  he  resolved  on  endea- 
vouring to  get  back  to  Tehuacan,  as  early  as  possible.  This 
he  effected,  by  masterly  movements,  eluding  all  the  plans  of 
the  royalists  to  intercept  him,  and  overcoming  obstacles  which 
his  enemies  had  considered  insurmountable  at  that  season  of 
the  year. 

After  his  return  to  Tehuacan,  he  renewed  his  overtures  for 
conciliation  and  co-operation  with  Victoria  and  Osourno;  but 
neither  the  one  nor  the  other  would  assent  to  his  proposals. 

The  viceroy  Apodaca  now  bent  all  his  energies  to  destroy 
these  rival  chiefs,  first  directing  his  attention  to  Teran.  An 
army,  composed  of  the  flower  of  the  royal  forces,  and  consist- 
ing of  about  four  thousand  troops,  was  despatched  to  invest 
Tehuacan. 

Teran  prepared  for  the  attack,  with  his  usual  alacrity.  He 
sent  the  women  and  children  to  fort  Colorado,  and  remained 
in  the  city,  hoping  that  he  might  be  able  to  repel  the  enemy. 
He  fortified  the  convent  of  San  Francisco^  and  there  awaited 
the  attack.  The  royalists  surrounded  the  convent,  and  cut  off 
the  communication  with  the  fort  of  Colorado.  The  whole 
effective  force  of  Teran,  in  the  convent,  did  not  exceed  five 
hundred  men  ;  but  he  had  made  such  admirable  preparations 
for  defence,  that  the  royalists  did  not  venture  to  assault  the 
place,  contenting  themselves  by  waiting  the  result  of  a  formal 
siege,  and  cutting  off  all  supplies  of  provisions.  Teran, 
finding  himself  thus  straitened,  and  his  provisions  and  water 
being  nearly  exhausted,  seeing  no  hopes  of  external  relief,  and 
at  the  same  time  not  wishing  to  sacrifice  uselessly  the  lives  of 
his  brave  companions,  at  length  accepted  articles  of  capitula- 
tion, proposed  to  him  by  the  royal  commander. 

We  regret  that  we  have  not  a  copy  of  the  terms  of  surren- 
der, because  their  liberal  tenor  would  show  the  high  respect 
entertained  by  the  royalists  for  Teran.  They  granted  him 
terms  that  had  been  invariably  refused  to  all  others  of  the  re- 
volutionary chiefs.     We  likewise  feel  satisfaction  in  stating, 


134  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

that  this  capitulation  was  scrupulously  and  honourably  fulfil- 
led, on  the  part  of  the  royalist  commander,  and  the  viceroy. 

After  the  patriots  had  lost  Tehuacan,  the  royalists  found 
themselves  in  a  condition  to  send  a  powerful  force  against 
Victoria  and  Osourno. 

Don  Guadalupe  Victoria  at  no  time  had  under  his  com- 
mand more  than  two  thousand  men ;  but  he  was  so  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  fastnesses  of  the  province  of  Vera  Cruz, 
that  the  royalists  never  could  bring  him  to  a  general  action. 
In^ain  they  sent  superior  forces  to  attack  him ;  in  vain  they 
drove  him  from  one  position  to  another ;  for,  as  fast  as  they 
destroyed  part  of  his  forces  in  one  place,  he  recruited  them  in 
another.  More  than  twenty  times,  the  Mexican  Gazette  has 
published  that  Victoria  was  slain,  and  his  party  annihilated : 
but,  a  few  days  after  those  false  and  pompous  accounts,  we 
have  heard  of  Victoria  suddenly  springing  up,  attacking  and 
capturing  convoys  of  merchandise,  seizing  some  strongholds, 
and  throwing  the  whole  country  into  consternation.  At  the 
head  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  cavalry,  he  per- 
formed some  of  the  most  daring  exploits  that  were  effected 
during  the  revolution ;  and  his  personal  courage  and  activity 
were  universally  acknowledged,  even  by  his  enemies.  More 
than  four-fifths  of  the  population  of  Vera  Cruz  were  in  his  fa- 
vour. Wherever  he  went,  provisions  were  secretly  or  openly 
furnished  him.  Had  he  possessed  muskets,  there  were  from 
ten  to  fifteen  thousand  men  ready  to  accept  them,  and  join  his 
standard.  To  the  want  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  and  to 
■  no  other  cause,  must  be  attributed  his  eventual  failure.  He 
*  obtained  a  few  hundred  muskets  from  New  Orleans,  during 
I  the  time  he  possessed  the  ports  of  Boquilla  de  Piedra,  and 
%  Nautla,  on  the  coast  of  Vera  Cruz ;  but,  after  those  places 
were  retaken  by  the  royalists,  at  the  close  of  1816,  or  begin- 
ning of  1817,  he  was  totally  cut  off  from  all  foreign  supplies. 
The  royalists  have  since  proclaimed  that  he  was  slain,  and  his 
forces  destroyed.  Whether  this  be  the  fact  or  not,  we  cannot 
decide ;  but  it  is  certain,  that  since  the  middle  of  the  year 
1817,  the  patriots  have  not  had  a  formidable  party  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Vei'a  Cruz. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  135 

The  forces  under  Osourao  were  likewise,  about  the  same 
time,  destroyed  or  dispersed ;  and  he,  as  well  as  his  principal 
officers,  we  learn,  have  accepted  the  royal  pardon.  Osourno, 
about  the  close  of  the  year  1815,  was  a  formidable  foe  to  the 
royalists,  as  he  had  at  least  two  thousand  of  the  finest  cavalry 
in  the  kingdom,  and  spread  terror  even  to  the  gates  of  Mexico. 
He  and  his  officers  soon  became  too  fond  of  their  personal 
gratification,  indulging  in  every  species  of  luxury,  and  direct- 
ing all  their  exertions  to  the  acquisition  of  plunder,  and  the 
spreading  of  devastation.  One  of  his  officers,  of  the  name  of 
Vicente  Gomez,  became  celebrated  for  his  cruelty,  as  well  as 
activity.  This  monster,  under  the  pretext  of  retaliation,  not 
only  shot  his  prisoners,  but  frequently  mutilated  and  tortured 
them.  On  one  occasion,  he  boasted  of  having  put  to  death 
some  European  Spaniards,  without  spilling  a  drop  of  their 
blood, — having  caused  them  to  be  buried  alive.  So  great  was 
the  terror  that  this  wretch  spread  over  the  country,  that  the 
royalists  tried  every  possible  ineans  to  gain  him  over  to  their 
party.  They  at  length  succeeded,  by  offering  him  an  equal 
rank  in  the  royal  service,  with  that  which  he  held  among  the 
patriots  ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that,  by  his  activity  and 
management,  he  contributed  much  to  accelerate  the  fall  of  his 
former  commander,  Osourno. 

Don  Ignacio  Rayon,  in  the  province  of  Valladolid,  at  the 
important  fort  of  Copero^  had  resisted,  for  eighteen  months, 
all  attempts  of  the  royalists  to  dislodge  him.  He,  as  well  as 
his  two  brothers,  had  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  revolutioil.  He  was  averse  to  the  sangui- 
nary warfare  that  had  been  carried  on,  and  was  disgusted  at 
the  selfish  conduct  of  the  patriot  chiefs.  Although  he  was 
known  to  be  a  brave  and  able  officer,  warmly  attached  to  the 
cause  he  had  espoused,  yet  he  frequently  declared  his  resolu- 
tion to  surrender  to  the  royalists,  if  the  patriots  persisted  in 
rejecting  his  advice,  and  his  plans  for  forming  a  junction  of 
their  forces.  He  at  length  did  capitulate,  and  the  fort  of  Co- 
pero  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  royalists. 

We  cannot,  for  want  of  the  proper  documents,  state  with 
precision  the  dates  when  these  several  disasters  occurred  to 


136  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  patriots,  under  the  command  of  Teran,  Victoria,  Osounio, 
and  Rayon,  further  than  that  they  took  place  during  the  years 
1816  and  1817. 

Subsequently  to  those  events,  the  royalists  gradually  re- 
subjugated  many  of  the  revolted  districts  ;  placing  garrisons 
in  every  town  and  village,  to  awe  the  people  into  obedience  to 
the  royal  authority.  In  this  manner,  they  succeeded  in  form- 
ing a  chain  of  fortifications  from  north  to  south,  cutting  off  the 
communication  between  the  patriots  of  the  eastern  and  western 
provinces,  who  still  roamed  through  the  country  in  formidable 
bodies,  but  without  co-operation  among  themselves. 

The  direction  of  these  revolutionary  bodies,  thenceforward, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  most  illiterate  of  the  Mexican  popu- 
lation, men  whose  sole  aim  was  power,  that  they  might  by  its 
aid  acquire  wealth.  Many  of  these  men  were,  from  common 
field  labourers,  raised  to  the  rank  of  colonels  and  brigadiers. 
Their  conduct  became  licentious  and  cruel  in  the  extreme  j 
and,  as  several  of  them  were  daring  and  enterprising,  they 
were  equally  dreaded  bv  royalists  and  patriots. 

Men  of  education,  principle,  or  talent,  among  the  revolu- 
tionists, were  no  longer  respected.  Any  attempts  made  by 
them  to  establish  order,  were  decried  as  tending  to  despotism; 
while  they  were  insulted,  their  property  was  taken  from  them, 
vmder  the  plea  that  the  public  service  required  it ;  their  lives 
were  threatened;  and  they  dared  not  even  murmur  against  the 
decrees  of  their  tyrannical  oppressors.  Thus,  on  the  one  side, 
terrified  by  the  conduct  of  their  own  party,  and,  on  the  other, 
allured  by  the  flattering  offers  of  the  royalists,  they  at  length 
sought  safety  under  the  banners  of  Spain,  where  these  sincere 
patriots  now  are,  friends  to  liberty^  but  enemies  to  anarchy. 

The  kind  of  leaders  which  we  have  just  mentioned,  had, 
nevertheless,  extensive  districts  under  their  command,  in  the 
western  provinces  ;  and  each  petty  commandant  of  a  pueblo, 
imitating  the  example  of  his  chief,  gave  loose  to  his  passions, 
studying  only  the  means  of  his  personal  gratification. 

They  had  nominated  to  the  supreme  military  command,  a 
priest,  named  Don  j  ^se  Antonio  Torres^  who  had  been  raised 
to  the  rank  of  mariscal  de  campo.     In  the  early  stages  of  his 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  137 

career,  he  gave  some  evidences  of  valour ;  but  he  no  sooner 
became  possessed  of  power,  than  he  displayed  the  character 
of  a  fiend.  He  was  cruel,  vindictive,  and  avaricious,  sparing 
neither  patriot  nor  royalist,  to  gratify  his  passions.  He  levied 
impositions,  in  the  most  arbitrary  manner,  upon  every  wealthy 
individual  within  the  range  of  his  command;  and  continued 
to  treat  every  Creole,  from  whom  there  was  the  slightest  pro- 
bability of  meeting  opposition  to  his  views,  with  such  indig- 
nity, that  many  of  those  remaining  were  reluctantly  compelled 
to  fly  for  protection  to  the  royalists.  On  the  most  frivolous 
pretexts,  he  had  put  to  death  several  persons  whom  he  sus- 
pected, either  of  being  hostile  to  his  conduct,  or  as  likely  to 
become  his  rivals.  Jealousy  was  the  predominant  feature  in 
his  character;  nor  did  he  regard  what  sacrifices  he  made,  to 
rid  himself  of  any  man  from  whom  he  anticipated  opposition. 
Notwithstanding  his  vicious  propensities  and  base  traits,  yet 
he  possessed  the  good  quality  of  sincerely  adhering  to  the 
cause  of  the  republic.  Towards  the  Spaniards,  he  entertained 
an  unconquerable  antipathy.  The  many  overtures  that  were 
made  to  gain  him  over  to  the  royal  party,  were  treated  by  him 
with  disdain ;  and  neither  offers  of  rank  nor  money  could  in- 
duce him  to  waver  in  his  determination.  The  following  anec- 
dote will  more  clearly  exhibit  his  enmity  to  the  Gachupins; 
and  demonstrate,  that  when  his  patriotism  was  involved,  even 
the  ties  of  relationship  were  held  of  no  account. 

On  one  occasion,  there  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  royalists 
two  of  his  younger  brothers.  They  were  compelled  to  write 
to  him,,  telling  him,  that  their  lives  depended  upon  his  em- 
bracing the  royal  cause;  that,  did  he  not  do  so,  they  would  be 
shot.  To  this  appeal,  he  returned  the  following  answer : 
*'  The  proposition  of  the  royalists  has  served  only  to  rouse 
my  indignation.  If  the  enemy  do  not  shoot  you,  beware  how 
you  fall  into  my  hands  at  any  future  period.  In  such  event, 
that  death,  you  have  escaped  from  the  royalists,  will  be  re- 
ceived at  my  hands,  for  having  dared  to  place  your  lives  in 
coiT»petition  with  the  interest  of  your  country,  and  insinuating 
to  me  terms  so  dishonourable." 
(18) 


138  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Torres  had  under  his  command  an  immense  extent  of  coun- 
try, which  he  parcelled  out,  like  the  feudal  system  of  old,  into 
districts  or  comandancias.  It  was  a  prominent  feature  of  his 
policy  to  select  for  the  government  of  these  districts,  men 
whose  gross  ignorance,  he  conceived,  would  render  them  sub- 
servient to  his  will,  and  proper  subjects  to  promote  his  views 
of  sole  dominion.  These  commandants  followed  the  example 
set  them  by  Torres,  directing  their  principal  attention  to  per- 
sonal enjoyments.  Without  a  government  capable  of  enforcing 
obedience,  they  were  uncontrouled  in  their  proceedings,  and 
acted  according  to  their  own  pleasure  in  their  respective  coman- 
dancias. The  revenues  of  the  state  they  looked  upon,  not  as 
belonging  to  the  public,  but  as  their  individual  property,  and 
considered,  they  were  conferring  an  obligation  on  the  republic, 
when  any  of  its  resources  were  devoted  to  its  service.  The 
forces  raised  were  such  only  as  they  thought  proper,  and  were 
taught  to  look  upon  their  commandants  as  masters,  whose 
mandate  alone  they  ought  to  obey.  The  peasantry  were  re- 
garded as  vassals  devoid  of  every  privilege,  upon  whom  they 
had  a  right  to  heap  injuries,  and  the  soldiery  to  make  them  a 
prey  with  impunity.  Each  commandant  became  a  petty 
tyrant  in  his  district ;  the  interests  of  the  country  were  no 
longer  viewed  as  primary  objects,  but  were  replaced  by  a  de- 
votion to  self-gratification ;  while  the  chief  aim  and  end  of 
exertion,  was  to  preserve  the  good  will  of  the  sultan  Torres. 
On  his  part,  he  was  a  proficient  in  the  arts  necessary  to  ingra- 
tiate himself  into  the  good  opinion  of  these  men.  He  would 
gamble  and  drink  with  them ;  would  run  races  and  fight  game 
cocks,  till  the  parties  were  stript  of  their  money,  in  which  sci- 
ence Torres  was  extremely  dexterous.  In  short,  as  long  as  the 
commandants  conformed  to  his  instructions,  he  neither  investi- 
gated nor  cared,  what  was  their  conduct.  It  was  therefore  by- 
no  means  extraordinary,  that  Torres,  after  being  appointed 
commander  in  chief,  maintained  an  absolute  power;  that  his  or- 
ders were  implicitly  and  promptly  obeyed.  Had  they  emanated 
from  a  man  celebrated  for  correct  and  upright  conduct,  more 
awe  and  reverence  could  not  have  been  attached  to  them. 


V  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  139 

His  head-quarters  were  fixed  on  the  top  of  the  mountain  of 
Los  Remedios,  which  he  fortified,  at  the  cost  and  ruin  of 
many  families  round  its  base.  There,  surrounded  by  women 
and  all  the  luxuries  the  country  afforded,  he  became  indolent 
and  capricious,  issuing  the  most  arbitrary  decrees,  and  like  a 
demigod,  from  his  lofty  seat,  smiled  at  the  effects  of  his  im- 
perious mandates  upon  the  faithful  Americans  by  whom  he 
was  upheld.  When  in  the  zenith  of  his  glory,  he  was  to  be 
seen  surrounded  by  sycophants  and  women,  singing  the  most 
fulsome  songs  in  his  praise,  while,  extended  on  a  bed,  fanned 
by  a  delicate  hand,  he  would  listen  with  rapture  to  the  grossest 
adulation,  and  indulge  in  loud  bursts  of  laughter,  arising  from 
his  heart-felt  satisfaction :  swelling  and  exulting  with  vain  glo- 
ry, he  would  often  exclaim,  "  21?  soy  xefc  de  todo  el  mundo^'' — 
( I  command  the  xvorld.)  Such  was  the  character  of  the  leader 
of  the  revolutionists  in  the  western  provinces.  It  may  be 
asked,  how  could  such  a  man  be  allowed  to  exercise  power  so 
ai'bitrary?  why  did  not  the  citizens  hurl  him  from  his  seat  on 
Los  Remedios  ?  Bayonets,  and  the  infatuation  of  the  pea- 
santry, were  his  protection.  Whilst  he  preserved  the  good 
will  of  the  commandants,  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  a  dis- 
armed people,  whose  veneration  for  him  as  a  priest,  covered 
all  his  crimes.  The  fear  he  had  instilled  into  his  dependants, 
was  likewise  another  powerful  auxiliary  in  the  maintenance  of 
his  authority;  for,  on  whomsoever  his  suspicion  rested,  either 
secretly  or  openly  was  put  to  death. 

To  portray  in  all  its  hideous  forms,  the  system  of  despotism 
and  terror,  which  marked  the  annals  of  the  power  of  Torres,  is  a 
task  not  congenial  to  the  feelings  nor  easy  to  perform.  One  or 
two  instances  will  be  sufficient,  out  of  the  many  Avhich  could  be 
adduced,  to  elucidate  his  baseness.  From  his  inactivity,  the 
enemy  were  daily  gaining  ground,  and  were  permitted,  unmo- 
lested, to  fortify  themselves  in  almost  every  town  and  village 
in  the  Baxio.  There  however  remained,  El  Valle  de  Santiago, 
Penjamo,  and  Puruandiro,  three  flourishing,  wealthy,  hand- 
some, and  populous  places,  within  a  few  leagues  of  each  other. 
In  order  to  check  the  progress  of  the  royalists,  he  fancied  that 
the  most  effectual  and  least  dangerous  method,  was  to  raze 


^ 


140  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

these  towns  to  the  ground.  Forgetting,  or  not  reflecting,  that 
every  other  place  but  those  three,  being  held  by  the  ene- 
my, the  sacrifice  of  these  towns  could  produce  no  possible  be- 
nefit; and  without  considering  for  a  moment,  that  the  faith- 
Rd  Americans  would  suffer,  without  the  possibility  of  any 
good  resulting  therefrom  to  the  cause,  he  sent  orders  for  the 
inhabitants  to  remove  their  effects  in  six  hours,  after  which, 
each  one  was  to  destroy  their  own  costly  and  elegant  mansion. 
In  every  instance  it  was  obeyed,  though  in  some,  its  execution 
was  attended  with  aggravating  circumstances.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  Puruandiro  petitioned  for  an  extension  of  time,  to 
enable  them  to  remove  their  property.  This  petition  was  re- 
fused, and  before  the  expiration  of  three  hours,  Torres  des- 
patched his  soldiers,  who,  running  up  and  down  the  streets 
with  lighted  torches,  fired  every  building,  with  the  exception 
of  the  churches.  In  Puruandiro,  as  well  as  the  other  places, 
families  who  were  in  easy,  and  many  in  aflBuent  circumstances, 
were  obliged  to  retire  to  little  farms,  and  there  live  in  indi- 
gence and  misery.  The  towns  of  San  Felipe,  Uruapa  and  others, 
were  treated  in  the  same  manner,  and  as  a  proof  how  futile 
and  cruel  were  such  measures,  the  enemy  have  since,  and  do  at 
this  moment,  occupy  every  one  of  those  places. 

The  next  circumstance  we  select,  displays  all  the  cruelty  and 
savage  ferocity  of  a  barbarian.  The  people  of  the  Baxio  are 
noted,  as  being  more  attached  to  the  revolution,  than  any  other 
part  of  the  Mexican  empire.  Aversion  to,  as  well  as  fear  of  the 
royalists,  caused  the  male  inhabitants,  who  could  do  so,  to 
abandon  their  houses,  and  fly  to  the  mountains,  whenever 
they  made  their  appearance.  Padre  Torres  directed  his  march 
with  some  troops  to  an  ill-fated  hacienda,  called  Guanimaro, 
not  far  froin  Penjamo.  The  people,  perceiving  the  approach 
of  soldiery,  fled  to  a  hill  close  by  the  hacienda.  On  entering, 
the  Padre  broke  forth  into  a  torrent  of  abuse,  because  they 
had  ran  away  from  him,  as  he  construed  their  good  intentions. 
He  ordered,  them  to  return;  formed  them  in  the  environs  of  the 
hacienda,  and  decimated  them  on  the  spot.  The  victims  of  his 
wanton  barbarity  were  immediately  confessed,  and,  unmoved 
by  their  entreaties  or  solemn  adjurations  that  it  was  dread 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  141 

and  horror  alone  for  the  enemy,  that  caused  them  to  flee ; 
turning  a  deaf  ear  to  the  supplications  of  their  wives,  children 
and  relatives,  he  ordered  them  to  be  shot,  in  the  presence  of 
their  friends  and  kindred. 

We  have  been  thus  particular  in  drawing  the  character  of 
Padre  Torres,  because  in  the  sequel  it  will  be  seen,  that  the 
conduct  of  this  man,  towards  the  brave  Mina,  was  the  sole 
cause,  notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles  he  had  to  contend 
against,  that  he  did  not  succeed  in  his  enterprise. 

The  soldiery  over  whom  the  sway  of  Torres  and  his  satel- 
lites extended,  were  hardy  and  courageous.  Their  numbers 
were  at  least  seven  thousand ;  and,  though  not  all  armed  with 
muskets,  yet  they  were  expert  lancers  and  excellent  horsemen. 
They  were,  however,  entirely  destitute  of  discipline,  were  un- 
der no  command,  miserably  paid  and  clothed,  without  union, 
each  man  living  at  his  own  home,  and  scattered  over  the  coman- 
dancia.  They  were  the  servants  of  their  masters  the  comman- 
dants, and  had  been  so  long  brought  up  to  irregularity,  that 
they  could  desert  and  fly  from  a  field  of  action  with  impunity. 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  therefore,  that  they  were  no  longer 
able  to  cope  with  their  antagonists,  whose  only  superiority 
consisted  in  remaining  united  on  the  field.  In  point  of  personal 
courage  and  the  quality  of  their  horses,  the  royalists  were  far 
inferior,  nor  had  they  any  good  cavalry  until  it  was  formed 
from  the  Insurgents  themselves.  When  disciplined  and  taught 
to  fight  with  order,  the  patriots  invariably  defeated  their  an- 
tagonists. 

It  must  be  recollected,  that  while  this  unfavourable  picture 
of  the  patriot  chiefs  generally,  is  drawn,  some  few,  although 
their  conduct  had  its  faults,  were  actuated  by  a  love  of  coun- 
try. Innate  depravity,  as  was  the  case  with  the  majority,  had 
no  Influence  over  their  actions. 

The  peasantry  gave  the  most  unequivocal  proofs  of  attach- 
ment to  the  patriot  cause,  for,  ill-treated,  abused  and  sacrificed, 
as  they  were  by  the  patriots,  as  well  as  the  royalists,  they  con- 
tinued faithful  to  the  republican  standard. 

Torres,  in  order  to  exhibit  the  appearance  of  having  a  civil 
government,  Instituted  one  after  the  model  of  the  late  congress. 


142  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

It  was  composed  of  a  president,  Don  Ignacio  A'jala^  two  mem- 
bers, Don  Mariano  Tercero^  and  Dr.  Don  Jose  San  Martin, 
and  a  secretary  of  war,  Don  Francisco  Loxero.  They  were, 
however,  the  mere  creatures  of  Torres,  acted  in  conformity  to 
his  wishes,  and  in  fact,  instead  of  controling  his  operations, 
they  strengthened  his  power  over  the  people.  Although  the 
government  issued  decrees,  yet  they  were  obeyed  or  disre- 
garded, as  suited  the  caprice  or  interest  of  Torres  and  the 
commandants,  who  attended  solely  to  his  mandates. 

The  new  congress  bestowed  on  Torres  the  rank  of  lieute- 
nant general,  and  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  of  the 
Mexican  republic.  The  royalists,  at  that  time,  had  garrison- 
ed all  the  principal  towns ;  but  the  patriots  still  had  control 
over  the  country,  even  to  the  very  walls.  They  were  scat- 
tered in  guerilla  parties,  principally  cavalry,  consisting  of 
from  fifty  to  a  thousand  men ;  and  their  excursions  extended 
from  the  Sierra  Gorda,  to  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  ocean. 
In  reality,  they  were  little  better  than  bodies  of  banditti. 
When  they  knew  of  the  approach  of  a  division  of  the  royal- 
ists, they  fled  to  impregnable  stations  in  the  mountains,  and 
there  waited  until  the  enemy  retired ;  then,  descending  to  the 
plains,  they  renewed  the  same  scenes  of  drunkenness,  gam- 
bling, and  crimes  of  every  description. 

The  royalists  were  not  idle  spectators  of  these  disorders, 
and  the  distracted  condition  of  the  patriots,  but  daily  improv- 
ed the  advantages  they  offered. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  Mexican  revolution,  when  Mina 
arrived  at  the  fort  of  Sombrero.  The  disasters  we  have  related 
were  then  only  partially  communicated  to  him ;  and  he  still 
fondly  indulged  the  hope,  that  it  was  practicable  to  remedy 
the  evils  which  the  revolutionists  had  suffered.  He  flattered 
himself,  that  the  gallant  officers  he  had  brought  with  him,  as 
well  as  the  soldiers  of  his  little  band,  would,  by  their  influence 
and  example,  infuse  a  new  ardour  into  the  patriots,  promote 
their  union,  and  enable  him  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  against 
the  royalists. 

The  patriots  still  retained  possession  of  three  forts ;  those 
of  Sombrero;  Los  Roncdios^  about  sixty  miles  off;  and  Jan- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  143 

ocilla^  at  an  equal  distance  from  Remedlos,  where  the  congress 
held  their  sittings. 

There  likewise  remained  among  the  patriots  a  few  men  of 
'distinguished  character,  who,  notwithstanding  they  had  be- 
come disgusted  with  the  outrageous  conduct  of  the  revolution- 
ists, yet  entertained  so  implacable  a  hatred  to  the  Spaniards, 
that  they  preferred  seeking  an  abode  in  the  forest,  rather  than 
accept  the  royal  pardon.  Among  these  men,  was  Doii  Jose 
Maria  Lkeagay  the  president  of  the  congress  at  Apatzingan, 
who  signed  the  constitution.  But  none  of  these  worthy  men 
now  retained  any  command  or  influence  :  education,  talent, 
and  pure  patriotism,  were  proscribed,  under  such  men  ^s 
Torres  and  his  party. 

Among  the  military  commandants  who  then  acted  under 
Torres,  there  were  few  capable  of  reading  or  writing.  They 
usually  employed  a  secretary,  on  whom  devolved  the  duty  of 
reading  and  answei'ing  despatches.  When  an  important  paper 
was  to  be  signed,  the  commandant  impressed  it  with  a  seal, 
bearing  his  name,  and  ornamented  with  some  rude  insignia. 

It  was  with  men  of  this  character  that  the  unfortunate  Mina 
was  destined  to  co-operate.  He  beheld  around  him  nothing 
but  gross  ignorance  and  anarchy,  which  threatened  to  render 
all  his  efforts  ineffectual.  Disappointed  and  mortified,  he  y£t 
concealed  his  chagrin,  except  to  a  few  of  his  confidential  offi- 
cers. He  had  anticipated  a  different  scene ;  and,  although  he 
never  had  calculated  on  finding  the  revolutionary  forces  under 
military  discipline,  or  with  skilful  officers,  yet  he  had  portray- 
ed them  in  his  mind  as  enthusiasts  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and 
had  always  understood  that  they  were  a  brave  and  hardy  race 
of  people.  During  his  recent  march  from  the  coast  to  Som- 
brero, he  had  received  the  most  positive  proofs  of  the  innate 
courage  of  the  Creoles  ;  and  was  therefore  still  flattered  with 
the  hope  that  it  would  be  in  his  power  to  succeed  in  emanci- 
pating Mexico.  He  considered  his  junction  with  the  patriots, 
even  under  all  the  disadvantages  in  which  he  found  them 
placed,  as  the  first  great  step  to  his  future  glory  and  success ; 
and,  however  extravagant  such  calculations  may  at  present 
appear,  it  is  evident  to  the  mind  of  the  writer,  that  if  Tor- 


144  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

res,  and  the  rest  of  the  patriot  chiefs  under  his  orders,  had 
sacrificed  their  private  views  to  their  country's  cause,  and' 
magnanimously  and  cordially  co-operated  with  Mina,  appoint- 
ing him  commander-in-chief,  he  would  have  found  a  super- 
abundance of  men  and  resources,  not  only  to  have  checked  the 
progress  of  the  royalists,  but  to  have  given  to  the  revolution 
a  brighter  aspect  than  it  had  borne  at  any  previous  time,  since 
the  commencement  of  the  struggle. 

It  is  well  known  to  the  writer,  that  at  the  period  we  are 
speaking  of,  nearly  every  regiment  of  European  and  Creole 
troops,  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  in  the  middle  provinces, 
were  suspected  of  disaffection,  and  of  a  disposition  to  revolt. 
Could  Mina  have  maintained  his  position  for  a  few  months 
after  he  had  effected  his  junction  with  the  patriots,  there  is 
every  moral  probability  that  this  event  would  have  occurred. 
Murmurings  and  desertions  were  becoming  so  common  among 
the  Spanish  troops,  particularly  in  the  regiment  of  Saragossa, 
that  the  government  was  in  the  greatest  state  of  alarm.  Its 
existence  actually  depended  on  arresting  the  progress  of  Mina 
towards  the  middle  provinces ;  and  thus,  on  the  co-operation 
of  Torres  and  his  party  with  Mina,  depended  the  fate  of  the 
royal  government  in  Mexico. 

It  will  likewise  be  obvious  to  the  reader,  how  different 
would  have  been  Mina's  situation,  had  he  arrived  twelve,  or 
even  nine  months  earlier  on  the  Mexican  coast,  and  formed  a 
junction  with  such  commanders  as  Victoria  and  Teran,  instead 
of  the  jealous  and  depraved  Torres.  Then  indeed  would  the 
hero  of  Navarre  have  gained  new  laurels,  and  the  cause  of 
liberty  been  triumphant.  But  let  us  pursue  the  train  of  events, 
in  the  order  they  occurred,  subsequent  to  the  arrival  of  Mina 
at  fort  Sombrero.  ^ 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  145 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Action  of  San  yuan  de  los  Llanos — Capture  of  the  Jar al — In- 
terviexv  at  Sombrero^  between  general  Mina  and  some  of  the 
Revolutionary  Chiefs — Overture  by  Mina  for  an  exchange 
of  prisoners — Events  in  Sombrero. 

THE  officers  and  soldiers  of  Mina's  little  army,  on  entering 
fort  Sombrero,  looked  forward  to  enjoy  a  few  days  of  repose, 
but  the  enterprising  general  could  not  remain  inactive,  while 
any  occasion  offered  to  annoy  his  enemy.  On  the  28th,  infor- 
mation was  received  that  a  movement  was  made  in  the  direction 
of  the  foi"t,  by  a  body  of  seven  hundred  of  the  enemy,  under 
the  command  of  colonel  Don  Felipe  Castanon^  and  that  he  was 
in  the  town  of  San  Felipe,  distant  from  Sombrero,  east  north 
east  about  thirteen  leagues. 

Castanon,  from  his  activity  in  surprising  parties  of  the  pa- 
triots, and  the  enormities  he  committed,  had  rendered  himself 
conspicuous.  His  fidelity  had  been  rewarded  by  his  govern- 
ment, by  appointing  him  to  the  command  of  this  division,  and 
granting  to  him  as  a  peculiar  mark  of  confidence,  liberty  to 
act  as  his  discretion  dictated.  He  was  allowed  to  move  in 
any  direction,  and  to  enter  into  any  province  he  chose,  with 
his  force,  which  was  styled  a  flying  division.  It  consisted  of 
three  hundred  excellent  cavalry,  and  four  hundred  infantry. 
His  movements  were  rapid,  secret,  and  generally  made  under 
cover  of  the  night.  He  kept  the  whole  country  in  the  Baxio 
in  perpetual  alarm.  He  had  been  invariably  victorious,  and 
his  name  had  excited  such  terror,  that  the  patriots,  at  length, 
could  not  be  brought  to  face  him  ;  each  individual,  as  well  the 
peasant  as  the  soldier,  when  his  name  was  mentioned,  and 
they  supposed  he  was  near,  thought  only  of  making  his  escape. 

It  had  latterly  been  the  practice  with  the  royalist  command- 
ers, in  virtue  of  orders  from  the  viceroy  Apodaca,  not  to  put 
to  death,  or  molest  the  country  people  within  the  jurisdiction 
(19) 


146  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

of  the  patriots,  unless  they  were  actually  t^ken  in  arms.  This 
order  was  in  general  attended  to,  except  some  occasional  acts 
of  plunder,  but  Castanon  most  wantonly  disobeyed  it  with 
regard  to  every  individual,  that  came  within  his  merciless 
grasp.  The  Gazette  of  Mexico  teemed  with  his  despatches, 
in  which,  after  enumerating  his  savage  acts,  he  invariably 
wound  up  by  informing  the  viceroy,  that- the  prisoners  should 
be  shot.  The  aged  and  infirm,  women  and  children,  were 
alike  the  victims  of  his  sanguinary  and  vindictive  spirit,  so 
that  as  he  advanced,  every  one  fled  to  the  mountains,  or  re- 
tired to  secret  retreats  in  the  ravines,  to  avoid  his  fury.  Meet- 
ing with  no  opposition,  in  the  most  merciless  manner  he  mur- 
dered and  robbed  the  unhappy  peasantry,  wherever  they  were 
found,  and  desolated  every  place  through  which  he  passed. 

Mina,  on  the  intelligence  of  his  approach,  rejoiced  in  the  op- 
portunity which  offered  of  enabling  him  to  attempt  checking  the 
strides  of  this  ferocious  royalist,  and  accordingly,  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  28th,  marched  to  meet  him  with  the  effective  force  of 
the  division,  about  two  hundred  strong,  accompanied  by  Don 
Pedro  Moreno,  with  a  detachment  of  fifty  infantry  and  eighty 
lancers,  under  Don  Encarnacion  Ortiz.  The  division  con- 
tinued its  march  till  midnight,  when,  on  reaching  the  ruins  of 
an  hacienda,  they  were  joined  by  some  patriot  infantry,  v/hich 
increased  the  party  to  nearly  four  hundred  men.  At  three 
in  the  morning,  the  division  halted,  about  six  leagues  from 
San  Felipe.  Morning  presented  to  view  the  comrades  who 
had  joined  during  the  march.  They  were  a  motley  group, 
that  merely  swelled  the  numerical  force,  without  bringing  an 
addition  of  strength.  Over  their  shoulders  was  thrown  a  tat- 
tered blanket,  which,  with  a  pair  of  drawers,  constituted  their 
only  clothing.  Their  muskets  were  generally  rusty,  without 
bayonets,  locks  out  of  repair,  and  many  without  flints.  The 
men  were  unaccustomed  to  even  the  semblance  of  discipline, 
for  they  had  lived  at  their  own  houses,  scattered  over  several 
leagues  of  country,  and  had  been  suddenly  called  together  for 
the  present  expedition.  Such  was  the  allied  infantry ;  but  it 
must  not  be  inferred,  that  the  lancers  under  Ortiz  were  of  a 
similar  description. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  147 

The  patriots  invariably  pay  great  attention  to,  and  take  great 
pride  in  their  cavalry.  The  lancers  of  Ortiz  were  mounted 
on  fine  horses,  each  man  carrying  either  a  lance  or  carabme, 
with  pistols  or  a  sword,  and  although  they  had  no  uniform, 
and  were  clothed  in  the  same  grotesque  manner  we  have 
described  on  a  former  occasion,  yet  they  were  a  hardy,  fine 
looking  set  of  men,  full  of  animation  and  courage.  Wo  be  to 
the  broken  ranks  of  an  enemy,  when  pierced  by  such  men  as 
composed  the  cavalry  of  Ortiz. 

At  seven  o'clock  next  morning  the  troops  were  in  motion. 
After  advancing  about  a  league,  the  enemy  were  disa^ivered 
approaching  by  the  same  road,  which  lay  through  a  beautiful 
undulating  plain,  on  the  lands  of  the  hacienda  of  San  yuan  de 
los  Llanos^  distant  from  the  town  of  San  Felipe  five  leagues. 
The  scene  of  action  was  near  the  ruins  of  that  hacienda. 

Mina  ordered  the  division  to  retire  behind  a  rising  ground, 
and  there  made  his  dispositions  with  his  usual  promptitude 
and  skill.  The  Guard  of  Honour,  regiment  of  the  Union, 
and  the  infantry  of  Sombrero,  forming  a  column  of  ninety 
men,  of  whom  forty-five  were  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
were  placed  under  the  command  of  colonel  Young.  The  first 
regiment  of  the  line  and  the  patriot  infantry  formed  another 
column  of  one  hundred  and  ten  men,  under  colonel  Marques, 
commander  of  the  former  regiment.  The  cavalry  of  the  di- 
vision, ninety  strong,  were  commanded  by  major  Maylefer; 
the  lancers  were  headed  by  Don  Encarnacion  Ortiz ;  and  to 
these  may  be  added  the  armed  servants. 

The  enemy  having  taken  up, his  position,  Mina  advanced 
alone  to  within  musket  shot  of  their  line  to  reconnoitre.  His 
dress,  and  the  fine  appearance  of  his  horse,  soon  attracted  the 
notice  of  the  enemy's  infantry,  who  made  a  general  discharge 
at  him,  but  fortunately  without  effect.  Mina's  division  were 
highly  delighted  with  this  display  of  his  intrepidity,  although 
many  of  his,  officers  regreted  to  see  him  thus  expose  his 
person. 

Having,  however,  accomplished  his  object,  he  returned 
among  his  troops,  and  gave  orders  to  advance  briskly  to  the 
attack.     Colonel  Young,  at  the  head  of  his  column,  moved  up 


148  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

rapidly  under  a  heavy  fire  of  grape  and  musketry,  poured 
into  their  infantry  one  volley,  and  then  gallantly  made  a  charge 
with  the  bayonet.  Major  Maylefer,  at  the  same  moment,  fall- 
ing, sword  in  hand,  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry,  on  that  of  the 
enemy,  the  whole  gave  way.  The  lancers,  the  instant  they 
perceived  the  enemy  in  disorder, dashed  furiouslj'among  them; 
the  rout  became  general,  and  the  victory  was  complete. 

Three  hundred  and  thirty-nine  were  counted  slain  on  the 
field,  and  tzvo  hundred  and  twenty  were  taken  prisoners. 
About  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  best  mounted  cavalry  made 
their  escape. 

A'aiong  the  slain  was  a  colonel  Ordonez,  and  several  other 
distinguished  officers.  The  implacable  enemy  of  the  patriots, 
Castahon^  received  a  mortal  wound,  of  which  he  expired,  af- 
ter riding  about  five  leagues  from  the  scene  of  action.  The 
cavalry  pursued  the  enemy  about  two  leagues,  increasing  their 
loss. 

The  gallantry  displayed  by  colonel  Young  in  this  action, 
and  the  ardour  of  his  troops,  set  an  example  which  was  fol- 
lowed by  all  the  rest  of  the  division,  and  in  fact,  not  more 
than  eight  minutes  elapsed  from  the  time  Mina  gave  the  or- 
der to  advance,  till  the  enemy  were  in  full  retreat.  Mina's 
loss  was  eight  killed^  and  nine  rvounded^  but  among  the  former 
was  the  brave  and  able  officer  major  Maylefer.  The  loss  of 
this  man  almost  counterbalanced  the  victory.  The  major  was 
a  Swiss,  and  had  been  an  officer  of  dragoons  in  the  French 
army  ;  he  had  served  in  Spain,  and  exclusive  of  his  military 
talents,  he  was  respected  by  the  troops  for  his  indefatigable 
attention  to  his  duties. 

There  fell  into  Mina's  hands,  the  result  of  this  action,  one 
brass  field  piece  and  a  mountain  gun^  fve  hundred  muskets^  a 
greater  part  of  v/hich  were  of  British  fabric^  a  large  quanti- 
ty of  accoutrements^  and  all  the  aynmunition  and  baggage. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  enemy,  during  this  action, 
fired  dollars  from  their  artillery.  We  presume  this  arose  from 
their  being  deficient  in  grape  shot,  for  most  certainly  the  state 
of  the  government  revenue  could  not  well  afford  such  an  ex- 
travagant mode  of  warfare.     Be  this  as  it  may,  many  of  Mi.- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  149 

iia's  soldiers  were   highly  pleased  with  collecting  this  new 
species  of  grape  shot. 

Mina  returned  to  his  encampment  of  the  preceding  night, 
amidst  the  congratulations  of  his  soldiers  ;  marched  the  next 
morning,  and  arrived  at  Sombrero  the  same  evening.  A  dis- 
charge of  artillery,  announced  to  the  royalists  of  the  Villa  de 
Leon,  that  a  heavy  disaster  had  befallen  their  cause. 

From  the  republican  press  of  Jauxilla,  the  news  was  spread 
over  the  plains  of  the  Baxio ;  and  the  country  held  by  the 
patriots.  The  death  of  Castanon  excited  universal  joy  amongst 
all  classes  of  people  :  every  demonstration  was  given  of  the 
warm  feelings  of  the  inhabitants  in  favour  of  the  patriotic 
cause.  The  rovalists  had  the  mortification  to  see  illuminations, 
and  hear  the  discharge  of  cannon  in  every  direction  around 
them,  up  to  their  very  walls.  The  churches  resounded  with 
Te  Deum.  From  town  to  town,  the  praises  of  Mina  were 
echoed.  The  blessings  of  heaven  were  implored  upon  his 
head,  by  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  victims  of  Castanon. 
Old  and  young,  from  Sombrero  to  the  environs  of  the  city 
of  Mexico,  and  from  San  Luis  Potosi  to  Zacatula,  were 
chaunting  hymns  in  honour  of- their  deliverer. 

The  royalists  now  began  to  have  stronger  grounds  of  uneasi- 
ness. They  beheld  Mina's  popularity  daily  augmenting;  they 
saw  their  finest  troops  cut  up  in  detail,  by  inferior  numbers. 
They  knew  that  the  population  of  the  country  were  ready  to 
welcome  him  with  open  arms,  in  case  he  should  advance 
towards  Mexico  with  any  respectable  force,  capable  of  giving 
efficient  personal  protection.  They  were  aware  that  Mina's 
victories  would  excite  a  spirit  of  disaffection,  which  had  al- 
ready began  to  manifest  itself  in  the  royal  ranks,  and  that 
every  battle  he  gained,  tended  to  weaken  the  tie  which  had 
hitherto  existed  between  the  royalists  and  the  government. 

This  was  the  critical  moment,  when  it  may  be  truly  said, 
the  destinies  of  the  Mexican  nation,  were  in  the  hands  of  Mi- 
na. Had  Padre  Torres  and  the  other  revolutionary  chiefs, 
actuated  by  a  genuine  love  of  country,  and  devoted  to  its 
interests  and  independence,  magnanimously  come  forward  and 
thrown  under  Mina's  direction  the  men  and  resources  which 


150  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

they  then  had  at  their  disposal,  the  standard  of  the  revolution 
would  now  have  waved  over  the  walls  of  Mexico,  and  its 
freedom  been  established.  But  so  far  were  ToiTes  and  his 
satellites  from  adopting  this  important  and  necessary  step,  that 
they  began  to  thwart  all  his  measures,  and  eventually  to  render 
all  his  exertions  abortive. 

After  a  few  days'  rest  at  Sombrero,  the  general,  accompanied 
by  Don  Pedro  Moreno,  marched  with  the  division  and  a  body 
of  lancers,  in  all  three  hundred  strong,  for  the  purpose  of  i:e- 
ducing  the  highly  important  hacienda  deljaral^  twenty  leagues 
north  from  Guanaxuato.  As  this  is  one  of  the  most  extensive 
and  valuable  haciendas  in  the  kingdom  of  Mexico,  it  may  not 
be  uninteresting  to  give  some  account  of  it. 

The  owner  of  this  famous  hacienda  is  a  Creole,  named  Don 
yuan  de  Moncada.     From  the  hacienda  he  takes  the   title  of 
Marques.     Previous  to  the  revolution,  he  was   considered 
among  the  richest  of  the  landed  proprietaries  of  Mexico,  and 
in  the  year   1810  actually  possessed  in  his  own  mansion  six 
millions  of  dollars.     The  rent  he  derived  from  his  estates;  the 
revenues  he  drew  from  cattle,  and  horses,  which  latter  are  the 
finest  in  the  kingdom,  and  from  his  own  culture  of  wheat,  corn, 
and  the  article  oichile^  (capsicum^)  were  immense.  Some  idea 
may  be  formed  of  his  income,  when  we  state  that  he  received 
from  the   cultivation  of  chile  alone,  upwards  of  twenty- five 
thousand  dollars  annually.     The  great  quantities  of  this  pun- 
gent vegetable,  which  is  grown  in  almost  every  part  of  Mexico, 
strikes  a  stranger  with  astonishment.     In  the  districts  where 
the  soil  is  best  adapted  to  its  culture,  we  behold  enormous 
collections  of  it  in  all  the  magazines.     For  all  culinary  pur- 
poses, this  vegetable  is  as  essential  to  the  Mexican,  as  salt  is 
to  the  European,  and  indeed  more  so,  because  a  Mexican 
would  rather  go  without  bread,  than  lack  chile  with  his  meat. 
At  the  table  of  the  rich  and  poor,  it  constitutes  an  article  of 
luxury  as  well  as  necessity.     Both  in  its  green  and  dried  state, 
the  quantity  consumed  is  incredible.     When   mashed,  and 
mixed  with  a  little  water,  it  is  the  universal  sauce  or  season- 
ing on  the  tables  of  the  great ;  whilst  with  the  poor,  it  forms  a 
component  part  of  their  diet.     More  than  one  third  of  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  151 

Mexican  population,  live  throughout  the  year  on  tortillas  and 
chile ;  which  last  is  spread  on  their  tortillas,  as  butter  is  with 
us,  though  much  thicker.  On  days  of  festivity,  these  poor  peo- 
ple have  an  occasional  change  of  diet,  by  the  addition  of  a  few 
eggs,  or  a  little  broth,  (caldo,)  but  they  never  relinquish  the  use 
of  their  favourite  chile.  A  stranger,  in  passing  through  the 
country,  has  great  difficulty  for  the  first  few  months  to  bear 
with  the  food  prepared  with  chile,  but  after  his  palate  becomes 
accustomed  to  its  stimulus,  it  ceases  to  excoriate,  and  he  gen- 
erally gets  as  fond  of  it  as  the  Indians  and  Creoles. 

On  the  vast  estates  of  the  marques  of  Jaral,  extending  to 
above  two  hundred  miles  in  lengthy  the  miserable  labourers 
exist,  as  is  customary  throughout  Mexico,  almost  entirely  on 
tortillas  and  chile.  No  part  of  the  earth  exhibits  such  striking, 
and  such  monstrous  contrasts  of  wealth  and  misery,  as  well  in 
the  country  as  in  the  cities,  as  Mexico.  We  behold  the  pro- 
prietor of  a  hacienda,  decked  in  a  style  of  the  most  costly, 
but  awkward  grandeur.  He  has  on  a  pair  of  country  made 
boots,  which  cost  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  dollars ;  large  spurs 
inlaid  with  gold  and  silver;  a  superb  horse,  with  a  bridle  and 
saddle  which  cost  from  a  hundred  aiid  fifty  to  three  hundred 
dollars ;  a  cloak  or  mangas  richly  embroidered,  and  full  of 
gold  or  silver  buttons,  laces,  and  fringe.  He  lives  in  a  spa- 
cious house,  within  whose  walls  every  luxury  is  to  be  found 
that  the  country  affords ;  but  when  he  sallies  forth,  he  is  lost 
amidst  a  group  of  half  naked,  badly  fed  wretches,  whose  only 
dress  is  sheep  skins  if  in  the  country,  and  in  a  town  their 
shoulders  are  covered  by  an  old  blanket  or  a  sheet,  serving 
them  for  a  partial  covering  by  day,  and  a  bed  at  night.  No 
species  of  attention  is  ever  paid  by  the  lord  of  the  soil,  to  the 
comfort  or  wants  of  his  tenants  or  vassals,  and  a  more  wretch- 
ed race  of  cultivators  does  not  exist  under  the  canopv  of  hea- 
ven, than  the  Indian  labourers  on  these  estates,  and  in  the 
mining  districts.  Twenty-five  cents,  or  two  reals,  is  the  daily 
pittance  of  a  labourer ;  out  of  this,  he  has  to  clothe  and  feed 
himself  and  family,  and  has  to  pay  the  government  and  paro- 
chial extortions.     No  wonder,  therefore,  that  he  rarely  tastes 


V 


152  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

meat.  In  fact,  the  situation  of  a  Georgia  field  negro  is  supe= 
rior,  notwithstanding  all  the  royal  writers  say  to  the  contrary. 

In  the  cities,  the  poorer  classes  are  still  more  wretched  and 
numerous,  than  in  the  country.  In  some  places,  they  are  call- 
ed Guach'inangos^  in  others,  Zaragates^  Leperos^  and  Pelodos. 
In  the  city  of  Mexico,  that  class  of  miserable  beings  is  com- 
puted at  thirty  thousand^  or  about  one  fourth  of  the  popula- 
tion. Some  of  them  display  great  ingenuity,  and  evince  what 
might  be  made  of  them  if  placed  under  other  circumstances. 
They  work  beautifully  in  wax,  gold  and  silver  ornaments,  in 
painting  and  sculpture,  and  in  making  boxes  of  beads  :  they 
know  not  the  value  of  their  labours.  We  have  seen  them, 
when  impelled  by  hunger,  or  anxious  to  obtain  a  little  money 
to  spend  ox\  days  of  festivit}',  part  with  pieces  of  exquisite 
workmanship,  on  which  they  had  expended  weeks  of  labour, 
for  a  few  reals. 

The  majority  of  these  wretches  live  in  idleness,  and  sup- 
port themselves  by  gaming,  which,  of  course,  brings  in  its  train 
all  the  other  vices.  Nothing  can  more  forcibly  depict,  not 
merely  a  defective  police,  but  the  dreadful  features  of  the  Spa- 
nish government,  than  the  existence  of  so  much  misery  in  a 
country  possessing  the  finest  soil  and  climate  on  earth,  and 
where  the  actual  population  is  not  one  thousandth  part  equal 
to  the  physical  resources  of  this  beautiful  section  of  the  Ame- 
rican continent. 

The  magnificent  edifices  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  the  personal 
splendour  which  surrounds  the  viceroy  and  all  the  officers  of 
government,  the  costly  temples  for  divine  worship,  the  gor- 
geous exhibitions  in  religious  processions,  contrasted  with  the 
gloomy  visages  and  wretched  appearance  of  the  Mexican  poor, 
mark  the  reign  of  extortion,  self-aggrandizement,  superstition 
and  ignorance.  But  let  us  return  to  the  marques  of  Jaral — ^he 
had  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  revolution,  by  a  determin- 
ed opposition  to  the  patriots,  and  by  his  generous  gifts  to  the 
king :  he  had  raised  the  regiment  of  dragoons  which  bears  his 
name,  of  which  he  M^as  appointed  colonel.  The  demands  of 
his  own  party,  and  the  occasional  incursions  of  the  patriots. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  153 

had  seriously  diminished  his  revenue,  but  he  was  still  pos- 
sessed of  several  millions,  and  was  supposed  to  have  a  large 
amount  of  specie,  buried  in  various  places.  This  practice  of 
burying  money  has  become  frequent  since  the  revolution,  as 
well  among  the  patriots  as  royalists,  many  of  them  not  dis- 
closing the  secret  until  at  the  point  of  death.  Large  sums  re- 
main yet  interred,  the  owners  of  which  have  been  unexpect- 
edly cut  off  by  the  contending  parties,  and  rather  than  disclose 
where  it  was  hid,  have  allowed  it  to  be  lost  to  circulation. 
Afraid  to  bury  too  much  money  about  their  edifices,  they  have 
generally  conveyed  their  treasures  to  unfrequented  parts  of 
the  mountains,  so  that  it  rarely  happens  that  they  again  come 
to  light.  Instances,  however,  have  occurred  of  this,  which  is 
not  inaptly  styled  by  the  Americans  "  a  resurrection^ 

The  hacienda  of  Jaral,  as  we  have  before  stated,  was  of 
great  extent :  on  it  was  a  large  mansion  house,  and  several 
valuable  and  handsome  buildings,  combining  in  itself  every 
necessary  accommodation  of  dwelling  houses,  stores,  &c.  &c. 
There  were  likewise  extensive  granaries,  a  neat  church,  and 
some  comfortable  edifices  belonging  to  the  marques's  princi- 
pal dependants,  besides  a  great  number  of  peasants'  houses. 

The  Jaral,  like  all  important  haciendas  belonging  to  the  roy- 
alists, was  fortified  and  garrisoned  at  the  expense  of  the  pro- 
prietor. It  was  walled  in  and  surrounded  by  a  ditch.  As  the 
patriots  in  its  vicinity  had  for  some  time  past  been  diminish- 
ing in  number  and  enterprise,  no  danger  of  an  attack  was  ap- 
prehended, particularly  from  Mina,  whose  distance  the  mar- 
ques considered  in  itself  a  sufficient  protection,  presuming  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  approach  the  hacienda  through 
the  dependants,  which  surrounded  it  for  several  miles,  with- 
out his  receiving  timely  information.  Under  these  impres- 
sions, the  marques  and  his  family  were  living  there,  as  he  sup- 
posed, in  perfect  security.  The  soldiery  who  had  escaped  the 
disaster  of  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos,  were  then  quartered  in  the 
place,  and  with  its  garrison,  the  military  force  of  the  Jaral 
was  upwards  of  three  hundred  men  and  three  pieces  of  artil- 
lery. 

(20) 


154      .  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

In  Mina's  enterprise  against  this  hacienda,  he  exhibited  his 
peculiar  talent  for  guerilla  expeditions.  Although  the  road  lay 
through  the  thickly  settled  domains  of  the  marques,  for  two 
or  three  hours  of  the  second  day's  march  from  the  fort,  yet 
such  was  the  good  management  and  judgment  of  Mina,  that 
his  advance  arrived  within  sight  of  the  hacienda,  before  the 
marques  was  advised  of  his  approach;  and  if  colonel  Noboa, 
who  had  the  command  of  the  advance,  had  strictly  obeyed 
Mina's  orders,  the  marques  and  the  garrison  would  have  been 
taken.  They  how^ever  had  just  time  to  save  themselves  by  a 
precipitate  flight.  The  remains  of  Castaiion's  division  felt  no 
inclination  to  measure  their  strength  again  with  Mina,  con- 
cluding it  safest  to  accompany  the  marques,  with  whom  they 
fled  to  San  Luis  Potosi.  It  was  dark  when  the  division  en- 
tered the  hacienda.  Mina,  who  was  ignorant  of  the  flight  of 
the  enemy,  was  surprised  at  meeting  with  no  resistance,  and 
conceived  it  probable  that  the  enemy  were  in  ambuscade.  Ar- 
riving, however,  at  the  mansion,  he  was  met  by  the  priest  at 
the  porch,  welcoming  his  arrival  at  the  Jaral,  and  informing 
him  of  the  sudden  flight  of  the  marques,  presenting,  at  the 
same  time,  the  respectful  compliments  of  the  latter,  with  a  re- 
quest that  the  general  would  consider  the  hacienda  and  all  it 
contained  at  his  service,  but  that  the  marques  hoped  the  ge- 
neral would  spare  the  buildings, 

Mina  immediately  issued  orders  to  his  troops  to  respect  pri- 
vate property,  and  to  refrain  from  ill-treating  the  inhabitants. 
The  latter  were  likewise  made  acquainted  with  these  orders, 
and  were  requested,  in  case  of  any  violation  of  them,  to  give 
Information  at  head-quarters,  that  the  perpetrators  might  re- 
ceive merited  punishment. 

Early  next  morning,  an  inquiry  was  made  to  ascertain  where 
the  treasures  were  buried.  One  of  the  marques's  servants 
gave  information,  that  a  quantity  of  specie  was  concealed  un- 
der the  pavement  of  a  small  room  adjoining  the  kitchen.  Af- 
ter digging  a  considerable  depth,  a  shovel  of  earth,  mixed  with 
loose  dollars,  was  thrown  up.  The  excavation  was  continued 
about  three  hours,  during  which  time  the  general  distributed 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  155 

some  dollars  among  the  troops,  who,  on  hearing  the  news,  had 
flocked  to  the  premises  to  witness  so  novel  a  sight. 

In  the  room  where  the  excavation  was  going  on,  Don  Pe- 
dro Moreno,  Don  Encarnacion  Ortiz,  three  of  Mina's  staff, 
and  the  labourers,  were  the  only  persons  admitted,  sentinels 
being  placed  at  the  door  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  others. 
After  the  operation  was  ended,  an  estimate  was  made  by  the 
treasurer  of  the  amount,  at  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
dollars.  It  was  said  that  Don  Pedro,  and  some  other  of  the 
chiefs,  had  privately  pocketed  some  doubloons^  which  it  is 
highly  probable  might  have  been  the  fact ;  these  were,  of 
course,  not  included  in  the  estimate. 

At  an  angle  of  the  marques's  mansion  was  a  store,  stocked 
with  articles  for  the  use  of  the  hacienda.  In  the  front  it  con- 
tained dry  goods,  of  British  and  native  manufacture,  and  in 
the  rear  was  a  magazine  of  sugar,  cocoa,  brandies,  and  other 
articles.  As  the  dry  goods  were  essentially  necessary  for  the 
troops,  they  were  distributed ;  but  so  small  was  the  quantity, 
that  the  shai'e,  to  those  who  obtained  any,  was  trifling,  and 
many  did  not  receive  any  thing.  The  brandies  were  particu- 
larly withheld,  and  not  an  article  in  the  back  store  was  moved 
from  its  place.  The  dry  goods,  the  specie,  and  a  few  horses 
and  oxen,  were  all  that  were  taken.  The  money  was  put  into 
wagons,  and  the  same  evening  the  division  took  up  the  line  of 
march  on  its  return. 

During  the  day,  a  deserter  came  in  from  San  Luis  Potosi, 
and  reported,  that  the  marques  on  his  arrival  there,  not  con- 
sidering himself  in  safety,  had  passed  through  the  city,  and 
that  the  inhabitants  were  anxiously  waiting  for  the  arrival  of 
Mina,  ready  to  receive  him  with  open  arms.  We  cannot 
vouch  for  the  fact,  but,  from  subsequent  information,  we  know 
that  the  people  of  San  Luis  were  at  that  time  ripe  for  a  revolt. 

The  progress  of  the  division  was  so  slow,  owing  to  the  hea- 
vy, clumsy  nature  of  the  wagons,  that  the  next  day  a  number 
of  asses  was  procured  from  San  Felipe  and  its  environs,  and 
after  the  specie  was  removed  to  them,  the  wagons  and  the  ox- 
en, with  the  exception  of  ten,  were  sent  back  to  the  Jaral,  ac- 
companied by  Mina's  best  respects  to  the  marques,  and  that 


156  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  , 

at  some  future  day  he  would  do  himself  the  honour  again  to 
visit  the  hacienda. 

The  next  evening,  Mina  received  intelligence  that  some 
troops  were  in  a  rancho,  three  leagues  distant  from  the  fort, 
where  he  had  intended  to  halt  that  night.  The  troops  in  ques- 
tion were  supposed  to  belong  to  the  enemy.  A  reconnoitring 
party  was  despatched  to  ascertain  the  fact,  but  it  returned  with 
the  information  that  they  were  friends.  Previous  to  reaching 
the  rancho,  it  became  very  dark  and  rainy,  rendering  it  diffi- 
cult to  keep  the  asses  in  droves;  and" on  arriving  at  the  ran- 
cho, two  or  three  of  the  bags  of  specie  were  missing.  It  was 
afterwards  known,  that  some  of  the  guard  who  had  charge  of 
this  treasure,  taking  advantage  of  the  obscurity  of  the  night, 
had  appropriated  a  few  thousand  dollars  to  their  own  use. 

At  the  rancho,  the  general  met  colonel  Don  Miguel  Borja, 
the  commandant  of  the  district  of  the  hacienda  de  Burras,  who 
informed  him  that  his  excellency  general  Torres,  with  doctor 
Don  Jose  San  Martin,  and  other  distinguished  patriots,  were 
then  at  Sombrero,  where  they  had  come  to  pay  their  respects 
to  and  congratulate  the  general.  Mina  accordingly  set  off  early 
next  morning,  to  meet  these  republican  chiefs,  and  the  divi- 
sion, with  its  prize,  entered  the  fort  in  the  course  of  the  fore- 
noon, under  a  salute  of  artillery,  whose  unwelcome  echoes 
again  announced  to  the  vassals  of  Ferdinand  VII.  in  Leon, 
some  reverse  of  their  arms. 

The  money  was  now  counted  into  the  military  chest,  and 
proved  to  be  one  hundred  and  seven  thousand  dollars,  in  place 
of  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  at  which  it  had  been  pre- 
viously estimated. 

The  Spanish  government  has  stated,  (no  doubt  according  to 
the  representations  of  the  marques,)  that  the  property  of  which 
the  Jaral  was  robbed,  amounted  to  three  hundred  and  six  thou- 
sand four  hundred  dollars,  viz. — 

In  milled  money, g  150,000 

Provincial  money,        -     -     -  33,300 

Bars  of  silver  and  clothes,     -  86,000 

Goods  taken  out  of  the  stores,  30,000 

Carried  forward, g  299,500 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  157 

Brought  forward,  S  299,300 

In  Indian  corn,       -     -     .     .     _     g       5,000 
150  oxen,  at  S  14  per  head,  2,100 


7,100 


IS  306,400 


It  is  possible  that  the  marques  may  have  lost  property  to 
that  amount,  but  we  positively  assert  that  no  such  value  w^as 
captured,  and  that  two  of  the  items  therein  stated,  are  alto- 
gether false.  If  the  marques  has  really  made  such  a  state- 
ment to  his  government,  he  has  not  only  violated  veracity,  but 
acted  most  ungenerously  towards  Mina.  Supposing  Don 
Pedro  Moreno,  or  any  other  of  the  patriot  chiefs,  had  entered 
the  Jaral  as  victors,  what  would  have  been  the  consequen- 
ces, according  to  the  uniform  practice  of  the  patriots  and  roy- 
alists on  such  occasions  ?  We  ask  the  marques,  would  pri- 
vate property  have  been  respected  ;  or  the  disorders  of  the 
soldiers  restrained  ?  Would  they  not  have  sacked  the  haci- 
enda, as  well  as  the  mansion  and  dwellings  of  the  dependants  ? 
Would  not  the  stores  and  granaries  have  been  emptied,  and  all 
the  cattle  within  their  reach  have  been  driven  off?  And  after 
committing  those  acts,  would  they  not  have  closed  the  scene, 
by  wrapping  in  flames  the  hacienda,  and  all  that  could  not  be 
carried  off?  And  is  it  not  likewise  probable,  that  even  some  of 
the  dependants  of  the  marques  would  have  lost  their  lives  ? 

To  the  honour  of  Mina,  we  once  more  repeat,  that  he  was 
averse  to  all  scenes  of  rapine  or  cruelty.  Mercy  marked  every 
step  of  his  progress,  and  he  invariably  treated  an  illiberal  ene- 
my with  a  generosity  they  little  deserved,  and  never  in  any 
one  instance  did  he  distress  or  maltreat  the  victims  that  fell 
into  his  power. 

We  admit  the  possibilitij  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars  being  the  amount  of  the  specie,  but  as  before  stated, 
there  was  only  one  hundred  and  seven  thousand  dollars  re- 
ceived into  the  chest;  the  amount  distributed  among  the  troops, 
and  what  was  stolen  by  the  guard,  with  the  doubloons  taken 


{ 


158  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

by  the  patriot  chiefs,  may  have  amounted  to  forty -three  thou- 
sand dolhirs ;  but  we  consider  it  doubtful. 

The  item  of  provincial  money  in  his  account,  is  not  correct, 
nor  was  a  single  bar  of  silver  taken.  We  know  from  the  im- 
pression of  the  money,  that  it  had  been  buried  since  1810  or 
1811;  atime  when  provincial  money  was  unknown.  The  charge 
of  taking  clothes  is  likewise  totally  false  ;  the  troops  having 
been  forbid  to  enter  the  house,  could  have  had  no  chance  to 
pilfer.  The  head-quarters  were  in  the  mansion  of  the  mar- 
ques, to  which  only  the  staff  and  superior  officers  had  access. 
The  table  was  served  in  plate  belonging  to  the  marques,  the 
value  of  which  was  very  considerable,  and  yet  the  whole  of 
it  was  respected.  Is  any  thing  more  unlikely  then,  than  that 
clothes  should  be  taken  in  preference  to  plate  ?  The  fact  is,  not 
an  article  of  the  marques's  wardrobe  was  touched,  except  a 
richly  embroidered  pair  of  country  boots,  which,  with  a  saddle, 
were  presented  to  Ortiz.  A  gold  mounted  sword  and  a 
chacot  were  likewise  given  to  an  officer. 

The  whole  of  the  dry  goods  in  the  store,  might  possibly 
be  valued  at  thirty  thousand  dollars  ;  but  the  portion  distri- 
buted among  the  troops,  did  not  amount  to  a  third  of  that  sum. 

Neither  sugar,  cocoa,  nor  any  article  in  the  back  store,  was 
touched,  except  a  small  fifteen  gallon  cask  of  tolerably  good 
sherry  wine,  which  was  drank  among  some  of  the  officers  in 
toasting  the  health  of  the  marques,  and  success  to  the  cause 
of  Mexican  independence. 

The  item  of  five  thousand  dollars  for  corn,  is  another  pal- 
pable misstatement.  The  consumption  in  two  days  would  not 
have  reached  the  value  of  one  hundred  dollars,  and  there  was 
not  a  single  fanega  taken  off.  As  to  the  charge  for  oxen,  it  is 
likewise  ridiculous,  for  as  we  have  before  observed,  there 
were  only  ten  taken  away. 

We  conceive  it  more  than  probable,  that  the  dependants  of 
the  marques,  taking  advantage  of  circumstances,  may  have 
robbed  their  master,  conceiving  that  every  thing  missing  in 
the  hacienda,  would  be  laid  to  the  incursion  of  Mina,  but  we 
considered  it  due  to  the  reputation  of  the  general  to  be  thus 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  159 

particular,  in  repelling  the  insidious  and  false  attacks  on  his 
character,  made  in  the  Gazette  of  Mexico,  relating  to  the 
affair  of  the  Jaral. 

The  exaggerations  and  falsehoods  which  have  been  publish- 
ed in  that  famous  Gazette,  have  constituted  one  of  the  main 
springs  in  the  machinery  of  the  government,  and  with  great 
propriety  may  they  exult  in  having  the  absolute  control  of  the 
press,  for  to  that  circumstance  more  than  any  other  cause  may 
be  attributed  the  success  of  the  royalists,  arising  from  the 
ignorance  of  the  patriots,  or  rather  the  false  statements  that 
were  spread  among  them  by  the  royalist  Gazette,  from  the 
commencement  of  the  revolution  down  to  the  present  day. 

The  interview  at  Sombrero,  between  the  general  and  the 
republican  chiefs,  before  named,  appeared  to  bear  the  features 
of  sincerity.  We  have  no  doubt,  with  the  exception  of  Padre 
Torres,  every  other  individual  among  Mina's  visiters,  was 
not  only  sincerely  disposed  to  co-operate  with  him,  but  that 
their  professions  of  attachment  to  him,  and  gratitude  for  the 
important  services  he  had  rendered  the  cause  of  independence, 
really  sprung  from  their  hearts. 

Mina's  victories,  his  enterprise,  his  pleasing  address,  his 
renown,  and  fast-spreading  popularity,  were  all  calculated  to 
awaken  the  diabolical  passions,  which  ruled  the  breast  of  the 
envious  Torres.  He  viewed  the  hero  of  Navarre  as  an  un- 
welcome intruder,  that  would  soon  destroy  the  ephemeral  au- 
thority he  then  exercised.  He  saw  in  Mina  an  energy  of 
character,  and  a  superiority  of  talent,  that  would  soon  raise 
him  to  an  exalted  rank  among  the  Mexicans,  and  that  he  him- 
self would  speedily  be  supplanted  in  the  seat  of  power.  These 
anticipations,  blended  with  innate  depravity,  made  him  view 
the  noble-minded  Mina  with  a  rancorous  eye,  and  he  no  doubt 
at  once  secretly  resolved  to  destroy  him ;  indeed,  he  had 
scarcely  sufficient  art  or  prudence  to  conceal  the  envy  rankling 
in  his  bosom. 

The  Padre  said,  that  in  consideration  of  the  military  talents 
and  fame  of  Mina,  he  had  no  objections  to  place  himself  un- 
der his  orders,  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  begged  him  to  re- 
member, that  it  was  an  act  of  condescension,  because  he  fthe 


160  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Padre)  was  his  superior  in  rank  ,•  when,  however,  the  inter- 
ests of  the  republic  required  it,  he  was  proud  of  having  an 
opportunity  to  show  his  devotion  to  the  public  good,  by  act- 
ing under  so  experienced  a  military  chief.  The  manner  in 
which  these  sentiments  were  delivered,  did  not  escape  the 
penetration  of  colonel  Young,  who  was  present,  and  who  had 
attentively  examined  the  countenance  of  the  Padre  during  the 
whole  interview. 

Mina  stated,  to  the  leading  republican  chiefs,  his  perfect 
obedience  and  devotion  to  their  government,  and  with  his 
characteristic  frankness  laid  open  to  them  his  motives  for 
having  espoused  the  cause  of  American  emancipation.  He 
stated  his  firm  resolution  to  perish  or  succeed  in  it ;  he  un- 
folded all  his  plans;  placed  before  their  eyes  their  situation'; 
his  views  of  the  method  to  be  pursued  in  the  future  warfare; 
and  he  endeavoured  to  convince  them  of  the  support  which 
would  be  cheerfully  afforded  to  the  cause  by  his  external 
friends ;  he  pointed  out  to  them  the  cardinal  value  of  a  warm 
co-operation,  and  conjured  them  as  men  and  as  Mexicans, 
assertors  of  their  country's  liberty,  to  unite  with  him  in 
heart  and  hand  against  the  common  enemy  of  their  land.  He 
expressed  his  firm  conviction,  that  with  proper  exertions  with- 
in, and  the  support  which  would,  in  that  case,  be  rendered 
from  abroad,  the  cause  of  liberty  could  not  fail  of  being 
crowned  with  success. 

Never  did  the  character  of  Mina  appear  to  higher  advan- 
tage, than  when  uttering  these  pure  and  patriotic  sentiments. 
The  chiefs  of  the  republic,  as  well  as  his  own  officers,  who 
were  present,  listened  to  him  with  admiration,  and  every  heart 
seemed  to  respond  with  gratitude  to  the  hero.  Even  Padre 
Torres,  at  the  time,  seemed  anxious  to  convince  Mina  of  his 
cordial  and  sincere  friendship.  Taking  him  by  the  hand, 
he  exclaimed,  "  I  have  six  thousand  men  to  place  under  your 
orders."  "  If  that  is  the  case,"  replied  the  general,  "  then 
will  I  march  direct  upon  the  capital  of  Mexico." 

After  the  interview  was  closed,  and  the  parties  had  separa- 
ted, colonel  Young  observed  to  one  of  his  comrades,  "  I  think 
we  may  rely  on  the  sincerity  of  all  the  patriot  chiefs,  except 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  161 

that  Padre;  him  I  do  not  like;  envy  is  stamped  on  his  counte- 
nance ;  we  must  beware  of  him  ;  he  will  deceive  us  ;  depend 
upon  it,  he  is  inimical  to  our  gallant  chief."  Alas  !  these 
prophetic  hints  were  too  soon  verified  by  the  conduct  of 
Torres. 

The  head-quarters  of  Torres  at  Remedios,  were  in  the  midst 
of  a  country  extremely  productive  of  grain  of  every  descrip- 
tion. The  inhabitants,  almost  without  exception,  were  devoted 
to  the  patriotic  cause,  and  were  ever  ready  and  able  to  furnish 
any  supplies  of  provisions  required  by  Torres. 

The  country  round  the  base  of  Sombrero,  had  been  more  or 
less  laid  waste,  and  was  thinly  cultivated;  and  as  Mina  intend- 
ed to  establish  his  head-quarters  at  this  fort,  until  he  could 
raise  and  equip  a  considerable  body  of  troops,  he  was  of  course 
obliged  to  depend  on  the  good  management  and  promises  of 
Torres,  to  supply  him  with  all  the  necessary  provisions.  But 
in  order  not  to  put  Torres  to  any  inconvenience,  and  to  ob- 
tain supplies  with  celerity,  he  handed  over  to  him  eight  thou- 
sand  dollars^  to  be  appropriated  for  the  immediate  victualling 
of  Sombrero  ;  which  Torres  promised  to  effect  in  a  few  days. 
It  was  now  resolved  among  the  chiefs,  that  the  most  active 
measures  should  be  adopted  to  bring  into  the  field,  with  every 
possible  despatch,  a  well  trained  army.  Torres  assured  Mina 
he  might  rest  perfectly  easy ;  that  it  should  soon  be  accom- 
plished, as  he  could  raise  hosts  of  recruits  from  the  pueblos 
and  ranchos  under  his  command ;  and  he  likewise  further 
stated,  that  himself  and  subalterns  had  a  number  of  stand  of 
muskets  which  they  had  buried. 

To  the  frank  and  unsuspecting  mind  of  Mina,  all  this  looked 
well ;  he  did  not  even  dream  that  this  man  could  deliberately 
resolve  on  deceiving  him,  and  ruining  the  cause  they  had  both 
espoused.  He  flattered  himself,  that  a  more  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  each  other's  views,  would  strengthen  their  friendship; 
and  he  resolved  to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  show  Torres 
the  high  confidence  he  reposed  in  him.  Accordingly,  colonel 
Noboa  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Remedios,  and  there,  under 
the  eye,  and  with  the  co-operation  of  Torres,  to  organize  and 
discipline  the  troops  about  to  be  raised. 
(21) 


162  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

After  a  few  days  had  been  spent  at  Sombrero,  in  forming 
the  future  plan  of  operations,  Torres,  with  his  staff,  the  gov- 
ernors, &c.  accompanied  by  colonel  Noboa  and  the  eight  thou- 
sand dollars,  returned  to  Los  Remedios. 

Mina  opened  a  correspondence  with  the  Spanish  command- 
ant of  the  town  of  Lagos,  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  the  re- 
lease of  lieutenant  Porter,  who  had  (as  we  have  previously 
stated)  been  made  prisoner,  the  night  before  the  junction  with 
the  patriots.  Mina  offered  to  give  in  exchange  for  his  officer, 
any  number  of  the  prisoners  he  then  held.  A  very  polite  letter 
was  received  from  the  commandant,  (whose  name  we  regret 
has  escaped  us,)  in  which  he  expressed  his  grief  at  the  unnatu- 
ral course  of  the  warfare,  and  lamented  his  inability  to  deter- 
mine on  the  exchange  without  consulting  his  superior  officer, 
to  whom  he  had  immediately  transmitted  the  proposal.  A 
few  days  afterwards  a  letter  was  received,  whose  purport  was, 
that  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  province  (we  presume 
Don  Jose  de  la  Cruz)  had  not  only  refused  to  liberate  Mina's 
officer  on  any  conditions,  but  expressly  prohibited  the  com- 
mandant of  Lagos  from  holding  any  communication  whatever 
with  a  rebel.  Thus  was  Mina's  efforts  to  save  his  officer  ren- 
dered abortive,  and  the  Spanish  government,  rather  than  deli- 
ver up  one  man,  conformably  to  the  usages  of  civilized  warfare 
and  the  principles  of  humanity,  preferred  risking  the  sacrifice 
of  two  hundred  Spanish  priso?iers,  then  in  Mina's  hands,  and 
which  they  had  strong  reasons  to  suppose  would  be  shot. 
When  the  Spanish  prisoners  were  informed  of  the  cruel  and 
impolitic  answer  of  the  commandant  general,  they  uttered  exe- 
crations against  him,  as  well  as  their  barbarous  government. 
If  these  prisoners  had  been  in  the  power  of  Padre  Torres,  he 
would  without  hesitation  have  shot  the  whole  of  them  ;  and 
those  that  are  now  living,  must  acknowledge  that  they  owe 
their  existence  entirely  to  the  generosity  of  Mina. 

We  have  since  understood  that  lieutenant  Porter  was  sent 
to  San  Bias,  from  whence  he  was  deported  to  a  presidio  at 
Manilla,  there  to  labour  on  the  fortifications,  or  perhaps  to 
perish  in  the  dungeons  of  the  fortress — the  usual  fate  of  those 
sent  to  that  place. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  163 

The  conduct  of  Mina  towards  his  prisoners  exhibits  traits 
of  policy  and  humanity,  which  merit  particular  notice.    Those 
that  were  taken  in  the  affair  of  San    Juan  de  los  Llanos^  had 
been  treated  with  every~pBSBit7ie  kindness,  and  the  wounded 
among  them  met  with  the  unremitted  exertions  of  the  sur- 
geons.    This  conduct  of  the  general  was  totally  unexpected 
on  the  part  of  the  royalist  troops,  and  filled  them  equally  with 
astonishment  and  gratitude.     The   simple  act  of  having  re- 
moved some  of  the  wounded  from  the  field  of  Peotillos,  pro- 
duced most  important  results  among  the  royalists  in  favour  of 
Mina,  particularly  among  the  European  troops  ;  his  praise 
resounded  through  their  ranks,  and  they  now  saw,  that  while 
opposing,  Mina,  they  were  not  combating  for  life,  as    had 
hitherto  been  the  case ;  and  if  the  fortune  of  war  should  throw 
them  into  his  hands,  they  would  be  treated  as   men   and  as 
soldiers.  We  subsequently  learned  from  several  deserters,  that 
the  royalist  troops  made  Mina  frequently  the  theme  of  their 
conversation,  and  many  of  them  had  determined,  that  when 
they  should  again  come  in  contact  with  his  division,  they  would 
only  make  a  show  of  fighting,  and  seize  the  first  occasion  to  join 
his  standard.     The  prisoners   taken  at  the  affair  of  San  Juan 
de  los  Llanos  had   frequently   expressed  a  desire   to   be   em- 
bodied in  Mina's  division.     He  was  now  anxious  to  augment 
his  strength  by  every  possible  means,  and  as  the  money  taken 
at  the  Jaral  gave  him  the  means  of  equipment,  he  addressed 
the  prisoners  in  an  appropriate  manner,  offering  to  receive  all 
who  would  voluntarily  enrol  themselves  under  his  banners ;  at 
the  same  time,  generously  declaring,  that  all  who  did  not  feel 
perfectly  disposed  to  do  their  duty  as  soldiers  of  the  republic, 
should  be  furnished  with  passports  to  return  to  their  homes, 
and  have  money  to  pay  their  expenses.     With  a  burst  of  joy 
and  gratitude  they  accepted  Mina's  offer,  and  with  the  excep- 
tion of  four  or  five  persons,  all  the  rest  agreed  to  join  him,  and 
accordingly  were  sworn   in,  and  enrolled  with  the  first  I'egi- 
ment.    These  were  an  acquisition  of  high  importance:  recruits 
al^o  were  flocking  to  Sombrero  from  various  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, so  that  Mina  now  saw  a  prospect  opening  of  soon  being 


164  ,   MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

enaljled  to  raise  a  fine  regiment  of  infantry,  provided  the  ene- 
my would  only  continue  inactive  for  a  few  weeks  longer. 

Some  of  the  most  experienced  officers  of  the  Guard  of 
Honour  were  transferred  to  the  first  regiment,  and  colonel 
Young  received  the  appointment  of  inspector  general  of  the  pro- 
vince. The  administration  of  the  division  was  new  modelled 
and  established;  a  proportion  of  pay  was  given  to  the  troops; 
satisfaction  reigned  among  them;  every  hour  augmented  their 
confidence  towards  their  brave  chief;  and  every  thing  was  con- 
ducted with  order  and  alacrity.  Agents  were  despatched,  with 
ample  funds,  to  Queretaro,  to  Mexico,  and  to  many  of  the  ma- 
nufacturing towns,  to  purchase  cloths,  linens,  and  necessaries 
for  the  soldiers  and  officers.  In  the  Villa  de  Leon,  contracts 
w^ere  made  with  the  royalists  to  supply  shoes  and  hats ;  an 
arsenal  was  erected  in  the  fort.  The  taylors  of  the  division, 
and  many  of  the  natives,  were  employed  in  making  uniforms ; 
an  armoury,  under  the  direction  of  an  officer  of  the  Guard  of 
Honour,  was  established,  and  in  fact,  such  dispositions  were 
made  as  denoted  not  merely  the  talent  and  foresight  of  the 
general,  but  the  zeal  and  good  conduct  of  his  officers  and 
soldiers. 

From  the  Villa  de  Leon  and  the  country  adjacent,  every 
article  of  comfort,  and  even  of  luxury  was  supplied,  and  as  the 
division  was  flush  with  cash,  they  soon  had  a  market  in  the 
fort,  equal,  perhaps  superior  to  that  of  any  of  the  royal  towns 
in  the  plains. 

On  the  summit  of  a  barren  rock,  and  in  the  zenith  of  enjoy- 
ment, the  troops  were  indulging  in  visions  of  future  glory. 
Their  past  exertions  and  successes  operated  as  a  stimulus  to 
gather  fresh  laurels,  and  they  looked  forward  with  anxiety  to 
the  day,  when  the  preparations  they  were  making  would  allow 
them  to  commence  their  march  for  the  Mexican  capital. 

The  general  satisfaction  that  pervaded  Mina's  officers  and 
soldiers,  was  interrupted  by  the  meanness  and  avarice  of  Don 
Pedro  Moreno,  commandant  of  the  fort.  This  unprincipled 
individual  bent  all  his  thoughts  and  actions  to  the  amassing  of 
monev. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  165 

A  great  proportion  of  the  prize  money  taken  at  Pinos,  was 
in  the  provincial  coin  of  Zacatecas  ;  which  had  been  made  in 
that  city  for  circulation,  when  the  communication  was  cut  off 
between  the  northern  and  southern  provinces.     The  metal  was 
particularlv  pure,  but  since  the  communication  had  been  open- 
ed, as  the  coin  was  badly  stamped,  it  would  only  pass  in  the 
large  cities,  where  its  real  value  was  known.     This  provincial 
money  was  a  speculation  too  alluring  to  escape  the  notice  of 
the  avaricious  Don  Pedro,  whose  principal  aim,  like  that  of 
almost  every  patriot  chief  under  the  command  of  Torres,  was  , 
to  get  money,  no  matter  by  what  means. 

He  accordingly  published  a  proclamation,  declaring  that 
Zacatecas  dollars  should  only  be  current  at  four  reals  (fifty 
cents.)  This  affected,  in  a  most  tender  point,  those  soldiers 
who  held  that  kind  of  prize  money.  It  was  soon  discovered 
that  Don  Pedro,  who  had  the  greatest  capital  in  the  fort,  pur- 
chased them  in  at  the  depreciation  before  mentioned,  and  sent 
them  to  Leon  or  Lagos,  where  he  received  full  value  for  them  ; 
thus  making  fifty  per  cent  out  of  the  soldiers.  It  was  like- 
wise ascertained,  that  the  Don  and  his  officers,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  ignorance  of  the  customs  and  language  of  their 
auxiliaries,  monopolized  in  the  market  many  essential  articles, 
and  resold  them  to  the  troops  at  double  what  they  had  cost. 

This  disgraceful  business  was  communicated  to  Mina,  but 
as  he  did  not  wish  to  interfere  with  the  local  regulations  of 
the  fort,  of  which  Moreno  was  the  commandant,  and  as  he 
did  not  think  it  a  proper  time  to  enter  into  a  dispute  with  him, 
he  appeared  to  take  little  notice  of  the  transaction. 

It  will  no  doubt  appear  strange  to  the  reader,  that  the  pa- 
triots could  procure  from  the  royal  towns  supplies  with  such 
facility,  but  it  is  explained  as  follows. 
A  The  royalists,  as  well  as  the  patriots,  were  alive  to  self-in- 
terest ;  the  former  knew,  that  unless  they  kept  open  a  traffic 
with  the  latter,  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  would  be  exposed 
to  perish  by  famine.  The  patriots  held  under  control  the 
peasantry  and  their  productions ;  they  constantly  hovered 
round  the  towns  ;  scoured,  in  small  parties,  every  foot-path 
and  by-road ;  and  were  continually  on  the  alert.     The  enemy 


166  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

could  only  sally  out  in  strong  divisions  ;  they  were  afraid  to 
separate  in  pursuit  of  the  insurgents ;  while  the  latter,  on  the 
approach  of  a  division,  retired  from  the  high  roads  a  short 
distance,  and  as  soon  as  the  royalists  were  out  of  sight,  or  re- 
turned within  the  walls  of  the  towns,  again  came  down  to 
their  work  of  annoyance.  By  following  this  species  of  war- 
fare, they  prevented  any  thing  from  entering  a  royalist  town, 
except  by  a  passport.  The  patriot  and  royalist  commanders 
found  it  to  their  interests  to  grant  these  passports.  The  lat- 
ter, by  this  means,  received  provisions  ;  the  former,  luxuries. 
A  reciprocal  traffic  was  thus  established;  both  parties  charging 
heavy  duties  on  what  went  into,  as  well  as  what  came  out  of 
the  towns.  The  advantages,  however,  which  accrued  to  the 
royalists  by  this  commerce,  were  far  greater  than  to  the  oppo- 
site party.  The  royalists,  by  receiving  provisions,  were 
enabled  to  maintain  their  positions,  which  was  the  primary 
point.  Their  commerce  prospered.  It  augmented,  though 
in  a  small  ratio,  the  revenue.  They  drew  from  the  patriots 
their  specie;  and  in  short,  it  tended  to  demoralize  the  patriots, 
and  materially  to  accelerate  their  subjugation.  The  patriots, 
on  the  other  hand,  received  some  dry  goods  and  luxuries 
which  were  by  no  means  essential;  and  the  revenue  derived 
from  this  impolitic  traffic,  in  the  latter  stages  of  the  revolution, 
instead  of  being  applied  to  the  good  of  their  country,  flowed 
into  the  pockets  of  the  commandants  and  their  satellites. 

Frequently  the  patriots  had  it  in  their  power  to  literally 
starve  out  the  royalists.  Some  patriotic  commanders  occasion- 
ally determined  on  this  plan,  but  their  effiartS'were  unavailing, 
for  want  of  union  among  the  other  commanders ;  for,  while  ' 
one  was  prohibiting  provisions  from  entering  a  royal  town, 
another  was  granting  passports  for  their  entrance  into  some 
other  place. 

The  city  of  Valladolid  was  at  one  time,  during  the  revolu- 
tion, reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  the  patriots  having  pro- 
hibited all  supplies  from  going  into  the  city.  Even  the  arti- 
cle of  charcoal  had  become  so  scarce,  that  females  of  fortune 
used  to  ride  in  their  coaches  to  the  environs  of  Valladolid,  for 
the  purpose  of  meeting  such  daring  fellows  as  had  the  good 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  167 

fortune  to  escape  the  vigilance  of  the  patriots,  and  to  bring  in 
a  few  bushels  of  charcoal.  Disputes  would  arise  about  the 
distribution  of  the  article,  and  when  a  person  obtained  half  a 
bushel,  by  entreaty  or  purchase,  it  was  considered  a  great  piece 
of  good  fortune.  The  republican  commander  of  the  district 
at  last,  however,  wanted  money,  and  obtained  it  by  granting 
licenses.  The  city  was  supplied  with  provisions,  and  relieved 
from  distress. 

In  latter  days,  this  kind  of  trade  between  the  contending  par- 
ties became  so  general  and  systematic,  that  there  was  scarcely  a 
royal  or  patriot  chief,  who  did  not  amass  more  or  less  wealth 
from  these  licenses.  This  is  the  only  mild  trait  that  has  been 
discernible  in  the  course  of  the  revolution  ;  but  as  it  springs 
from  the  detestable  principle  of  avarice,  it  must  not  be  consi- 
dered as  a  social  intercourse,  for  the  very  same  people,  who 
thus  reciprocally  trafficked,  were  at  the  same  time  shooting 
their  respective  prisoners  in  cold  blood,  and  committing  to- 
wards each  other  the  most  savage  cruelties. 

General  Teran,  whom  we  have  before  noticed  for  his  extra- 
ordinary talents,  had,  in  the  year  1816,  proposed  a  plan  to 
Victoria  and  Osourno,  for  getting  possession  of  the  city  of 
Vera  Cruz,  by  marching  with  their  joint  forces,  and  taking  up 
such  positions  as  would  have  effectually  cut  off  supplies  from 
entering  into  that  city.  He  knew  that  such  was  the  improvi- 
dence of  the  Spanish  government,  that  they  had  no  stores  of 
provisions  in  reserve  in  that  city,  and  that  a  vast  population 
depended  for  its  daily  subsistence  on  an  intercourse  with  the 
country  ;  of  course,  if  the  latter  had  been  suddenly  cut  off,  the 
surrender  of  the  city  was  inevitable,  because  they  could  not 
obtain  external  succours  by  water,  in  time  to  have  remedied 
the  evil. 

We  have  been  informed,  by  intelligent  royalists  of  that  city, 
and  from  our  personal  knowledge  of  its  dependent  condition 
on  the  score  of  provisions,  we  know  it  to  be  a  fact,  that  if  Te- 
ran's  plans  had  been  pursued,  the  place  would  have  surren- 
dered in  fifteen  or  twenty  days,  more  especially  as  at  that 
time  the  great  body  of  the  inhabitants  (European  Spaniards 
and  officers  of  government  excepted)  were  ripe  for  a  revolt, 


168  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  moment  that  a  respectable  division  of  the  patriots  should 
approach.  The  jealousies  of  Victoria  and  Osourno  towards 
Teran,  were  the  sole  cause  why  the  latter  did  not  put  his  plan 
into  execution.  _ 

We  have  been  thus  particular  in  stating  these  facts,  because 
they  serve  to  illustrate  our  former  remark,  that  the  Spanish 
government  owes  its  existence  at  this  day  in  Mexico,  entirely 
to  the  ignorance^  jealousy^  ambition^  and  venality^  of  certain 
chiefs  among  the  patriots,  and  that,  had  their  efforts  been  di- 
rected by  union  and  system,  the  patriots  might,  at  any  one  pe- 
riod for  nearly  seven  years,  have  established  the  liberty  of 
their  country. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  169 


CHAPTER  VII. 

LiteUigeJice  of  the  fall  of  Soto  la  3Iarina,  received  at  Sombrero 
—Investisse7nent  of  the  fort  by  Arredondo — Operations 
during  the  siege — Desertion  of  La  Sala — His  base  conduct 
— Gallant  defence  of  the  garrison — Its  capitulation— -The 
terms — Their  violation — Cruel  treatment  experienced  by  the 
captives^  in  Altamira^  on  the  road  to  Vera  Cruz^  and  in  the 
dungeo7is  of  San  fuan  de  Ulua — Departure  of  some  of  the 
captives  for  Spain — Order  of  the  minister  of  war  at  Ma- 
drid— Strictures  on  the  violation  of  the  capitulation^  and  on 
the  decree  of  the  Cortes^  of  the  10th  of  April^  1813 — Viola- 
tion of  Mirando^s  capitidation  at  Caracas — The  conse- 
quences  thereof — Cruelty  6f  the  Spaniards  in  Puerto  Ca- 
vello — Dreadful  measures  of  retaliation  adopted  by  general 
Bolivar, 

WHILE  Mina  was  making  his  preparations  at  Sombrero, 
he  received  the  Gazette  of  Mexico,  in  which  was  announced 
the  fall  of  the  little  fort  at  Soto  la  Marina.  This  was  indeed 
painful  intelligence,  not  only  on  account  of  the  loss  of  some 
valuable  officers,  men,  arms,  and  munitions  of  war,  but  because 
it  cut  him  off  from  an  external  communication,  so  essential  to 
the  success  of  his  operations. 

The  official  accounts  published  in  the  Gazette,  contained  no 
more  information  on  the  subject  than  what  the  royalists  thought 
proper  to  promulgate  ;  and,  as  usual,  it  was  composed  of  hy- 
perbole and  falsehood.  Authentic  information  has  since  been 
obtained,  of  the  circumstances  that  occurred  to  that  garrison, 
subsequently  to  the  departure  of  Mina  for  the  interior. 

It  was  a  singular  coincidence  of  events,  that  on  the  same 
day,  and  nearly  at  the  same  hour,  that  Mina  gained  the  im- 
portant victory  of  Peotillos,  the  garrison  of  Soto  la  Marina 
was  forced  to  capitulate.  The  gallant  defence  which  it  made 
(22) 


170  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

reflects  the  highest  honour  on  its  garrison,  and  shows  that  the 
spirit  of  Mina  had  extended  itself  to  every  individual  of  his 
troops. 

After  Mina's  departure,  great  exertions  had  been  made  to 
discipline  the  recruits,  and  to  get  up  the  stores  from  the  bar 
of  the  river.  Amongst  other  arrangements,  ^  national  guard 
was  formed  of  the  peasantry,  and  the  command  given  to  major 
Castillo.  The  numerical  force,  under  the  orders  of  major 
Sarda,  amounted  only  to  07ie  hundred  and  thirty-five  men. 

On  the  3d  of  June,  a  foraging  party  of  twenty-five  men. 
under  the  command  of  captain  Andreas,  was  despatched  to 
bring  in  a  supply  of  corn.  It  was  returning,  on  the  8th,  with 
twenty-three  mules,  laden  with  provisions,  when  it  encoun- 
tered a  party  of  txvo  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  enemy.  The 
little  band  maintained  an  obstinate  action  for  half  an  hour, 
when  the  whole,  except  three,  were  killed  or  taken  prisoners. 
The  latter  were  all  shot,  except  the  commander,  Andreas, 
whose  life  was  spared,  on  his  promise  of  rendering  them  ser- 
vices. This  loss  was  severely  felt  by  the  commander  of  the 
fort,  major  Sarda,  as  it  reduced  his  force  to  one  hundred  and 
thirteen  men. 

The  major  had  received  information,  on  the  6th,  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  royalists,  and  immediately  ordered  every  person 
to  work  on  the  intrenchments.  The  labour,  under  a  scorching 
sun,  was  severe  and  unremitting;  but  not  a  murmur  was  heard 
from  any  one.  All  were  intent  on  preparing  to  withstand  a 
siege.  Even  the  females  of  the  peasantry  took  an  active  part 
in  the  toil:  they  killed  and  jerked  the  cattle.  The  seamen  were 
strenuous  in  their  exertions  to  remove  the  stores  from  the 
beach.  In  the  meantime,  the  Spanish  naval  squadron,  recently 
strengthened  by  a  brig,  had  twice  appeared  off  the  river,  but 
showed  no  disposition  to  risk  a  landing. 

On  the  11th,  the  royalist  forces  made  their  first  appearance, 
and  occupied  the  I'ancho  of  San  Jose,  about  a  league  distant. 
Major  Sarda  received  information  of  the  exact  force  of  the 
enemy.  They  consisted  of  the  battalion  of  Fernando  7°;  an 
European  regiment  of  infantry,  three  hundred  and  sixty  strong; 


^  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  171 

three  hundred  and  fifty  infantry  of  the  regiment  of  Fixo  de 
Vera  Cruz;  two  hundred  and  eighty  artillerists,  with  nineteen 
pieces  of  artillery;  and  txvelve  hundred  cavalry:  the  whole 
under  the  command  of  general  Arredondo. 

To  oppose  this  formidable  force,  major  Sardi  had  only  one 
hundred  and  thirteen  men;  ninety-three  of  whom  composed  the 
garrison,  the  remaining  twenty  being  occupied  in  attending  to 
the  preservation  of  the  stores.  Colonel  Myers,  of  the  artillery, 
and  commissary  Bianchi,  had  previously  resigned;  and  captain 
Dagasan,  a  French  officer,  was  appointed  to  succeed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  artillery.  On  the  fort  were  mounted  three  field  pie- 
ces, two  howitzers,  one  eleven  and  a  half  inch  mortar,  and  three 
carronades.  The  rear  of  the  fort,  however,  was  open,  as  there 
had  not  been  time  to  throw  up  the  intended  redoubt.  Colonel 
Perry,  whose  conduct  and  fate  we  have  already  narrated, 
had  marched,  it  appears,  to  the  bar,  and  there  supplied  himself 
with  arms  and  ammunition.  Major  SardS^  indulged  a  hope 
that  the  colonel,  after  deliberate  reflection,  would  have  return- 
ed to  his  comrades ;  but  unfortunately  this  expectation  was 
disappointed.  Had  the  fifty-three  Americans,  who  abandoned 
the  cause  with  Perry,  returned  to  the  fort,  it  is  highly  proba- 
ble that  the  enemy  would  have  been  successfully  resisted. 
This  assertion  is  supported,  not  only  by  the  gallantry  dis- 
played by  the  handful  of  men  who  defended  the  fort,  but  by 
the  Avant  of  skill  and  good  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  besiegers. 
On  the  12th,  the  enemy,  from  a  distant  battery  on  the  oppo- 
site bank  of  the  river,  opened  a  fire,  which  they  maintained 
until  the  14th,  without  doing  any  material  iqjury. 

Captain  Andreas,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner,  and  whose 
life  had  been  spared,  as  before  stated,  on  condition  of  servin'g  • 
the  enemy,  accordingly  wrote  to  captain  La  Sakty  the  senior 
officer  of  engineers,  and  to  captain  3Iartenich^  of  the  first  regi- 
ment, inviting  them  to  desert  the  fort,  and  come  over  to  the 
royalists;  and,  on  the  13th,  these  two  officers  actually  passed  ^ 
to  the  enemy.  This  occurrence  not  only  excited  the  indigna- 
tion of,  but  created  much  uneasiness  among,  the  garrison,  as 
La  Sala  was  minutely  acquainted  with  the  situation  ot  the  fort, 
and  might  likewise  give  every  information  necessary  fgr  its 


172  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  • 

reduction.  Major  Sarda,  therefore,  called  a  council  of  war  t 
and,  after  a  short  consultation,  the  officers  crossed  their  swords, 
and  swore  to  defend  the  fort  to  the  uttermost  extremity. 

The  village  of  Soto  la  Marina  had  been  burned,  and  almost 
every  thing  cut  down  that  was  thought  capable  of  affording 
shelter  to  the  enemy;  but  on  the  right  of  the  fort  had  been  left 
a  few  bushes,  under  cover  of  which  was  stationed  a  party  of 
three  hundred  cavalry,  who  attempted  to  drive  away  the  cattle 
that  were  grazing  near  the  fort.  To  dislodge  these,  twenty- 
six  infantry,  with  one  field  piece,  sallied  from  the  fort,  and  in  a 
most  gallant  manner  attacking  the  enemy,  put  them  to  flight. 
This  aflair  animated  the  men,  inspired  them  with  confidence  in 
their  own  valour,  and  filled  them  with  contempt  for  the  enemy. 

The  garrison  continued  to  work  night  and  day  to  complete 
the  fortification,  maintaining,  at  the  same  time,  a  steady  fire, 
whenever  the  enemy  presented  themselves  ;  and,  in  order  not 
to  lose  time,  a  few  were  employed  constantly  in  loading  mus- 
kets, while  the  others  fired.  A  thousand  muskets,  loaded,  and 
with  fixed  bayonets,  were  kept  ready,  in  case  of  an  assault. 

On  the  night  of  the  14th,  by  the  direction  of  the  traitor  La 
Sala,  the  enemy  planted  a  battery  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river,  within  musket-shot;  and,  at  three  A.  M.  of  the  15th, 
they  opened  a  tremendous  fire,  from  twelve  pieces  of  artillery, 
upon  the  rear  of  the  fort.  Soon  after  day-light,  they  brought 
up  seven  pieces  of  artillery  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river ;  and 
thus  the  garrison  was  exposed  to  a  cross  fire,  which  spread 
destruction  at  every  shot. 

Mina  had  taken  La  Sala,  with  two  other  Italians,  out  of  a 
state  of  mendicity,  in  London.  The  wife  and  family  of  one 
of  them  were  brought  to  the  United  States  at  the  expense 
of  the  general,  who,  as  far  as  his  means  permitted,  made 
provision  for  their  support.  This  man  and  a  brother  were 
among  the  deserters  at  Port  au  Prince ;  and,  not  content 
with  that  act  of  ingratitude,  he  had  the  assurance  to  conimence 
a  pi'osecution  for  six  months'  pay.  But  an  order  from  general 
Boyer,  the  now  president  of  the  republic,  prevented  the  court 
from  proceeding  in  so  iniquitous  a  case.  La  Sala  was  then 
indignant  at  the  conduct  of  his  two  friends,  and  expressed  his 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  173 

determination  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  the  general.  This  ap- 
parent fidelity  was  not  lost  on  Mina.  La  Sala  was  promoted 
to  a  captaincy,  and  he  stood  high  in  the  esteem  of  the  general; 
as  a  proof  of  which,  he  was  entrusted  with  the  arduous  and 
honourable  post  of  the  engineer  department  of  Soto  la  Marina. 
Under  such  circumstances,  his  desertion  was  an  act  of  pecu- 
liar baseness;  but  his  advising  the  enemy  where  to  plant  their 
cannon,  so  as  most  effectually  to  destroy  his  former  comrades, 
and,  as  it  appeared,  his  wantonly  directing  their  fire  even  upon 
the  place  in  which  he  knew  the  women  and  children  took  re- 
fuge, are  circumstances  so  monstrous  as  to  outrage  the  best 
feelings  of  human  nature.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  treacherous 
conduct  of  this  faithless  Italian,  the  enemy  would  undoubted- 
ly have  been  baffled  in  their  attempts  on  the  fort. 

The  enemy,  as  soon  as  they  opened  the  battery  on  the  right 
bank,  lined  the  river  with  the  light  infantry  of  the  Fernando 
7°,  by  which  they  succeeded  in  preventing  the  garrison  from 
reaching  the  river.  At  sun-rise,  it  was  perfectly  calm ;  but 
the  heat  became  most  oppressive.  These  circumstances,  com- 
bined with  the  dense  state  of  the  atmosphere,  and  the  unre- 
mitting exertions  of  the  troops,  soon  rendered  their  thirst  in- 
supportable ;  and,  although  the  river  was  within  a  few  paces, 
so  heavy  and  destructive  was  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  that  no 
man,  even  the  boldest,  would  venture  to  allay  his  thirst.  In 
this  situation,  a  Mexican  heroine,  seeing  the  men  fainting  at 
the  guns,  intrepidly  sallied  from  the  fort,  and,  amidst  a  shower 
of  balls,  succeeded,  uninjured,  in  bringing  a  partial  supply  of 
water  to  the  suffering  soldiers. 

At  noon,  the  artillery  of  the  fort  was  either  altogether  dis- 
mounted, or  more  or  less  disabled ;  and  the  grape-shot  was 
nearly  expended.  The  enemy  had  succeeded  in  making  a 
breach  in  the  face  of  the  work.  Their  bugles,  trumpets,  and 
drums,  now  sounded  the  advance  ;  and  their  columns  were 
discovered  moving  up  in  close  order  to  the  assault.  This  was 
the  critical  moment  for  the  little  garrison  to  display  all  their 
energies ;  and  accordingly  they  prepared  with  firmness  to  i-e- 
pulse  the  approaching  storm,  or  to  die  in  the  attempt.  The 
loaded  muskets  were  kept  in  readiness;  and  some  of  the  guns 


174  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

were  temporarily  remounted,  as  was  supposed,  for  the  last 
time  :  these  were  loaded  to  the  muzzles  with  musket  balls, 
the  only  remaining  howitzer  containing  upwards  of  nine  hun- 
dred. The  enemy  now  advanced  briskly,  vociferating  "  Fiva 
cl  Rey  P'*  and,  presenting  a  formidable  front,  seemed  deter- 
mined on  carrying  the  fort.  They  were  suffered  to  approach 
within  a  hundred  paces,  when  the  garrison  greeted  them  with 
shouts  of  "  Viva  la  Libertady  MinaP^  accompanied  by  a  heavy 
discharge  of  musket  balls.  The  enemy,  unable  to  withstand 
so  vigorous  an  attack,  fell  into  confusion,  faced  about,  and  fled 
in  the  utmost  consternation  and  disorder.  They  rallied,  and 
again  advanced  in  columns  of  attack,  driving  before  them 
droves  of  horses,  for  the  double  purpose  of  covering  the  men 
from  the  fire  of  the  garrison,  and  filling  up  the  ditch  with  those 
that  should  be  killed.  The  garrison  retained  their  fire,  as  be- 
fore :  the  enemy  approached  with  the  same  apparent  resolu- 
tion, but  were  again  as  effectually  received,  and  repulsed. 
During  this  assault,  Arredondo  narrowly  escaped  destruction 
from  a  cannon  ball.  Once  more  the  enemy  rallied,  and  made 
a  third  attempt,  which  likewise  terminated  in  a  destructive 
repulse. 

In  this  manner  did  a  mere  handful  of  brave  men,  attacked 
in  front,  rear,  and  on  the  flanks,  resist  an  overwhelming  supe- 
riority of  numbers.  Heroic  as  was  this  defence,  yet  the  gar- 
rison was  too  weak  to  sustain  much  longer  a  contest  so  unequal 
and  unabating,  without  repose  or  refreshment ;  for  incessant 
labour,  and  intolerable  thirst,  had  exhausted  almost  every 
individual.  The  artillery  was  rendered  nearly  useless  ;  most 
of  the  artillerists  were  killed;  and  the  infantry,  by  incessant 
firing,  were  so  bruised,  that  they  could  scarcely  bring  a 
musket  to  the  shoulder.  In  this  deplorable  situation,  the 
recruits  became  alarmed,  and  some  of  them  escaped  from 
the  fort.  The  firing  on  both  sides,  as  if  by  mutual  consent, 
after  the  third  repulse,  had  somewhat  slackened.  The  slaugh- 
ter which  had  been  made  among  the  royal  troops,  taught  them 
the  danger  of  attempting  another  assault  on  a  place  defended 
by  men  who  had  given  such  proofs  of  constancy  and  courage. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  175 

At  half  past  one,  a  flag  of  truce  was  sent  by  Arredondo, 
demanding  the  surrender  of  the  fort  at  discretion.  He  was 
answered  that  such  a  proposal  was  inadmissible ;  and  he  was 
even  recommended  to  make  another  attempt  to  carry  the  place 
by  assault.  Major  Sarda  then  called  together  the  remaining 
recruits,  and  asked  them  if  they  would  share  the  fate  of  the 
foreigners,  who  were  determined  to  die,  rather  than  submit  to 
any  dishonourable  terms  :  "  We  are  ready  to  die  with  you," 
was  the  reply  of  these  high-spirited  peasants.  Another  flag 
now  arrived,  with  the  off'er  that  the  lives  of  the  garrison  should 
be  spared  :  the  former  answer  was  repeated.  A  third  message 
was  received ;  and,  while  the  conference  was  going  on,  the 
stafi'-adjutant  of  Arredondo  came  up,  and  stated,  that  his  gene- 
ral would  sincerely  regret  to  be  obliged  to  sacrifice  men  who 
had  displayed  such  extraordinary  bravery ;  and  that  he  was 
empowered  to  accede  to  the  most  honourable  and  liberal  terms. 
Accordingly,  after  some  consultation,  the  following  articles  of 
capitulation  were  drawn  up,  and  handed  to  the  officer: — 

I.  All  parties  composing  the  garrison  of  the  fort  of  Soto  la 
Marina,  as  well  as  those  that  are  or  may  have  been  at  the  bar 
or  on  the  river,  shall  be  included  in  the  present  capitulation. 
They  shall  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  war,  every  one 
receiving  a  treatment  corresponding  with  his  rank ;  and  the 
officers  shall  be  paroled. 

II.  All  private  property  shall  be  respected. 

III.  The  foreigners  shall  be  sent  to  the  United  States,  by 
the  first  opportunity.  The  natives  of  the  country  shall  be  sent 
to  their  respective  homes,  and  their  past  conduct  shall  remain 
wholly  unnoticed. 

IV.  The  garrison  shall  march  out  with  the  honours  of  war, 
and  stack  their  arms. 

Those  conditions  being  agreed  on,  the  Spanish  officer,  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  garrison,  declared  that  he  was  authoriz- 
ed by  general  Arredondo  to  accede  to  any  terms  he  thought 
proper ;  and  that  therefore  he  solemnly  pledged  his  word  of 
honour,  on  behalf  of  his  commanding  officer,  that  the  condi- 
tions of  capitulation,  thus  placed  in  his  hands,  should  be  scru- 
pulously observed.     Major  Sarda  was  well  aware,  that  the 


176  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

honour  of  a  royalist  officer,  thus  solemnly  pledged,  if  he  were 
an  honourable  person,  was  a  better  security  than  any  written 
document  given  by  a  dishonourable  one ;  because,  if  there 
exist  a  disposition  to  violate  engagements,  thei-e  will  never  be 
wanting  a  pretext  to  destroy  documents ;  whereas,  by  appear- 
ing to  have  confidence  in  their  honour,  he  was  most  likely  to 
ensure  the  faithful  performance  of  the  capitulation.  Under 
these  circumstances,  he  did  not  deem  it  expedient  to  insist 
upon  a  formal  written  capitulation,  with  the  signature  of  gene- 
ral Arredondo. 

These  points  being  fixed,  hostilities  ceased ;  and,  the  same 
afternoon,  the  garrison  marched  out  with  all  the  honours  of 
war.  Thirty-seven  meti  and  queers  were  all  that  remained  of 
the  garrison.  They  grounded  their  arms  before  fifteen  hun- 
dred of  the  enemy.  Those  who  were  at  the  bar,  or  on  the  river» 
also  became  prisoners.  Thus  fell  the  little  mud  fort  of  Soto 
la  Marina^  after  bravely  sustaining  a  spirited  attack  of  eleven 
hours.  If  such  a  defence  had  been  made  in  Europe,  in  India, 
or  any  other  part  of  the  civilized  world,  it  Avould  have  occu- 
pied no  ordinary  rank  in  the  gazettes  and  military  annals  of 
the  present  age ;  and  at  least  the  commander  of  the  fort  and 
his  brave  associates  would  have  been  respected  in  their  per- 
sons, and  not  have  experienced  a  base  and  cruel  violation  of 
the  terms  of  surrender. 

When  general  Arredondo  saw  the  little  band  march  out  of 
the  fort  and  ground  their  arms,  he  approached  their  command- 
er, and  petulantly  asked,  "  Are  these  the  whole  garrison  ?'* 
Being  answered  in  the  affinnative,  he  abruptly  turned  round 
to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  regiment  of  Ferdinand  VII- 
and  exclaimed,  "  Is  it  possible  ?" 

The  loss  of  the  royalists  was  three  hundred  killed,  and  a 
proportionate  number  wounded.  The  valuable  depot  of  arms 
and  military  stores  which  fell  into  their  hands,  seemed  to 
console  them  in  some  measure  for  the  severe  loss  they  had 
sustained;  and  for  the  first  two  days,  the  little  band  of  heroes 
were  at  liberty,  and  every  thing  indicated  good  faith  on  the 
part  of  the  royalists.  Their  officers  in  general  offered  major 
Sarda  and  his  men  their  congratulations  on  the  happy  conclu- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  177 

sion  of  the  late  affair,  and  stated  that  general  Arredondo  had 
received  a  recent  proclamation  of  the  viceroy,  promising  the 
royal  amnesty  to  all  those  of  Mina's  expedition  who  should 
abandon  it;  that  they  should  be  furnished  with  passports  to 
the  United  States ;  money  to  bear  their  expenses  ;  and  conse- 
quently they  might  rely  on  the  capitulation  being  strictly  ful- 
filled. These,  however,  were  short-lived  promises ;  and  on 
the  third  day  the  unhappy  captives  saw  the  first  breach  of  the 
capitulation  made,  by  their  being  placed  under  guard,  and  a 
part  being  forced  to  bury  the  dead  and  destroy  the  works. 
Shortly  after,  they  saw  their  comrades  of  the  foraging  party, 
who  had  been  taken  on  the  3d  of  June,  and  who  had  experi- 
enced from  their  captor,  Don  Felipe  La  Garza,  a  treatment 
the  most  humane,  led  to  the  front  of  the  camp,  and  shot.  No 
other  reason  was  assigned  for  this  barbarous  act,  but  that  they 
were  not  included  in  the  capitulation.  One  of  the  prisoners 
was  lieutenant  Hutchinson,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 
His  wounds  were  so  severe,  that  he  was  unable  to  sit  up.  He 
was  shot  as  he  lay  in  his  litter.  This  tragedy  taught  the  other 
prisoners  to  have  little  confidence  in  the  faith  of  men  capable 
of  such  wanton  cruelty ;  and  it  was  now  generally  anticipated, 
that  the  capitulation  would  be  wholly  set  aside. 

The  venerable  prelate  Dr.  Mier,  celebrated  for  his  virtues 
and  his  sufferings,  was  denounced  by  the  rector  of  Soto  la 
Marina,  (a  European  Spaniard,)  for  having  performed  the 
sacred  ceremonies  of  the  mass  with  vino  niescal^  (a  spirit 
distilled  from  one  of  the  species  of  maguey,)  instead  of  w  ine. 
The  rector,  it  will  be  recollected,  received  Mina  with  open 
arms,  and  afterwards,  on  his  giving  a  promise  to  return, 
was  permitted  to  leave  the  village ;  but  he  came  back  only 
when  the  royalists  had  entered  the  place.  The  denunciation 
in  question,  however  farcical  it  may  appear  to  the  reader,  was 
fatal  to  the  venerated  Dr.  Mier.  In  vain  would  he  have 
stated  that  no  wine  could  be  procured,  and  that  if  he  had  not 
substituted  vino  mescal,  he  could  not  have  performed  the  duty 
of  celebrating  the  mass  to  the  garrison.  The  Avorthy  old 
man,  in  whose  countenance  shone  a  spirit  of  meekness  and 
(23) 


178  iMEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

serenity  that  would  have  softened  savages,  became  the  object 
of  insulting  jests  and  outrage.  He  was  loaded  with  enormous 
shackles,  and  in  that  deplorable  state,  he  was  sent  under  an 
escort  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  We  afterwards  learned,  that  on 
the  road,  from  debility  and  ill  usage,  he  had  the  misfortune 
to  fracture  a  limb.  When  he  arrived  at  Mexico,  he  was  de- 
livered to  the  holy  office  of  the  Inquisition,  and  again  incar- 
cerated in  his  former  abode  in  the  dungeons  of  that  horrible 
instrument  of  religion,  perverted  from  its  sacred  and  holy 
design. 

The  garrison  were  all  kept  under  close  arrest  for  ten  days, 
were  then  sent  as  prisoners  to  Altamira,  and  there  put  in  con- 
finement. This  was  such  a  direct  infraction  of  the  capitula- 
tion, that  the  prisoners  naturally  concluded  they  would  ere 
long  be  treacherously  sacrificed ;  they  therefore  meditated  an 
attempt  to  escape.  Accordingly,  a  plan  was  arranged  among 
the  greater  part  of  the  prisoners,  to  rise  upon  the  guaird, 
make  their  way  to  Tampico,  and  there,  in  case  of  necessity, 
embark  in  the  vessels  then  lying  in  the  port.  An  enter- 
prise of  this  kind  was  not  so  difficult  or  desperate  as  may  at 
the  first  view  be  imagined.  A  small  band  of  intrepid  men, 
indignant  at  the  violation  of  the  capitulation,  seeing  before 
them  no  other  prospect  but  a  miserable  captivity,  and  deter- 
mined to  die  rather  than  remain  captives,  must  be,  under  such 
circumstances^  capable  of  performing  extraordinary  deeds;  and 
there  is  little  doubt,  that  if  they  had  once  overcome  the  guard, 
they  would  have  succeeded.  But  unfortunately  for  them,  their 
intentions  were  suspected,  or  else  discovered  by  one  of  their 
own  party,  and  within  about  an  hour  of  the  time  when  they 
contemplated  striking  the  blow,  they  were  astonished  by  the 
sudden  appearance  of  a  detachment  of  soldiers  entering  their 
prison. 

The  royalist  officer  who  commanded  the  party  of  soldiers,  in- 
formed the  captives  that  he  had  orders  to  put  them  in  irons,  but 
knew  not  for  what  cause.  Accordingly,  they  were  all  heavily 
ironed,  and  conducted  to  different  places  of  confinement  in  the 
town.      Then  comipenced  a  scene  of  cruelty  towards  these 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  179 

miserable  men,  which,  if  it  were  possible  to  be  described,  would 
iind  but  few  readers  willing  to  believe  the  horrid  detail.  Few, 
very  few  of  those  captives  are  now  living;  but  should  any  of 
them  cast  their  eye  on  this  statement  of  their  sufferings,  they 
will  readily  perceive  that  the  following  sketch  is  a  mere  outline 
of  the  miseries  they  endured. 

They  were  conducted  to  Vera  Cruz  by  the  circuitous  route 
of  Pachuca,  twenty-five  leagues  from  the  city  of  Mexico. 
Although  on  horseback,  the  weight  of  their  irons,  the  length 
of  the  journey,  want  of  wholesome  food,  and  oppressive  heat, 
brought  on  debility  and  disease.  Their  distress  and  torments 
seemed  to  excite  joy  among  their  Spanish  conductors.  Some, 
overcome  with  their  sufferings,  fainted  on  the  road,  and  were 
fastened  to  their  horses  with  cords;  others  became  frantic, 
and  begged  to  be  shot  or  bayoneted;  while  the  remainder 
were  driven  along  like  cattle,  to  the  end  of  the  day's  march, 
and  then  thrown  into  wretched  hovels,  swarming  with  vermin. 
A  pittance  of  coarse  food,  barely  sufficient  to  sustain  life,  was 
given  them,  but  so  great  was  their  fatigue  and  bodily  pain, 
that  to  eat  was  to  add  to  their  sufferings.  Extreme  debility  of 
course  ensued,  and  as  scarcely  any  rest  was  allowed  them,  it 
became  almost  impossible  for  any  one  of  them  even  to  bear  the 
weight  of  his  irons.  Indeed,  had  it  not  been  for  the  humanity 
of  the  Mexican  population,  very  few  would  have  survived. 

In  this  dreadful  condition  they  at  length  reached  the  city  of 
Vera  Cruz,  where  fourteen  of  them  were  incarcei'ated  during 
anight  in  a  room  not  capable  of  containing  four  men  at  their 
ease.  They  were  all  huddled  together,  and  so  closely  wedged, 
that  they  were  obliged  to  stand  upright.  No  air  entered  the 
place.  A  general  suffocation  had  nearly  taken  place.  An 
officer,  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  begged  for  a  little  \vater. 
The  sentinel  who  was  applied  to,  replied,  he  had  positive  or- 
ders to  grant  nothing,  and  wished  the  officer  a  speedy  passage 
to  the  other  world. 

The  dungeons  in  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  on  a  small 
island  opposite  Vera  Cruz,  in  which  these  victims  were  af- 
terwards confined,  cannot  be  compared  with  any  others  in 
the  world.     Situated  about  fourteen  feet  under  the  arches  of 


180  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  castle,  a  gloomy  light  can  only  be  admitted  by  a  small 
grating  at  the  top.  There  is  a  constant  humidity  ;  and  as  the 
bottom  of  the  dungeon  is  below  the  level  of  the  sea,  water 
oozes  in,  and  has  opened  passages  through  which  crabs  find 
access.  These  were  finally  welcome  visiters  to  the  prisoners, 
serving  them  for  occasional  food.  The  number  confined  in 
so  small  a  space,  soon  produced  a  pestilential  air,  and  disease 
became  general  among  them.  The  sentinels,  on  opening  the 
doors,  frequently  fainted  away  on  inhaling  the  horrid  effluvia 
issuing  from  the  dungeon.  The  daily  allowance  of  food  Avas 
four  ounces  of  bread,  three  of  rice,  and  three  of  beans.  This 
however  was  frequently  curtailed,  and  was  cooked  in  so  dis- 
gusting a  manner,  without  salt,  that  nothing  but  extreme  hun- 
ger could  induce  some  of  the  prisoners  to  touch  any  thing  but 
the  bread.  In  vain  they  begged  that  the  sick  should  be  sepa- 
rated from  those  that  still  retained  some  remnant  of  health. 
They  were  all  chained  indiscriminately  in  pairs,  and  on  opening 
the  dungeon  one  morning,  two  were  found  dead  in  their  chains. 

At  length,  when  an  order  came  to  remove  the  sick,  it  was 
only  executed  in  extreme  cases,  and  even  then,  the  victim  was 
removed  to  the  hospital  in  irons,  which  were  never  struck  off, 
till  death  had  put  an  end  to  the  miserable  sufferer.  There 
was  one  instance  of  such  deliberate  and  savage  cruelty,  as  to 
excite  the  indignation  and  reprehension  of  several  Spanish 
officers. 

One  of  the  prisoners,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  had 
the  skin  of  his  leg  chafed  by  the  irons.  From  the  want  of 
dressings,  and  wholesome  aliment,  the  sore  rapidly  increas- 
ed. The  irritation  and  pressure  of  the  iron,  caused  the  flesh 
and  muscles  to  become  completely  ulcerated  to  the  bone  ;  the 
whole  leg  became  a  mass  of  corruption.  Unavailing  were 
his  petitions  to  have  the  irons  taken  off;  his  groans  and  ex- 
cruciating agonies  at  length  so  far  arrested  the  attention  of  his 
keepers,  that  he  was  removed  to  the  hospital.  The  physician, 
on  examining  the  horrid  state  of  the  leg,  immediately  addressed 
a  representation  to  the  governor,  stating,  that  unless  the  irons 
were  removed,  death  would  inevitably  ensue.  Upon  the 
marghi  of  the  memorial,  the  governor  wrote  the  following  in- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  181 

human  replication,  and  sent  it  to  the  officer  of  the  guard  : 
"  ^ue  los  lleva^  mientras  resp'ira^'^  Whilst  he  breathes^  he 
shall  wear  them.  This  barbarian  was  the  brigadier  Don  Juan 
Evia.  In  a  few  hours  this  victim  of  Spanish  inhumanity  ex- 
pired. 

We  forbear  swelling  our  pages  with  the  farther  recital  of 
these  barbarous  acts,  and  conclude  by  stating,  that  of  the  thir- 
ty-seven officers  and  soldiers  who  capitulated  at  Soto  la  Ma- 
rina, and  about  thirty  others,  foreigners  of  Mina's  party,  who, 
before  and  subsequent  to  that  affair,  had  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  royalists,  at  least  thirty  died,  at  Altamira,  on  the  route 
to  Vera  Cruz,  and  in  the  dungeons  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 

The  few  that  survived  the  horrors  of  those  dungeons,  were 
shipped  for  Spain,  to  await  the  farther  orders  of  the  king.  On 
their  passage  to  the  Peninsula,  they  were  treated  with  every 
indignity  and  cruelty,  with  the  exception  of  four,  who  were 
sent  from  Havana  in  the  Spanish  brig  of  war  Ligero^  com- 
manded by  captain  Martinez.  This  benevolent  officer  treated 
them  with  kindness,  had  their  irons  taken  off  during  the  pas- 
sage, and  gave  them  wholesome  food. 

In  order  to  illustrate  how  far  the  Spanish  authorities  in  Mex- 
ico carried  their  vindictive  feelings  against  every  individual 
connected  with  Mina's  party,  we  must  notice  their  conduct  to 
a  French  female,  who  had  accompanied  the  expedition  from 
Galvezton.  The  name  of  this  extraordinary  woman  is  La 
Mar.  She  had  formerly  resided  at  Carthagena,  and  had  dis- 
tinguished herself  on  many  occasions,  for  her  intrepidity  and 
aversion  to  the  Spaniards.  At  Soto  la  Marina,  her  attentions 
to  the  sick  and  wounded  were  unceasing;  and  during  the 
siege  she  acted  with  the  spirit  of  an  Amazon.  On  the  march 
to  Altamira  and  Tampico,  although  exposed  to  the  wanton 
and  scornful  jests  of  the  Spaniards,  she  sustained  herself  Avith 
unshaken  fortitude.  She  constantly  displayed  a  cheerfulness, 
which,  together  with  her  indefatigable  exertions  to  sooth  the 
distresses  of  the  prisoners,  proved  most  consoling  to  them. 
She  is  said  to  have  been  afterwards  a  leading  character  in  the 
revolt  at  Altamira.  She  was  sent  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  there 
confined  in  the  hospital,  where  she  was  compelled  to  perform 


182  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  most  disgusting  offices  to  the  sick.  At  length  she  con- 
trived to  make  her  escape,  leaving  a  letter  addressed  to  the 
governor  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  another  to  the  viceroy,  contain- 
ing the  most  bitter  reproaches  for  the  violation  of  the  capitu- 
lation, and  menacing  them  with  the  revenge  of  the  patriots. 
She  reached  a  division  of  the  troops  of  Guadalupe  Victoria, 
with  whom  she  remained  some  time,  but  was  so  unfortunate 
as  to  fall  again  into  the  hands  of  the  royalists.  In  July,  1819, 
she  was  confined  within  the  walls  of  Xalapa^  condemned  to 
perform  servile  duties  in  a  private  family.  In  vain  has  this 
woman  presented  frequent  petitions  to  be  permitted  to  leave 
the  country.  The  spirit  of  revenge  and  the  cruelty  of  the  im- 
mediate agents  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  appear  to  have  taken  the 
place  of  their  former  gallantry  to  the  sex,  and  they  hold  her 
of  so  much  importance,  as  to  determine  on  keeping  her  a  pri- 
soner. 

The  fate  of  the  captives  who  arrived  in  Spain,  was,  if  pos- 
sible, more  dreadful  than  their  previous  sufferings  in  Mexico. 
This  will  be  more  clearly  perceived  by  the  royal  order,  com- 
municated to  the  governor  of  Cadiz,  from  Eguia^  the  minister 
of  war,  of  which  the  following  is  a  translation  : — 

"  The  viceroy  of  New  Spain  having  communicated  to  this 
department  his  intention  of  despatching  for  the  Peninsula,  to 
be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  our  lord  the  king,  the  individuals 
named  in  the  accompanying  list,  who,  having  been  attached  to 
the  rabble  (gavilla)  with  which  the  traitor  Xavier  Mina  invad- 
ed the  territory  of  that  kingdom,  took  the  benefit  of  the  am- 
nesty (indulto)  which  the  viceroy  had  there  proclaimed,  his 
majesty  has  been  graciously  pleased  to  command  the  supreme 
council  of  war,  to  determine  what  would  be  the  best  measures 
to  adopt  respecting  them,  on  their  arrival  at  Cadiz,  or  any 
other  port  in  the  Peninsula ;  and  the  said  tribunal  having  de- 
clared its  opinion,  which  has  been  approved  of  by  his  majesty, 
he  has  been  pleased  to  order,  '  That  the  thirty-six  individuals 
comprising  the  said  list,  shall,  on  their  arrival  in  Spain,  be 
distributed  by  fours,  to  the  presidios  of  Cadiz,  Malaga,  Me- 
lilla,  Penon,  Ceuta,  and  Alhucemas,  and  the  remaining  twelve 
shall  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  captain  general  of  Ma- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  183 

jorca,  in  order  that  they  may  be  distributed  in  the  same  pro- 
portions through  the  district  under  his  command.'  In  these 
places,  they  are  to  be  retained  as  coJivicts^  (presidarios,)  there 
to  remain  during  the  pleasure  of  his  majesty.  The  said  go- 
vernors are  most  scrupulously  to  watch  over  their  conduct, 
and  give  timely  notice  of  any  thing  they  may  remark,  in  or- 
der that  the  greatest  rigour  may  be  enforced  against  them ; 
keeping  constantly  in  view,  that  they  are  responsible  for  what- 
1  ever  disturbance  may  be  created  by  them,  in  whom  not  the 
smallest  confidence  can  be  placed,  until  by  indubitable  proofs 
they  render  themselves  worthy  of  it,  and  of  the  clemency  of 
his  majesty.  This  royal  decree  is  sent  for  your  government, 
that  as  far  as  concerns  yourself,  you  may  be  prepared  to  carry 
it  into  execution. 

Signed.  "  Eguia. 

"  3Iadrid,  June  11,  1818." 

On  the  arrival  of  these  unfortunate  men  at  Cadiz,  the  roy- 
al order  just  cited  was  strictly  carried  into  effect,  and  they 
were  despatched  to  Malaga,  and  the  presidios  on  the  coast 
of  Africa.  Their  treatment  was  various,  and  depended  on 
the  caprice  of  the  several  commandants.  To  a  few,  it  is  true, 
some  kindness  was  shown,  but  the  majority  were  loaded  with 
chains,  and  linked  to  a  galley  slave,  a  Spanish,  or  a  negro  ma- 
lefactor. Some  were  thrown  into  dungeons  among  the  vilest 
criminals ;  and  any  melioration  of  these  scenes  of  cruelty, 
could  only  be  effected  by  money.  But  the  little  pecuniary 
supplies  which  were  sent  to  them,  by  benevolent  Americans 
and  others,  from  Gibraltar  and  Malaga,  were  in  some  instan- 
ces extorted  from  them  by  their  merciless  keepers,  on  the  most 
absurd  and  trifling  pretexts.  In  fact,  so  deplorable  was  their 
g^.  situation,  that  many  of  them  contemplated,  and  some  of  them 
actually  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  Moors  ;  thereby  risking 
their  lives,  rather  than  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards. 

It  is  thus  made  manifest,  by  this  unadorned  narrative,  that 
in  despite  of  every  principle  of  honour  and  humanity,  the  gal- 
lant fellows  who  capitulated  at  Soto  la  Marina,  were  not  only 
deprived  of  most  of  the  stipulations  of  that  solemn  capitiilu 


^ 


184  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

tion,  but  after  suffering  the  most  horrid  outrages,  were  at  last 
condemned,  by  a  royal  decree,  to  indefinite  or  perpetual  bon- 
dage, as  if  they  had  been  malefactors  of  the  worst  class. 

No  subtlety  of  policy  can  sanction  a  breach  of  good  faith  so 
inhuman  and  flagrant ;  and  surely  no  civilized  nation  in  the 
world,  besides  Spain,  would  at  the  present  day  openly  avow, 
that  she  was  not  bound  to  fulfil  engagements  solemnly  enter- 
ed into  under  a  capitulation,  which  her  honour  was  pledged 
to  observe. 

The  Spanish  government  may  possibly  have  been  author- 
ized, by  some  precedents  in  the  page  of  history,  in  refusing 
to  extend  the  principles  of  civilized  warfare,  to  her  subjects 
in  a  state  of  rebellion,  and  to  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  other 
nations,  who  were  aiding  them  in  their  struggles  :  but  when  a 
capitulation  was  made  with  these  banditti,  (as  they  were  call- 
ed by  the  royalists,)  and  when  the  royal  amnesty  had  been 
offered  to  all  who  should  submit,  surely  no  apology  can  be 
found  for  treating  such  engagements  and  promises  as  mere 
delusions  to  gain  possession  of  the  hapless  victims,  who  were 
credulous  enough  to  rely  on  Spanish  faith. 

If  the  breach  of  the  capitulation  of  Soto  la  Marina  stood  by 
itself,  a  single  instance  of  Punic  faith,  it  is  probable  that  the 
Spanish  government  could  have  cloaked  it  by  some  fair  pre- 
text ;  but  when  we  throw  back  even  a  hasty  glance  over  the 
record  of  her  American  history,  and  see  the  many  instances 
that  start  forth  to  view  of  capitulations  trampled  upon,  trea- 
ties broken,  and  indultos  falsely  proffered  and  cruelly  violated, 
the  Mexican  may  forget  that  Carthage  ever  existed,  and  hence- 
forth for  Punic,  adopt  the  stigma  of  Spanish  faith. 

The  infamous  decree  of  the  Cortes^  dated  the  10th  of  April, 
1813,  appears  to  have  been  the  rule  of  conduct  which  has  been 
pursued  by  every  viceroy,  captain  general,  and  commandant 
of  the  royal  troops,  from  that  period  up  to  the  present  day. 
The  decree  alluded  to,  and  which  must  sully  the  archives  of 
the  Cortes,  so  long  as  it  I'emains  unrepealed,  contains  the  fol- 
lowing words  : — "  That  it  was  derogatory  to  the  majesty  and 
dignity  of  the  national  congress^  to  conjirm  a  capitulation  made 
zvith  7nalignant  insurgents.'''' 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  185 

This  decree  was  made  for  the  express  purpose  of  invalidat- 
ing a  solemn  capitulation,  which  had  been  concluded  in  July, 
1812,  between  general  Monteverde^  commander  of  the  royal 
Spanish  forces  in  Venezuela,  and  general  Miranda^  as  chief  of 
the  revolutionists. 

The  basis  of  that  capitulation  was,  that  the  life,  property 
and  person  of  every  citizen  should  be  held  sacred ;  that  no 
one  should  be  persecuted  for  the  past ;  and  that  a  general 
oblivion  and  amnesty  should  be  granted.  In  virtue  of  this 
capitulation,  above ybwr  Moz«an<f  revolutionists  delivered  up 
their  arms  to  the  royal  commander ;  but  no  sooner  did  Monte- 
verde  find  himself  fixed  in  the  seat  of  power,  at  the  city  of 
Caracas,  than  he  openly  avowed  his  determination  to  annul 
the  capitulation.  This  barbarian  appears  to  have  anticipated 
the  atrocious  decree  of  the  Cortes,  which  we  have  quoted, 
and  seems  to  have  been  perfectly  aware,  that  all  the  cruelties 
he  was  about  to  perpetrate,  would  be  sanctioned  by  the  boast- 
ed Spanish  congress. 

As  soon  as  the  revolutionary  troops  were  disarmed  through- 
out the  province,  Monteverde  sent  parties  of  dissolute  soldiery 
to  seize  on  almost  every  respectable  Creole  in  the  province. 
They  were  torn  from  the  arms  of  their  wives  and  children, 
bound  to  horses'  tails,  and  thus  brought  to  the  city  of  Caracas. 
After  being  exposed  to  the  scoffs  and  insults  of  a  brutal 
soldiery,  they  were  thrown  into  close  and  damp  dungeons, 
crowded  together  in  a  manner  more  dreadful  than  the  victims 
who  perished  in  the  black  hole  of  Calcutta.  The  streets  were 
filled  with  unhappy  wives,  crying  out  for  their  husbands,  mo- 
thers for  their  sons,  and  sisters  for  their  brothers ;  Monte- 
verde and  his  satellites  rejoicing,  as  beholding  in  such  a  spec- 
tacle the  humiliation  and  despair  of  the  Creoles.  Private 
property  was  seized  in  every  direction;  distinguished  females 
were  dragged  to  the  public  square  ;  there  they  were  stripped 
naked,  and  treated  in  a  manner  most  brutal.  Doctor  J.  G. 
Roscio,  who  had  been  secretary  of  state  under  Miranda,  and 
had  rendered  himself  an  object  of  universal  esteem  by  the 
simplicity  of  his  manners,  the  extent  of  his  erudition,  the  in- 
(24) 


186  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

tegrity  of  his  life,  and  the  splendour  of  his  talents  devoted  to 
the  freedom  of  his  native  country,  was  loaded  with  chains,  put 
into  the  stocks,  and  there  exposed  to  the  insults  and  derision  of 
the  European  Spaniards.  He  was  afterwards  conveyed  to  a 
dungeon  at  La  Guayra,  until  an  opportunity  offered  to  transport 
him,  the  venerable  Canon  of  Chili,  and  other  illustrious  vic- 
tims, to  Spain.  The  events  of  the  South  American  revolution 
ought  to  afford  perpetual  lessons  to  tyrants.  The  sage  Roscio, 
after  all  the  vicissitudes  of  his  life,  stands  on  ground  from 
Avhich  he  may  look  down  upon  the  satellites  of  kings.  He  is 
now  one  of  the  civil  heads  of  the  government  of  Venezuela; 
and  to  him  the  royal  authorities  are  now  offering  their  suppli- 
cations for  a  truce.  The  decree  of  the  10th  of  April,  1813, 
cannot  be  forgotten  by  one  of  its  most  illustrious  victims. 

Above  fifteen  hundred  Creoles  of  the  highest  respectability 
in  the  country,  were  chained  in  pairs,  conducted  to  the  horrid 
dungeons  of  La  Guayra  and  Puerto  Cavello,  where,  in  a  few 
weeks,  many  of  them  perished  by  suffocation  and  disease.  While 
Monteverde  was  thus  displaying  his  system  of  perfidy  and 
revenge  at  the  city  of  Caracas,  his  agents  were  pursuing  the 
same  measures  throughout  every  village  and  town  of  that  ex- 
tensive country. 

The  catalogue  of  horrors  committed  by  those  agents  is  of 
so  long  and  disgusting  a  nature,  that  we  forbear  to  enter  into 
a  detail  of  them  ;  suffice  it  to  say,  that  one  of  the  common 
methods  of  punishing  those  who  had  been  employed  under 
Miranda,  or  were  suspected  of  disaffection  to  the  Spanish 
government,  was  to  mutilate  their  persons  in  a  manner  so 
shocking,  that  it  is  necessary  to  have  seen,  as  the  writer  has 
done,  these  unfortunate  wretches,  to  believe  that  such  horrors 
could  be  perpetrated,  even  by  the  most  brutal  savages. 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind,  that  these  dreadful  outrages, 
as  well  as  the  violation  of  the  capitulation,  are  matters  of  such 
notoriety,  that  neither  the  Spanish  government,  nor  its  subjects, 
have  ever  attempted  to  palliate  the  accounts  of  them  which 
have  been  published ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  have  not  only  by  the 
infamous  decree  of  the  Cortes  of  the  10th  of  April,  1813,  open- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  187 

ly  sanctioned  the  violation  of  such  capitulations,  but  subse- 
quently have  approved  of  all  the  horrors  committed  by  Monte- 
verde,  in  decreeing  him  high  military  and  civil  honours. 

If  our  limits  would  permit,  we  could  furnish  a  long  cata- 
logue of  capitulations  violated,  and  royal  indultos  disregarded 
by  the  Spanish  authorities  ;  but  we  have  confined  ourselves  to 
the  two  breaches  of  good  faith  in  the  cases  of  Caracas  and 
Soto  la  Manna,  because  they  were  accompanied  bj  such  a 
flagrant  departure  from  principles  held  sacred  even  by  the 
rudest  nations  of  the  world,  and  by  such  scenes  of  wanton  cru- 
elty exercised  upon  the  Creoles,  that  every  impartial  reader 
must  unite  with  us  in  execrating  as  well  the  government  as  its 
agents,  who  have  thus  dared  to  perform  such  acts  in  the  nine- 
teenth century. 

For  such  enormities  no  common  retribution  can  atone,  and 
already  thousands  of  Spaniards  have  been  immolated  to  the  spi- 
rit of  rt!taliation  excited  among  the  Creoles,  by  the  barbarous 
and  impolitic  conduct  of  the  Spanish  government ;  we  say  im- 
politic, because  such  scenes  have  tended  not  only  to  make  re- 
conciliation between  the  European  Spaniards  and  the  Creoles 
almost  impossible  at  the  present  day,  but  even  admitting  a 
conciliation  was  now  to  take  place,  it  can  never  be  sincere  or 
durable  between  the  parties.  We  shall  conclude  this  chapter, 
by  stating  a  solemn  proof  of  the  extent  of  this  spirit  of  retribu- 
tive vengeance  among  the  Creoles  ;  and  it  is  among  the  proofs 
not  received  solely  from  public  documents,  but  to  which  the 
writer  was  an  eyewitness. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1813,  or  in  the  beginning  of  that 
of  1814,  general  Bolivar,  the  republican  chief  of  Venezuela, 
had  retaken  nearly  the  whole  of  the  country,  and  had  penned  up 
the  Spaniards  in  the  city  of  Puerto  Cavello.  Bolivar  at  that 
time  had  in  his  possession  above  thirteen  hundred  European 
Spaniards  prisoners.  The  royalists  had  likewise  in  their  hands, 
at  Puerto  Cavello,  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  Creole  pri- 
soners. Notwithstanding  this  disproportion  of  numbers,  Bo- 
livar repeatedly  offered  to  deliver  up  the  whole  of  his  Euro- 
pean prisoners,  in  exchange  for  the  three  hundred  and  fifty 
Creoles. 


188  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

These  offers  were  not  only  rejected,  but  Bolivar's  flags  of 
truce  were  treated  with  outrage,  and  the  most  insulting  an- 
swers sent  to  his  proposals.  The  royal  commandant  at  Puerto 
Cavello,  (his  name  we  believe  to  be  Istuetta^J  a  proud  and 
obstinate  Biscayan,  was  daily  employed  in  shooting  a  given 
number  of  Creole  prisoners,  on  the  ramparts  of  Puerto  Cavello, 
in  full  view  of  Bolivar  and  his  army.  The  indignation  excited 
by  this  wanton  and  outrageous  barbarity  may  easily  be  con- 
ceived. At  length  Bolivar  informed  the  commandant  that  if 
he  persisted  in  refusing  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  con- 
tinued to  sacrifice  those  under  his  power,  a  dreadful  retalia- 
tion should  ensue.  This  produced  no  other  effect  on  the  bar- 
barous commandant,  than  an  insulting  letter  to  Bolivar,  de- 
claring his  resolution  to  put  to  death  every  Creole  in  the 
fortress.  There  remained  no  alternative.  Bolivar  despatched 
an  order  to  the  governor  of  the  city  of  Caracas,  to  execute 
every  European  Spaniard  that  was  conjined  in  that  city  and 
at  La  Guayra.  This  dreadful  order  was  carried  into  literal  and 
prompt  execution,  and  not  more  than  twenty  or  thirty  of  the 
European  Spaniards,  who  were  prisoners,  were  saved  from 
the  terrible  sentence. 

The  writer,  as  well  as  many  other  foreigners,  was  present  at 
the  execution  of  above  eight  hundred  of  these  victifns  at  La 
Guayra,  They  were  taken  out  of  the  dungeons,  and  conduct- 
ed in  pairs  a  short  distance  from  the  town,  and  there  shot ; 
after  which,  their  bodies  were  burned.  Many  of  these  unfor- 
tunate beings,  who  knew  that  their  sacrifice  was  the  result  of 
the  unfeeling  obstinacy  and  cruelty  of  the  Spanish  government 
and  its  officers,  deliberately  conv^ersed  on  the  subject  while 
walking  to  the  place  of  execution,  and  several  of  them  uttered 
the  most  horrible  curses  against  the  authors  of  their  calamities. 

We  shall  now  resume  the  narrative  of  Mina's  operations 
at  Sombrero. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  189 


CHAPTER  Till. 

Situation  of  the  city  of  Mexico^  and  the  measures  of  the  vice- 
roy— Failure  of  the  expedition  of  Mina  against  the  Villa  de 
Leon — Arrival  of  the  army  under  Don  Pasqual  Linan^  be- 
fore Sombrero — Forjns  his  line  of  circumvallation — Situation 
of  the  Fort — Commencement  of  active  operations — Detail  of 
events^— Sortie  on  the  encampment  of  Don  Pedro  Celestino 
Negrete — Sally  of  general  Mina — Detail  of  events — Gallant 
defence  of  the  Fort^  on  the  18th  of  August — Evacuation  of 
the  Fort — Massacre  of  the  fugitives^  of  the  xvounded^  and  of 
the  prisoners — Memoir  of  Don  Pasqual  Linan. 

WHILST  Mina  was  making  liis  arrangements  in  Sombre- 
ro, opening  a  correspondence  with  the  royal  towns,  and  adopt- 
ing the  best  measures  in  his  power  for  future  military  opera- 
tions, the  royalists  were  likewise  uncommonly  active.  The 
government  of  Spain  had  early  sent  orders  to  the  viceroy,  to 
abandon,  if  necessary,  every  other  object,  and  direct  all  his 
exertions  to  the  crushing  of  Mina.  The  viceroy  had  calcu- 
lated, that  after  the  measures  which  had  been  previously 
adopted,  the  large  force  collected  in  the  internal  provinces 
was  sufficient  to  overwhelm  Mina.  But  when  the  news  of 
the  rencounter  at  Peotillos  reached  Mexico,  it  aroused  him 
at  once  to  a  sense  of  his  danger.  The  state  of  the  capital 
was  also  such  as  to  aggravate  his  fears ;  for  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico had  long  abounded  in  men  of  republican  principles ;  but 
as  the  revolution  unfortunately  began  among  the  most  ig- 
norant and  wretched  population  of  the  country,  nearly  all 
the  intelligent  part  of  society,  for  the  reasons  which  have  al- 
ready been  set  forth,  rallied  round  the  royal  standard;  await- 
ing the  moment  when  the  revolutionary  paroxysms  among  the 
lower  orders  should  subside,  or  some  leader  of  more  conse- 
quence than  had  hitherto  appeared,  should  spring  up.     They 


190  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

would  then  have  thrown  their  exertions  into  the  scale  of  their 
country  on  the  first  favourable  occasion.  In  Mina  they  at 
length  beheld  the  man  on  whom  they  could  rely.  To  him 
they  looked  as  the  individual  who  should  plant  the  banners  of 
liberty  on  the  Mexican  capital.  Nor  was  this  feeling  confined 
to  the  Creoles.  Many  European  Spaniards  were  enthusiastical- 
ly attached  to  Mina,  and  the  only  cause  of  regret  was,  that  he 
had  not  brought  a  sufficient  number  of  foreign  troops  to  inspire 
confidence  ;  for  although  his  name  alone  struck  terror  into  the 
royal  authorities,  and  a  party  in  his  favour  was  daily  augment- 
ing, yet  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  hold  out  a  certainty  of  per- 
sonal protection.  And  since  under  a  vigilant  and  despotic 
government,  time  and  caution  were  absolutely  requisite  to 
form  a  combination;  many  individuals  were  restrained  from 
abandoning  their  families  to  the  horrors  which  they  knew  must 
result  from  their  too  premature  espousal  of  the  cause  of  liberty. 
These  considerations  operated  as  a  check  on  the  patriotic  in- 
habitants of  the  capital  and  other  royal  towns,  but  they  secretly 
panted  for  his  advance,  and  were  prepared  to  join  him  at  the 
first  auspicious  moment. 

So  encouraged  were  his  partisans  by  his  extraordinary  suc- 
cesses, that  they  met  in  coffee  houses  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
discussed  the  news  of  the  day,  and  betrayed  their  hopes  and 
fears  so  openly,  that  it  could  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  go- 
vernment. Coercive  measures  were  adopted  against  some 
distinguished  citizens,  but  still  the  ferment  in  the  capital  did 
not  subside. 

After  the  defeat  of  the  royal  troops  at  Peotillos,  the  vice- 
roy saw  that  the  invasion  was  assuming  a  formidable  aspect, 
and  that  if  Mina  was  not  immediatelv  checked,  all  would  be 
lost.  Roused,  therefore,  by  this  critical  state  of  affairs,  he 
Avithdrew  such  of  the  European  troops  from  the  numerous  roy- 
al cantonments  whose  situation  would  permit  of  it,  and  united 
them  with  the  native  infantry  and  his  best  Creole  cavalry. 
But  great  as  was  the  emergency,  he  could  concentrate  only 
about  five  thousand  men.  Upon  this  army  hung  the  fate  of 
the  government ;  and  if  it  had  been  destroyed,  which  would 
have  been  the  case  had  Padre  Torres  acted  as  he  should  have 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  191 

clone,  no  similar  force  could  have  been  raised.     Our  reasons 
for  this  assertion  will  be  adduced  in  their  proper  place. 

The  command  of  this  army,  destined  for  the  overthrow  of 
Mina,  was  conferred  on  Don  Pasqual  Lihan^  a  mariscal  de 
campo.  He  held  likewise  the  distinguished  rank  of  inspector 
general  of  Mexico,  the  officer  next  in  rank  to  the  viceroy. 
Lilian,  by  rapid  marches,  arrived  in  the  province  of  Guanaxu- 
ato,  in  the  middle  of  July.  Mina  was  accurately  and  regular- 
ly advised  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  from  their  own 
towns :  but,  placing  a  firm  reliance  on  the  arrival  of  the  supply 
of  provisions,  ammunition,  and  men,  which  he  hourly  expect- 
ed, according  to  the  promises  of  Padre  Torres,  and  having  no 
doubt,  likewise,  that  the  latter,  as  well  as  the  other  patriot 
chiefs,  would  concentrate  their  forces  to  assist  him,  as  had 
been  arranged,  he  determined  to  await  the  arrival  of  Linan  at 
the  fort  of  Sombrero.  Mina's  force  in  the  fort,  at  that  time, 
had  been  augmented  to  five  hundred  rank  and  file. 

At  the  close  of  the  month,  information  was  brought  to  Mina, 
that  the  troops  composing  the  garrison  of  the  Villa  de  Leon 
had  that  morning  marched  from  the  town,  leaving  only  a  small 
detachment  for  its  defence.  Conceiving  that  this  aflPorded  him 
a  good  opportunity  to  try  the  character  of  his  recruits,  and  strike 
a  blow  against  the  enemy,  he  determined  to  attack  the  place. 
The  Villa  de  Leon  is  an  extensive,  populous,  and  wealthy 
town,  situated  in  a  plain,  abounding  with  wheat  fields.  After 
Mina's  arrival  at  Sombrero,  the  enemy,  anticipating  an  attack 
on  Leon,  strengthened  its  works.  Its  garrison  was  likewise 
augmented  to  seven  hundred  men,  who  were  under  the  com- 
mand of  brigadier  Don  Pedro  Celestino  Negrete^  a  man  famous 
in  the  annals  of  the  revolution  for  acts  of  depravity  and  cru- 
elty. The  streets  leading  to  the  principal  square  of  the  town 
were  defended  by  a  traverse,  composed  of  a  wall,  with  a  ditch 
on  the  outside.  This  work  inclosed  the  buildings,  consisting 
of  lofty  churches  and  heavy  mansions.  The  place  had  hither- 
to been  considered  impregnable,  having  baffled  all  the  eflforts 
of  the  patriots  to  take  it.  From  their  massive  arcliitecture, 
every  house  and  church  was  in  itself  a  fortification. 


192  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Mina,  on  the  same  evening  that  he  received  the  information, 
after  having  taken  every  precaution  to  prevent  intelligence  of 
his  design  being  conveyed  to  the  enemy,  marched  from  the 
fort  with  his  division  and  some  Creole  cavalry,  in  all  about 
five  hundred  men,  and  a  piece  of  artillery.  His  intention  was 
to  take  the  enemy  by  surprise,  in  the  night.  On  arriving 
within  half  a  mile  of  the  town,  a  picquet  of  the  enemy  was 
unexpectedly  encountered,  which  fled  and  alarmed  the  garri- 
son ;  who,  it  afterwards  appeared,  had  been  strongly  reenforced 
by  a  division  of  Linan's  army;  a  circumstance  of  which  Mina 
was  totally  ignorant.  On  arriving  near  the  square,  his  troops 
were  received  by  a  heavy  fire  from  the  artillery,  and  musketry 
from  the  tops  of  the  houses.  The  attack  was  made  with  vigour; 
but  all  attempts  to  carry  it  failed :  the  storming  parties  were 
overpowered  by  numbers.  The  Guard  of  Honour  and  regi- 
ment of  the  Union,  succeeded,  however,  in  dislodging  the  ene- 
my from  a  strong  barrack,  and  took  a  few  prisoners ;  but  they 
could  not  force  their  way  any  farther.  At  dawn,  the  general, 
finding  it  impracticable  to  carry  the  place,  drew  off  his  troops, 
and  fell  back  upon  the  fort.  So  well  satisfied  were  the  enemy 
to  get  rid  of  him,  that  they  made  no  attempt  to  harass  him  on 
his  retreat.  This  was  the  first  reverse  experienced  by  the 
arms  of  Mina.  It  was  severe  :  the  killed  and  wounded  were 
nearly  one  hundred,  and  among  them  were  several  foreigners. 
Some  of  the  wounded,  who  could  not  be  brought  off,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  were  immediately  put  to  death; 
while  the  prisoners  that  Mina  had  taken  were  liberated. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  July,  intelligence  was  receiv- 
ed, that  the  enemy  were  in  the  plain  before  the  fort;  and,  soon 
after,  the  army  of  Lilian  was  seen  ascending  the  heights.  It 
consisted,  according  to  their  own  official  statements,  of  the 
following  troops  : — 

European  regiment  of  Zaragoza,  -  617 

Creole  do.  Toluca,         -         -       250 

European        do.  Navarre  -  463 

Amount  carried  forward         1330 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  193 

Amount  brought  forward,       1330 
Cavalry — Fieles  de  San  Luis,  San  Carlos, 

Queretaro,  Nueva  Galicia,  Co-  ^ 

lima,  Sierra  Gorda,  and  Realis-  ' 

tas  de  Apan,         -         -         _        1211 
A  division,  under  the  command  of  colonel 

Don  Juan  Rafol,  ...         looO 


3541 


Ten  pieces  of  artillery,  and  two  howitzers. 

This  statement  we  believe  to  be  underrated ;  but,  even  ad- 
mitting it  to  be  correct,  it  was  a  formidable  force  for  the  little 
garrison  to  contend  against.  Imposing,  however,  as  appeared 
the  strength  of  the  enemy,  Mina  felt  so  confident  of  repulsing 
them,  that  he  ordered  a  red  flag  to  be  displayed  from  the  bat- 
tery which  crowned  the  conical  hill  within  the  fort. 

The  situation  of  the  fortress  has  already  been  described. 
On  the  eminence  in  advance  of  the  main  entrance  into  the  fort, 
the  enemy  placed  in  battery  seven  pieces  of  artillerv,  from 
four  to  twelve  pounders,  and  two  howitzers.  There  Lilian 
fixed  his  head-quarters,  with  the  first  division  of  his  army, 
composed  of  the  regiment  of  Zaragoza,  and  four  hundred  and 
forty-eight  cavalry,  under  the  command  of  brigadier  Loaces. 
The  second  division,  consisting  of  the  regiment  of  Toluca, 
and  three  hundred  and  eighty-four  cavalry,  under  brigadier 
Negrete,  were  intrenched  on  the  southernmost  of  two  ridges 
projecting  from  the  south  end  of  the  fort.  In  advance  of  his 
encampment,  upon  a  small  knoll,  he  threw  up  a  redoubt  of  one 
gun,  about  long  musket-shot  from  the  fort.  The  third  divi- 
sion, comprising  the  regiment  of  Navarra,  and  three  hundred 
and  seventy-nine  cavalry,  under  colonel  Don  Jose  Ruiz,  were 
stationed  at  the  watering  place  :  and  the  section  under  Don 
Juan  Rafol  was  employed  as  a  corps  of  observation,  to  watch 
the  movements  of  Padre  Torres,  between  Leon  and  Guana- 
xuato.  These  dispositions  were  unquestionably  skilful,  and 
well  calculated  to  cause  Mina  and  his  garrison  to  view  seri- 
ously  the  coming  attack  :  but  thev  were  strangers  to  appre- 
hension or  despondencv. 
(25) 


194  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION, 

The  fort  was  not  calculated  to  sustain  either  a  formal 
siege  or  a  vigorous  assault.  Padre  Torres  had  not  sent  any 
of  the  expected  provisions ;  and  a  supply  for  ten  days  was 
all  that  the  fort  contained.  The  ammunition  also  was  defi- 
cient, but  twenty-five  boxes  remaining.  But  the  most  serious 
evil  was,  that  the  third  division  of  the  enemy  was  so  posted 
as  to  cut  off  all  communication  between  the  garrison  and  the 
water  in  the  ravine.  It  was,  however,  hoped  that  this  evil 
would  not  be  seriously  felt,  as  the  rainy  season  had  com- 
menced. The  only  succour  which  the  garrison  received  from 
Padre  Torres,  was  about  two  days  previous  to  the  arrival  of 
the  enemy,  and  consisted  of  sixty  cavalry,  under  the  command 
of  Don  Miguel  Borja.  The  whole  force  of  the  garrison,  in- 
eluding  these  and  a  party  of  the  cavalry  of  Don  Encarnacion 
Ortiz,  did  not  exceed  six  hundred  and  fifty.  When  to  these 
are  added  the  peasantry  who  were  employed  in  working  par- 
ties, the  women,  and  children,  the  whole  number  of  souls  in 
the  fort  was  about  nine  hundred. 

At  day-break  of  the  31st,  the  enemy  opened  a  heavy  fire  of 
shot  and  shells,  which  continued  incessantly  till  dark ;  their 
fire  being  occasionally  returned  by  the  fort.  This  cannonading 
continued,  with  little  intermission,  during  the  whole  of  the 
siege  ;  and  on  some  days,  the  besiegers  discharged  from  their 
battery  on  the  hill  as  many  as  six  hundred  shot  and  shells. 
To  the  besieged,  this  appeared  a  useless  expenditure  of  am- 
munition, unless  it  was  intended  to  display  the  great  resources 
and  indefatigable  exertions  of  the  enemy;  for,  as  the  principal 
buildings  were  under  cover  of  the  conical  hill,  and  the  others 
were  in  such  positions  as  to  be  protected  by  the  rocks,  and  as 
no  one  moved  from  his  covert  unless  compelled  by  duty,  ths 
fire  of  the  enemy  was  ineffectual,  their  shot  falling  harmless 
among  the  rocks,  or  flying  entirely  over  the  fort.  Indeed, 
their  artillery  was  so  unskilfully  served,  that  it  annoyed  their 
own  works  on  the  south  side.  This  random  firing  continued 
for  several  days,  without  any  casualty  occurring,  except  among 
the  horses  which  were  roaming  about  the  fort. 

The  enemy  undoubtedly  flattered  himself  with  the  hope  of 
making  an  easy  conquest  of  the  fort,  expecting  that  the  first 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  195 

assault  would  produce  a  surrender.  At  two  o'clock  A.  M.  on 
the  5th  of  August,  a  spirited  attack  was  made  upon  the  fort,  at 
three  points  which  were  considered  assailable :  but  it  failed,  and 
the  enemy  were  compelled  to  retire,  with  some  loss.  In  this 
affair,  the  general,  who  commanded  in  person  at  the  main  en- 
trance, displayed  his  usual  intrepidity.  With  a  lance  in  his 
hand,  he  was  foremost  in  withstanding  the  enemy,  and  receiv- 
ed a  slight  wound. 

But  now  another  circumstance  created  more  serious  uneasi- 
ness than  the  assaults  of  the  enemy.  The  communication  with 
the  ravine,  on  which  the  garrison  was  entirely  dependent  for 
water,  had  been  totally  cut  off,  by  the  third  division  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  intrenched  themselves  in  an  impregnable  posi- 
tion close  to  the  watering  place,  and  who  at  night  posted  a  chain 
of  videttes  along  the  ravine.  Mina,  as  well  as  Moreno,  had 
calculated  that  it  was  practicable  to  cover  the  watering  parties 
from  the  fort;  and  to  have  anticipated  this  disaster,  by  pre- 
serving water  within  the  fort,  was  impossible,  as  there  was 
but  one  small  tank,  capable  of  holding  no  more  than  was  suffi- 
cient for  a  few  hours'  supply.  As  the  rainy  season  had  com- 
menced, it  had  been  supposed  that  the  garrison  would  not 
suffer  for  want  of  water.  All  these  expectations  were  disap- 
pointed: for  the  watering  parties,  which  were  sent  out  nightly, 
generally  returned  without  having  succeeded  in  their  attempt, 
or  with  such  a  partial  supply  as  was  of  no  adequate  use  ;  and, 
although  it  constantly  rained  around,  yet  no  rain  fell  in  the  fort. 
The  watering  parties  being  obliged  to  descend  to  the  rivulet 
down  the  declivity  of  a  very  deep  barranca,  which  rendered 
it  impossible  to  conduct  these  sallies  with  any  degree  of  order, 
the  enemy  were  always  apprized  of  their  approach,  and  of 
course  prepared  to  resist  them.  Hence  it  was,  that  no  supplies 
of  anj'-  consequence  could  be  obtained.  Those  who  have  not 
seen  the  Mexican  barrancas,  can  scarcely  form  an  idea  of  the 
difficulties  Jjiey  present  at  every  step.  Abounding  in  immense 
rocks,  precipices,  and  thick  bushes,  it  is  impossible  to  conduct 
any  military  enterprise  with  compactness  and  order. 

The  small  quantity  of  water  which  each  individual  had  col- 
lected on  the  first  appearance  of  the  enemy,  had  been  soon 


196  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

expended.  The  only  well  in  the  fort,  which  was  at  the  house 
of  Don  Pedro  Moreno,  had  never  contained  water.  All  the 
stagnant  water  in  the  crevices  around  the  fort,  was  consumed. 
The  horrors  of  thirst  became  dreadful.  Recourse  was  had  to 
some  wild  celery,  which  luckily  grew  around  the  fort :  it  was 
plucked,  at  the  risk  of  life.  But  these  were  only  partial  alle- 
viations. Some  of  the  people  were  four  days  without  tasting 
a  drop  of  water. 

The  situation  of  the  garrison  was  fast  approaching  to  a 
crisis.  The  troops  at  their  posts  were  hourly  becoming  less 
capable  of  exertion,  from  the  severity  of  their  sufferings. 
Horses  and  cattle  were  wandering  about,  in  the  greatest  dis- 
tress. The  cries  of  children,  calling  on  their  unhappy  mothers 
for  water,  gave  to  the  scene  of  suffering  peculiar  horror.  The 
countenance  of  the  general  showed  how  deeply  he  sympathized 
in  the  sufferings  of  his  associates  :  but  he  cheered  them  M'ith 
the  hope  that  the  God  of  nature  would  not  abandon  them  ;  he 
pointed  to  the  heavy  clouds  with  which  the  atmosphere  was 
loaded,  as  the  source  from  which  relief  would  speedily  be  ob- 
tained ;  and  such  was  the  effect  that  Mina's  example  and  con- 
soling observations  inspired,  that  each  individual  strove  to  vie 
with  another  in  bearing  with  fortitude  the  severity  of  his  dis- 
tress. With  anxious  expectation,  they  marked  the  approach 
of  the  heavily  charged  clouds,  hoping  that  the  predictions  of 
a  supply  from  them  would  soon  be  verified.  Every  vessel 
was  ready  to  receive  the  grateful  showers.  The  women 
brought  out  the  images  of  their  saints,  supplicating  their  inter- 
vention for  that  relief  which  Heaven  only  could  bestow.  The 
clouds  covered  the  fort:  no  sound  was  heard,  amidst  the  gene- 
ral anxiety  of  the  wretched  garrison,  save  the  thunder  of  the 
enemy's  artillery,  whose  troops,  with  savage  exultation,  looked 
down  on  the  besieged  from  their  position  on  the  hill.  The 
flattering  clouds  passed  slowly  over  the  fort, — the  moment 
was  anxiously  looked  for,  which  was  to  ease  their  sufferings; 
— a  few  drops  fell ; — anxiety  was  wrought  up  to  the  highest 
pitch ; — but  the  clouds  passed,  and  burst  at  a  short  distance 
from  them !  Language  is  inadequate  to  describe  the  emotions 
of  despair  which  at  that  moment  were  depicted  on  every 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  197 

countenance  in  the  fort.  For  several  days  the  clouds  conti- 
nued thus  to  pass,  without  discharging  a  single  drop  on  the 
parched  garrison,  who  had  the  cruel  mortification  of  seeing 
their  enemies  frequently  drenched  with  rain,  and  the  large  lake 
of  Lagos  constantly  in  view.  Such  were  the  trials  experienc- 
ed at  this  ill-fated  spot.  At  length,  after  a  lapse  of  four  days, 
a  slight  shower  fell.  Every  article  capable  of  containing  the 
desired  fluid  was  in  readiness,  and  in  spite  of  the  incessant 
fire  of  the  enemv,  a  supply  was  collected,  sufficient  to  yield  a 
temporary  relief  to  the  suffering  garrison.  A  small  supply  was 
collected  in  reserve. 

The  bread  stuff,  which  it  had  been  impossible  to  use,  for 
want  of  water,  now  became  serviceable  ;  and  the  troops  were 
invigorated.  Many  of  the  Creole  recruits,  during  the  late 
scene  of  distress,  had  made  their  escape,  which  had  considera- 
bly diminished  the  numbers  of  the  garrison. 

During  this  time,  Padre  Torres  had  marched  from  Reme- 
dios  with  a  body  of  troops,  and  a  small  supply  of  provisions; 
but  advancing  with  his  accustomed  carelessness,  he  fell  into 
an  ambush,  laid  by  the  enemy  near  Silao.  His  troops  made 
/  scarcely  any  opposition,  and  were  soon  dispersed;  every  one 
fleeing  to  his  home.  The  Padre  made  his  way  back  to  Reme- 
dios.  The  provisions  Vv^ere  at  some  distance  in  the  rear,  and 
escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  No  further  at- 
tempts were  made  by  the  Padre  to  succour  the  fort,  although 
he  knew  that  it  must  inevitably  fall,  if  not  speedily  relieved. 
All  his  promises  to  Mina  were  thus  forgotten,  or  deliberately 
violated.  The  enemy,  notwithstanding  their  vast  superiority, 
had  met  with  such  an  unexpected  repulse  in  their  late  assault, 
that  they  declined  making  another  attempt,  and  directed  all 
their  attention  to  reduce  the  fort  by  famine;  well  knowing  that 
without  water  or  provisions,  it  could  not  hold  out  long.  To 
prevent  the  introduction  of  supplies,  as  well  as  the  retreat  of 
the  garrison,  they  stationed  picquets  of  cavalry,  in  all  directions 
about  the  fort.  Nevertheless,  some  resolute  men  did  bring  in 
a  few  articles  every  night,  but  they  were  supplies  not  very 
essential  to  the  garrison.  The  enemy  still  kept  up  an  inces- 
sant fire  from  the  hill,  and  by  stationing  some  light  troops 


198  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

among  the  rocks,  considerably  annoyed  the  besieged ;  but 
very  little  loss  resulted,  from  the  reasons  already  mentioned. 
The  posts  could  only  be  relieved  at  night,  and  even  then  the 
danger  was  great,  from  occasional  random  discharges  of  grape 
shot  from  the  hill.  The  ammunition  of  the  besieged  was  fast 
diminishing,  and  could  only  afford  occasional  discharges ;  but 
as  the  foreigners,  particularly  the  American  citizens,  were  far 
superior  marksmen  to  the  enemy,  many  of  their  skirmishers 
were  killed. 

In  the  meantime,  the  enemy  occasionally  held  conferences 
with  the  garrison.  Some  of  the  Spanish  officers,  who  had 
been  intimate  with  Mina  in  Spain,  advanced  to  the  walls  of 
the  fort  to  see  him.  They  used  every  possible  argument  to 
induce  Mina  to  accept  the  royal  amnesty.  They  urged  in 
support  of  it,  his  forlorn  situation,  and  the  impossibility  that 
relief  could  be  given  him.  Mina  answered  them  with  frank- 
ness, and  explained  the  motives  which  had  induced  him  to 
espouse  his  cause,  and  concluded  by  informing  them,  that  his 
determination  was  taken  to  conquer  or  die.  They  parted  on 
the  most  friendly  terms  ;  the  officers  expressing  their  regret 
at  his  inflexibility.  A  momentary  cessation  of  hostilities 
having  taken  place,  upon  the  return  of  the  officers  to  their 
posts,  the  action  was  renewed. 

Three  nights  after  the  attempt  by  the  enemy  to  enter  the 
fort,  Mina,  with  two  hundred  and  forty  men,  made  a  sortie  on 
the  encampment  of  Negrete.  The  remains  of  the  Guard  of 
Honour  and  regiment  of  the  Union,  thirty  in  number,  all 
Americans,  with  the  general  at  their  head,  surprised  and  car- 
ried the  redoubt  thrown  up  on  the  knoll.  The  main  body  of 
the  enemy,  which  was  encamped  some  distance  in  the  rear, 
was  alarmed,  and  on  the  alert  before  the  Americans  could 
reach  them.  Had  they  been  properly  supported  by  their 
Creole  companions,  something  important  might  have  been  ac- 
complished. But  the  Creoles  would  not  advance  ;  thus  leav- 
ing the  Americans  to  sustain  a  sharp  conflict,  until,  overpow- 
ered by  numbers,  they  were  obliged  to  retreat  to  the  fort. 
This  was  effected  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy,  which 
killed  and  wounded  several.     Among  them  were  eleven  of 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  199 

the  little  band  of  foreigners.  Some  of  the  wounded  men  could 
not  be  brought  off,  and  therefore  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  And  it  will  scarcely  be  thought  possible,  but  such  was 
the  fact,  that  the  atrocious  commanding  officer,  having  ordered 
those  wounded  men  to  be  carried  in  full  view  of  the  fort,  caus-- 
ed  them  to  be  strangled  in  the  sight  of  their  commiserating 
and  enraged  comrades,  whose  attention  had  been  cruelly  at- 
tracted to  the  scene.  Their  bodies,  stripped  of  their  clothes, 
were  thrown  down  the  precipice  of  the  barranca,  to  become  the 
feast  of  vultures. 

The  general  now  saw,  that  unless  some  speedy  external  re- 
lief was  afforded,  the  fall  of  the  fort  was  inevitable  ;  and  find- 
ing that  Torres  fulfilled  none  of  the  promises  he  had  made,  nor 
was  making  any  diversion  in  his  favour,  he  took  the  bold 
determination  of  going  in  person,  to  endeavour  to  procure  the 
necessary  assistance  which  he  still  flattered  himself  would  be 
furnished  by  Torres.  Accordingly,  the  night  after  the  sortie 
on  Negrete,  he  left  the  fort,  accompanied  by  only  three  com- 
panions ;  his  aid,  Don  Miguel  Borja,  and  Don  Encarnacion 
Ortiz  ;  leaving  colonel  Young  in  command  of  the  garrison. 
They  eluded,  but  with  difficulty,  the  vigilance  of  the  enemy. 
Mina,  in  a  short  time,  made  attempts  to  throw  some  water 
and  provisions  into  the  fort ;  but  having  with  him  only  a  few 
cavalry  of  Ortiz,  he  was  defeated  in  his  object,  by  the  number 
and  vigilance  of  the  enemy. 

Mina  had  likewise  the  deep  mortification  of  soon  ascertain- 
ing, that  all  the  statements  of  Torres,  about  the  troops  he 
could  concentrate,  were  a  mere  fiction ;  or  rather,  that  he  had 
made  no  effort  to  effect  the  concentration  which  he  easily 
could  have  done.  All  hopes  of  succour  from  Torres  were 
vain.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  general  sent  an  order 
to  colonel  Young  to  draw  off  the  garrison. 

Meanwhile,  the  enemy  prosecuted  the  siege  with  vigour. 
The  cannonading  was  incessant  by  day,  and  continued  occa- 
sionally at  night.  A  few  of  the  besieged  were  killed,  and 
several  wounded.  The  stock  of  water  collected  from  the  last 
shower  was  exhausted,  and  the  sufferings  of  the  garrison,  as 
well  from  hunger  as  thirst,  again  became  intolerable.     Several 


200  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

days  had  elapsed  without  water.  The  children  were  expiring 
from  thirst ;  many  of  the  adults  had  become  dtlirious,  and  had 
resorted  to  the  last  and  most  disgusting  of  all  human  expedi- 
ents, to  allay  for  a  moment  the  torments  of  thirst ;  while  some 
few,  driven  to  madness,  would  steal  down  at  night  to  the 
rivulet,  and  flying  from  the  death  of  thirst,  receive  it  at  the 
hands  of  their  enemies.  At  this  juncture,  a  generous  trait 
was  manifested  by  the  enemy.  They  were  moved  to  pity  at 
the  dreadful  situation  of  the  women,  and  allowed  them  to 
descend  to  the  water  and  drink,  but  would  not  permit  them  to 
carry  any  up  to  the  fort.  This  solitary  act  of  humanity  was 
however  rather  a  "  ruse  de  guerre,"  as  the  enemy,  by  this 
means,  obtained  from  the  women  correct  information  of  the 
state  of  things  in  the  fort,  and  finally,  on  one  occasion  observ- 
ing a  large  number  of  women  at  the  watering  place,  with 
characteristic  perfidy  they  seized  them,  and  sent  them  as 
prisoners  to  the  town  of  Leon. 

The  besieged  were  suffering  not  only  the  extremity  of  thirst, 
but  their  provisions  were  nearly  all  consumed.  Every  weed 
around  the  fort  was  plucked,  and  some  of  the  men  imagined 
they  found  relief  by  chewing  lead.  The  flesh  of  horses,  asses 
and  dogs,  furnished  a  partial  resource. 

The  stench  of  the  animals  which  had  died  for  want  of  food, 
or  from  the  enemy's  shot,  and  the  dead  bodies  of  the  enemy 
which  were  suffered  to  lie  unburied,  caused  such  a  dreadful 
state  of  the  atmosphere,  as  to  be  almost  insupportable.  Large 
flocks  of  vultures,  attracted  by  the  dismal  scene,  were  con- 
stantly hovering  over  the  fort,  and  fortunately  diminished  an 
evil,  which  otherwise  could  not  have  been  borne. 

Their  sufferings  having  become  intolerable,  many  of  the 
troops  deserted,  so  that  not  more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  ef- 
fective men  remained.  The  ammunition  was  so  far  expended 
as  only  to  admit  of  very  partial  firing.  The  guns  had  been 
for  some  time  served  with  the  enemy's  shot ;  which,  dug  out 
at  night  from  the  rubbish  outside  of  the  fort,  was  fired  back 
to  them  in  the  morning. 

The  unutterable  sufferings  of  the  garrison  induced  some  of 
the  officers  to  entreat  colonel  Young  to  send  a  flag  of  truce  to 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  201 

Jcnovv  what  terms  of  capitulation  the  enemy  would  enter  into. 
The  colonel  was  decidedly  opposed  to  the  measure,  but  was 
so  importuned  by  the  garrison  that  he  unwillingly  consented 
to  it ;  telling  them  to  remember  that  the  act  was  at  variance 
with  his  judgment. 

The  flag  of  truce  returned  with  the  answer  of  Linan,  that 
the  foreigners  must  surrender  at  discretion,  and  that  the  na- 
tives should  receive  the  benefit  of  the  royal  amnesty.  When 
this  answer  was  reported  to  colonel  Young,  he  said,  it  was  no 
more  than  he  expected,  and  that  he  hoped  that  none  of  the 
garrison  would  thenceforth  speak  to  him  about  capitulating 
with  an  enemy,  from  whom  neither  mercy  nor  honour  was  to 
be  expected. 

The  enemy,  amongst  other  operations,  had  latterly  directed 
their  fire  against  the  front  wall ;  and  as  it  was  built  of  unbaked 
bricks  and  loose  stones,  the  shells  that  entered  it  buried  them- 
selves therein,  and  exploding,  did  irreparable  damage  to  the 
work.  The  wall  was  thus  destroyed,  and  its  rubbish  so  filled  up 
the  ditch,  as  to  form  a  fair,  broad  passage  into  the  fort.  The 
breaches  hitherto  made  in  the  wall  had  been  repaired-  at  night; 
but  it  was  now  so  completely  battered  down,  that  any  further 
attempts  to  repair  it  were  useless.  A  work  was  therefore 
thrown  up  within  it.  In  fact,  the  fort,  as  well  from  that  cause, 
as  the  want  of  ammunition,  the  reduced  strength  of  the  garri- 
son, and  the  wretchedness  of  its  defenders  from  hunger  and 
thirst,  was  no  longer  tenable,  and  colonel  Young  determined 
upon  its  evacuation.  While  arrangements  for  that  purpose  were 
making  on  the  evening  of  the  17th,  the  colonel  repaired  to  the 
quarters  of  Don  Pedro  Moreno,  to  concert  the  plan  of  the  sally. 
There  he  found  Don  Pedro,  with  several  of  his  Creole  officers, 
and  major  Mauro,  who  then  commanded  the  cavalry  of  the  di- 
vision. They  told  the  colonel  that  the  fort  could  yet  be  defend- 
ed, and  that  they  would  do  it  themselves,  without  the  aid  of 
the  Americans.  Colonel  Young,  piqued  at  the  ridiculous  con- 
duct of  major  Mauro,  resolved  to  defer  the  evacuation. 

The  conduct  of  Don  Pedro,  during  the  siege,  had  been 
base  in  the  extreme.     He  did  not  t*ike  an  active  part  in  the 
(26) 


'202  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

defence ;  and,  while  die  garrison  was  suffering  from  hunger 
and  thirst,  he  was  living  in  comparative  luxury,  upon  supplies 
he  had  preserved  in  his  house.  Some  trifling  succours,  as  we 
before  observed,  had  been  brought  into  the  fort:  he  speculated 
on  such  part  of  them  as  he  thought  proper,  and  the  residue 
only  he  permitted  the  importers  to  vend.  He  would  not  even 
allow  the  swine  that  he  had  about  his  house  to  be  killed,  for 
the  use  of  the  men  who  were  defending  his  country,  himself, 
and  his  family.  During  their  severe  privations,  he  retailed, 
at  an  exorbitant  price,  pork,  lard,  sugar,  cigars,  and  even  some 
water  which  he  had  collected  in  the  shower.  It  was  therefore 
a  general  opinion,  that  the  resistance  of  this  man  to  the  sally, 
at  the  time  it  was  proposed,  was  merely  made  to  gain  time  to 
skulk  off  with  his  money.  With  such  chiefs  as  this  man,  and 
Padre  Torres,  were  Mina  and  his  brave  officers  and  men  fated 
to  act,  at  this  critical  juncture. 

Colonel  Young  having  determined  to  defend  the  fort  to  the 
last,  declared  that  he  would  be  the  last  man  to  leave  it ;  and 
to  this  resolution  he  fell  a  sacrifice. 

On  the  18th,  the  sound  of  the  enemy's  bugles  echoed  through 
the  barranca,  and  announced  some  movement  of  the  besiegers. 
Their  infantry  at  the  watering  place,  and  at  the  south  end  of 
the  fort,  were  observed  to  be  forming,  and  it  was  supposed  an 
assault  was  impending.  Preparations  for  defence  were  made 
by  the  besieged,  who,  although  greatly  diminished  in  numbers, 
and  emaciated  by  severe  privations,  yet  resolved  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  the  enemy,  or  die  in  the  breach.  Colonel 
Young,  ever  on  the  alert,  made  the  most  of  his  handful  of 
troops.  Sixty  men  were  placed  for  the  defence  of  the  front 
wall ;  and  the  remaining  few  were  so  arranged  as  to  be  pre- 
pared to  meet  the  assailants  at  the  several  points  at  which  an 
entrance  might  be  gained.  Some  of  the  few  females  who  still 
remained,  aware  of  the  horrors  to  which  they  would  be  ex- 
posed should  the  enemy  succeed,  cheerfully  flev/  to  reenforce 
the  several  positions,  arined  with  missile  weapons. 

At  one  o'clock,  the  enemy  sounded  the  advance  from  his 
head-quarters,  which  was  repeated  by  his  respective  divisions. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  203 

Soon  after,  a  strong  column  appeared  on  the  hill,  marching 
down ;  at  the  same  time,  the  division  at  the  watering  place 
ascended  the  hill,  threatening  the  east  side  j  while  the  other 
division,  at  the  south  end,  marched  up  the  hill,  caiTying  seal- 
ing ladders.  The  enemy  boldly  advanced  along  the  causeway 
to  the  breach,  under  cover  of  a  heavy  fire  from  their  battery 
on  the  hill,  and  in  face  of  the  galling  fire  of  the  garrison  from 
the  two  flanking  works.  When  within  a  few  paces,  the  heavy 
fii'e  they  encountered  compelled  them  to  halt :  unavailing  were 
the  endeavours  of  their  officers  to  get  them  up  to  the  breach ; 
they  retreated  in  the  utmost  disorder.  At  the  other  points  of 
attack,  they  were  equally  unsuccessful.  At  the  south  end,  the 
hill  being  very  steep,  they  ascended  with  difficulty,  and  soon 
becavne  exhausted;  and,  as  they  approached,  a  destructive  fire 
was  opened  upon  them,  while  the  women  rolled  down  huge 
masses  of  stone.  No  longer  able  to  withstand  so  vigorous  and 
imexpected  an  opposition,  they  withdrew  their  forces,  having 
sustained  a  severe  loss. 

At  that  moment,  a  copious  shower  of  rain  fell :  it  was  the 
first  which  had  refreshed  the  garrison  for  many  days.  The 
enemy  conceived  that  this  was  a  propitious  moment  to  renew 
the  assault,  presuming  that  as  the  fii-e-arms  would  be  rendered 
unserviceable  from  the  rain,  superior  numbers  would  enable 
them  to  force  their  way  into  the  fort.  Again  their  martial 
instruments  sounded  the  advance.  The  column  again  moved 
forwai'd,  and  approached  the  breach  with  a  scaling  ladder,  dis- 
playing a  black  flag,  as  a  symbol  of  the  fate  which  awaited  the 
besieged.  Fire-arms  could  not  now  be  used  on  either  side. 
The  enemy  continued  to  press  on,  and  were  opposed  only  by 
missile  weapons.  Fortunately,  at  this  moment,  the  rain  ceased. 
The  defenders  of  the  works  were  invigorated  by  the  shoAver  ; 
and,  when  the  fire-arms  could  be  used,  again  commenced  a 
well-directed  fire.  The  bearers  of  the  scaling  ladder  were 
killed.  The  enemy,  urged  on  by  their  officers,  still  continued 
to  advance ;  but,  within  a  few  yards  of  the  breach,  they  re- 
ceived such  a  galling  discharge,  that  they  again  broke,  flying 
for  shelter  among  the  rocks  and  bushes,  where  they  remained 
until  night  enabled  them  to  retire. 


204  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

In  this  affair,  the  garrison  suffered  a  severe  loss,  but  parti- 
cularly in  the  death  of  the  gallant  colonel  Young,  who  glori- 
ously fell,  in  the  moment  of  victory.  On  the  enemy's  last 
retreat,  the  colonel,  anxious  to  observe  all  their  movements, 
fearlessly  exposed  his  person,  by  stepping  on  a  large  stone  on 
the  ramparts ;  and,  while  conversing  with  Dr.  Hennessey  on 
the  successes  of  the  dav,  and  on  the  dastardly  conduct  of  the 
enemy,  the  last  shot  that  was  fired  from  their  battery  carried 
off  his  head.  Colonel  Young  was  an  officer  whom,  next  to 
Mina,  the  American  part  of  the  division  had  been  accustomed 
to  respect  and  admire.  In  every  action,  he  had  been  conspi- 
cuous for  his  daring  courage  and  skill.  Mina  reposed  un- 
bounded confidence  in  him.  In  the  hour  of  danger,  he  was 
collected,  gave  his  orders  with  precision,  and,  sword  in  band, 
was  always  in  the  hottest  of  the  combat.  Honour  and  firm- 
ness marked  all  his  actions.  He  was  generous  in  the  extreme, 
and  endured  privations  with  a  cheerfulness  superior  to  that  of 
any  other  officer  in  the  division.  He  had  been  in  the  United 
States'  service,  as  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  twenty-ninth  regi- 
ment of  infantry.  His  body  was  interred,  by  the  few  Ameri- 
cans who  could  be  spared  from  duty,  with  every  possible  mark 
of  honour  and  respect;  and  the  general  gloom  which  pervaded 
the  division  on  this  occasion,  was  the  sincerest  tribute  that 
could  be  offered  by  them  to  the  memory  of  their  brave  chief. 

The  command  of  the  division  now  devolved  on  lieutenant 
colonel  Bradburn.  Hopes  were  indulged  by  the  garrison,  that 
the  enemy,  finding  they  could  not  carry  the  place  by  storm, 
would  raise  the  siege.  But  the  enemy  were  too  well  aware  of 
the  miserable  state  of  the  garrison,  to  allow  such  a  prize  as 
Mina's  officers  to  escape  them.  They  had  likewise  found,  by 
the  extraordinary  defence  of  the  fort,  that  it  contained  a  body 
of  men  highly  dangerous  to  the  royal  cause ;  and  it  was  sup- 
posed that  if  Mina  could  be  deprived  of  his  foreign  troops,  he 
would  then  be  incapable  of  causing  the  royalists  further  seri- 
ous annoyance. 

The  enemy,  on  the  following  day,  evinced  not  the  least  in- 
dication of  raising  the  siege.  And  the  provisions  and  am^ 
munition  being  entirely  exhausted,  it  became  impossible  to 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  205 

hold  possession  of  the  fort  any  longer.  The  abandonment  of  it 
was  therefore  resolved  upon ;  and,  everv  preparation  having 
been  made,  it  was  determined  that  it  should  take  place  on  the 
night  of  the  19th. 

On  examining  the  state  of  the  treasury,  it  was  found  that 
there  remained  in  it  only  about  eighteen  thousand  dollars. 
This  comparatively  small  amount  wa^  caused  by  the  encroach- 
ments that  had  been  made  on  the  funds,  by  the  sums  paid 
Torres  for  provisions;  the  amount  that  had  been  expended  for 
clothing ;  a  sum  that  had  been  paid  Don  Pedro  Moreno ;  an 
amount  that  had  been  taken  in  doubloons  by  the  general,  for 
the  purpose  of  procuring  provisions ;  and  a  sum  that  had  been 
given  to  Don  Pedro,  on  the  night  of  the  IT'th,  when  arrange- 
ments had  been  made  for  a  sally,  which  money  was  carried 
out  by  the  peasantry.  These  were  the  causes  which  had  re- 
duced the  specie  on  hand  to  the  sum  before  mentioned,  which 
amount,  together  with  some  spare  arms  and  artillery,  were 
buried ;  the  limbers  of  the  latter  were  burned,  and  shot  ram- 
med tightly  into  the  guns. 

Every  thing  being  in  readiness,  the  garrison  prepared  to 
evacuate  the  fort.  A  trying  scene  then  took  place.  The  ne- 
cessity of  abandoning  the  unfortunate  wounded,  whom,  from 
the  nature  of  the  barranca  over  which  it  was  necessary  to  pass, 
it  was  impossible  to  carry  out,  was  imperious.  The  hospital 
was  filled  with  these  victims,  the  majority  of  whom  were  the 
officers  and  men  who  had  accompanied  Mina  from  Soto  la 
Marina  :  they  were  incapable  of  bodily  exertion,  the  limbs  of 
the  most  part  being  broken.  The  parting  with  such  men,  who 
had  fought  so  bravely,  and  who  were  so  devoted  to  the  cause 
they  had  espoused,  was  a  heart-rending  scene.  Some  antici- 
pated the  fate  that  awaited  them,  and  entreated  their  friends 
to  terminate  their  existence ;  some  indulged  hopes  of  mercy 
from  the  Spaniards;  while  others,  overwhelmed  with  grief  and 
despair,  covered  their  faces,  and  were  unable  to  bid  what  they 
considered  a  final  adieu. 

At  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  colonel  Bradburn  proceeded  with 
the  division  to  the  appointed  spot,  whence  the  sally  was  to  be 
made.     The  route  chosen  was  through  the  barranca  before  de- 


"\^^  13  ;^  A  ft 

OF   T«l» 


206  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

scribed,  and  was  the  only  direction  by  which  there  was  any 
chance  of  escape.  On  arriving  at  the  rendezvous,  colonel 
Bradburn  was  surprised  to  find  that  Don  Pedro,  who  had 
reached  there  first,  had  imprudently  permitted  the  women  and 
children  to  precede  the  march.  They  soon  got  into  confusion, 
and  by  their  screams  alarmed  the  enemy ;  and  thus  apprized 
them  of  what  was  in  agitation.  From  the  difficulty  which  the 
barranca  presented,  it  was  impracticable  for  the  troops  to  re- 
main formed  in  their  march,  and  from  this  cause,  as  well  as 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  they  soon  dispersed ;  every  one  ex- 
ploring his  path,  and  endeavouring  to  take  care  of  himself. 

In  the  bottom  of  the  barranca,  the  picquets  and  sentries  of 
the  enemy  were  encountered ;  with  whom  a  continual  skir- 
mishing prevailed.  Many  of  the  fugitives  dropped  down  from 
weakness  ;  others  were  shot  by  the  random  fire  of  the  enemy. 
The  screams  of  the  women,  the  reports  of  the  enemy's  mus- 
kets, the  cries  of  those  who  fell,  the  groans  of  the  wounded, 
and  the  intense  darkness  which  reigned  around,  gave  to  the 
scene  indescribable  horror.  Some  few  were  so  dismayed,  par- 
ticularly of  the  females,  that  they  returned  to  the  fort ;  pre- 
ferring the  chance  of  a  pardon  to  the  risk  of  that  destruction 
which  then  seemed  inevitable.  The  greater  part,  however, 
by  the  dawn,  had  gained  the  opposite  summit  of  the  barranca. 
Here,  many  of  them  flattered  themselves,  the  danger  was  over ; 
but  the  foreigners,  being  ignorant  of  the  topography  of  the 
place,  were  uncertain  which  way  to  direct  their  course,  fear- 
ing that  every  step  might  place  them  in  the  power  of  the  ene- 
my. They  marched  on  as  chance  directed  them,  in  parties  of 
two,  three,  or  six.  Soon  after  day-light,  they  were  beset  by 
parties  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  who  had  been  ordered  along 
the  summit  of  the  barranca,  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the 
garrison  had  evacuated  the  fort.  Another  scene  of  horror  be- 
gan : — the  enemv's  cavalry  rushed  in  among  the  flying  and 
kneeling  individuals.  No  quarter  was  given.  Cut  to  pieces 
by  the  sword,  or  perforated  with  lances,  the  greater  part  of  the 
fugitives  were  destroyed.  The  few  who  escaped,  among 
whom  was  Don  Pedro  Moreno,  owed  their  preservation  to  the 
dense  and  foggy  state  of  the  atmosphere.     The  clothes  and 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  207 

money  found  on  the  victims,  were  looked  upon  as  prizes  by 
the  cavalry  soldiers,  who  for  that  reason  preferred  the  killing 
to  making  prisoners  of  them  ;  for  if  they  had  spared  their 
lives,  and  conducted  them  as  prisoners  to  head-quarters,  the 
booty  would  not  have  been  so  great,  as,  in  that  case,  they  might 
have  lost  the  clothes. 

The  next  morning,  the  enemy  entered  the  deserted  fort  in 
triumph.  Then  ensued  a  tragedy,  by  the  orders  of  the  infu- 
riated Linan,  which  it  is  in  vain  to  attempt  to  depict  in  colours 
sufficiently  strong.  The  hospital,  as  we  have  before  observed, 
was  filled  with  wounded;  a  large  majority  of  whom  were  fo- 
reigners, principally  Americans. 

Those  who  could  hobble  to  the  square,  a  few  paces  distant, 
were  made  to  do  so,  while  those  whose  fractured  limbs  would 
not  permit  them  to  move,  were  inhumanly  dragged  along  the 
ground  to  the  fatal  spot.  There  stood  the  ferocious  Linan, 
feasting  on  the  spectacle.  Regardless  of  their  miserable  situa- 
tion, of  their  former  gallant  conduct,  of  the  clemency  and  re- 
spect which  they  had  shown  to  royalist  prisoners  ; — unmindful 
of  all  these  considerations,  he  ordered  them  to  be  stripped  of 
all  their  clothes,  and  shot  down,  one  by  one. 

Lilian  occupied  three  days  in  compelling  the  other  prisoners 
that  were  found  in  the  fort,  to  demolish  the  works ;  which 
being  effected,  he  ordered  them  to  be  brought  to  the  square 
and  there  shot.  One  of  the  prisoners,  just  before  he  was  shot, 
discovered  the  place  where  the  treasure  and  other  articles 
were  buried,  but  this  information  could  not  save  his  life. 

Thus  terminated  the  siege  of  Sombrero.  Out  of  the  two 
hundred  and  sixty-nine  men  who  had  entered  the  fort  with 
Mina,  fifty  only  escaped. 

Lilian,  after  having  completed  the  destruction  of  the  fort, 
returned  to  Villa  de  Leon,  exulting  in  the  exploits  which  he  had 
performed.  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  give  a  short  sketch  of  his 
origin  and  career,  from  the  information  we  have  derived  from 
respectable  sources, — from  some  Spanish  European  officers. 
Pasqual  Liiian,  at  the  time  that  Ferdinand  entered  France, 
was  a  soldier  in  the  ranks.     He  followed  the  king  in  the  capa- 


208  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

city  of  a  servant,  and  remained  with  him  till  his  return  la 
Spain.  Ferdinand  became  much  attached  to  him  ;  and,  de- 
sirous of  displaying  his  generosity  to  Linan,  for  the  services 
he  had  rendered  him,  requested  him  to  name  the  manner  in 
which  he  could  best  requite  his  fidelity.  "  Make  me  a  ma- 
riscal  de  campo,"  said  Lilian.  The  king,  although  perhaps 
surprised  at  such  a  request,  was  at  the  same  time  so  pleased 
with  the  manner  in  which  Liilan  had  made  it,  that  he  said 
*'  Muy  bien."  Accordingly,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  Span- 
ish officers,  Pasqual  Linan  was  created  a  mariscal  de  campo, 
and  sent  to  Mexico,  as  inspector  general.  He  is  deficient  in 
education,  and  although  his  personal  appearance  is  imposing, 
his  manners  are  so  coarse,  and  his  conversation  so  illiterate, 
that  he  disgusts  those  of  both  sexes  who  have  any  intercourse 
with  him.  He  is  hated  and  despised  by  his  subaltern  officers, 
and  although  they  allow  he  has  animal  courage,  yet  they  can 
discover  in  him  no  other  than  this,  almost  the  least,  requisite 
for  a  commander  in  chief.  During  the  siege  of  Sombrero,  he 
never  moved  from  his  head-quarters.  He  trusted  to  other 
officers,  entirely,  for  the  planning  and  execution  of  ail  the  ope- 
rations. 

It  would  be  neither  just  nor  generous  to  infer  from  the  con- 
duct of  Linan,  that  his  officers  approved  of  his  sanguinary 
measures,  nor  do  we  wish  that  conclusions  should  be  drawn 
against  the  Spanish  character,  generally,  because  many  of  the 
agents  of  its  barbai'ous  and  vindictive  government  have  acted 
like  the  monster  Linan.  We  have  seen  many  Spanish  officers, 
whose  humane,  generous,  and  noble  feelings,  would  have  done 
honour  to  any  country. 

Those  attached  to  the  European  regiments  under  Linan's 
orders,  particularly  interfered  to  stop  his  cruel  proceedings. 
They  begged  him  to  defer  the  execution  of  the  prisoners,  until 
he  consulted  the  viceroy.  Although  they  found  him  inexorable, 
they  continued  urging  the  point  to  the  last  moment,  openly 
expressing  their  abhorrence  of  his  savage  acts.  We  after- 
wards understood,  that  a  pardon  for  the  prisoners  did  actually 
arrive  from  Mexico  ;  but  it  was  too  late,  for  their  blood  had 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  209 

already  satiated  the  vengeance  of  the  brutal  Linan.  Upon  his 
head  therefore  rests  the  wanton  slaughter  of  the  gallant  foreign- 
ers and  others,  who  fell  into  his  hands ;  and  to  him  do  we  im- 
pute the  hoiTors  which  marked  the  conquest  of  Sombrero. 

The  Spanish  officers  speak  in  terms  of  the  strongest  indig- 
nation and  disgust  of  the  dreadful  scenes  committed  by  this 
man,  and  even  the  citizens  of  his  own  politics,  who  have  had 
any  public  transactions  with  him,  hold  him  in  fear  and  abhor- 
rence. He  is  at  present,  we  believe,  in  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz, 
of  which  province  he  is  governor.  His  conduct  there  has 
been  so  base,  and  so  scandalous,  as  to  cover  him  with  the 
odium  not  only  of  the  inhabitants  generally,  but  even  of  his 
own  countrvmen. 


(27) 


210  Mexican  revolution. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

General  3Iina  proceeds  to  the  fort  of  Los  Remedios — 'Arrival  of 
some  of  the  fugitives  there  from  Sombrero — Description  of 
the  fort   of  Los  Remedios^   or  San  Gregorio — Advance  of 
Linan  against  the  fort — Mina  marches  oiit^  xvith  nine  hun- 
dred men — Description  of  these  troops — A  reflection  of  great 
importance  to  the   United  States — Meeting  of  the  general 
xvith  the  remnant  of  his  division^  near  the   Tlachiquera — 
Siege  laid  to  Los  Remedios — Mina  advances  against^  and 
takes  Biscocho — Execution  of  the  garrison — Advance  against^ 
and  capture  of  San  Luis  de  la  Paz — Cleinency  of  Mina  to- 
ivards  the  garrison — Attack  on  San  Miguel — Retreat  there- 
from^ and  arrival  at  the  Valle  de  Santiago — A  description  of 
it — Continuation  of  events  connected  xvith  Blind's  movements 
' — Disgraceful  conduct  of  Padre  Torres — Continuation  of 
events  at  the  fort — Repulse  of  the  enemy — Sortie  on  one  of 
his  batteries — MincCs  operations  continued — Flight  of  the 
patriots  from  the  fleld  at  La  Caxa — Mina  visits  Xauxilla^ 
and  thence  proceeds  to  the  Valle  de  Santiago — Skirmish  xvith 
Orrantia^  and  MincCs  arrival  at  La  Caxa. 

BAFFLED  in  every  effort  to  succour  Sombrero,  Mina 
remained  for  several  days  in  the  mountains  in  its  neighbour- 
hood, with  a  small  body  of  cavalry.  Having  sent  several 
messages  to  Padre  Torres,  to  virge  him  to  order  up  troops  for 
the  relief  of  the  fort,  or  to  cover  the  movements  of  its  garrison, 
but  receiving  only  trifling  and  evasive  answers,  he  resolved 
to  repair  to  the  head-quarters  of  Torres,  and  there  personally 
incite  that  chieftain  to  the  performance  of  his  engagements. 
Taking  with  him,  therefore,  an  escort  of  one  hundred  of  the 
cavalry  of  Ortiz,  he  proceeded  to  Los  Remedios,  on  the  ITth, 
two  days  prior  to  the  evacuation  and  fall  of  Sombrero.  The 
road  lay  across  the  plain  of  Silao.  While  crossing  it,  between 
the  town  of  that  name  and  the  Villa  de  Leon,  he  encountered 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  211 

a  body  of  two  hundred  of  the  enemy's  cavalry.  Mhia,  with 
Jiis  usual  gallantry  and  skill,  led  his  men  into  action,  and  in 
a  few  minutes  put  the  enemy  to  flight,  with  some  loss.  They 
lost  their  commander,  who  was  dragged  off  his  horse  by  a 
/rtzo,*  and  killed. 

Mina,  upon  his  arrival  at  Los  Remedios,  found  Padre  Torres 
assiduously  engaged  in  strengthening  his  position,  in  victual- 
ling it,  and  making  every  preparation  against  the  siege  which 
he  anticipated  would  be  laid  to  it,  after  the  reduction  of 
Sombrero.  He  had  taken  none  of  the  steps  that  he  had 
promised,  and  which  he  ought  to  have  taken,  to  afford  as- 
sistance to  Sombrero.  Under  the  direction  of  Mina,  the  aid 
he  could  have  given  might  have  prevented  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  plans  of  the  enemy,  and  might  probably  have  led 
to  their  destruction.  At  the  pressing  solicitations  of  Mina, 
Torres  issued  an  order  to  some  of  his  commandants  to  repair 
as  soon  as  possible  with  their  troops  to  Los  Remedios  ;   but 

*  Lazo  is  the  name  of  the  rope,  for  the  use  of  which  the  Spanish  Ameri- 
cans are  so  justly  celebrated.  In  rustic  life,  It  is  usually  applied  to  the 
purpose  of  catching  the  stock  of  various  kinds  on  a  farm.  A  child  of  five  or 
six  years  old,  commences  his  experiments  with  a  piece  of  packthread,  and 
exercises  his  ingenuity  on  the  poultry  about  the  house  :  afterwards,  he  at- 
tacks the  pigs ;  and  as  he  grows  up,  he  ventures  to  throw  his  lazo  upoo 
calves  and  colts  ;  and  thus,  by  the  time  he  arrives  at  manhood,  he  has  learn- 
ed to  use  it  with  astonishing  precision.  It  is  a  well  made  rope,  of  about  an 
inch  in  circumference,  and  in  length  from  ten  to  fifteen  yards. 

Wild  cattle  are  caught  by  peasants,  mounted  on  horses  trained  for  that 
express  purpose  ;  and,  to  be  broken  and  trained  to  it,  is  one  of  the  impor- 
tant requisites  of  a  Mexican  liorse.  Since  the  revolution,  the  lazo  has  been 
ofien  resorted  to,  among  a  flying  enemy.  An  expert  thrower  will  strike  his 
object  almost  to  a  certainty,  at  a  distance  of  from  eight  to  ten  yards.  The 
instant  a  horse  trained  to  the  service,  finds  that  the  rope  has  taken,  he  will 
suddenly  stop,  although  at  full  speed  ;  then  wheeling  on  his  haunches,  sets 
off  in  a  full  gallop  in  the  opposite  direction.  The  effect  is  irresistible.  The 
man  is  instantly  brought  to  the  ground.  If  it  be  upon  cattle  that  the  lazo 
is  thrown,  the  flight  of  the  animal  is  instantly  arrested  ;  and  he  is  obliged 
to  follow  the  horse,  or  choke.  With  the  greatest  ease,  a  peasant  will  throw 
the  lazo  round  the  horns  or  legs  of  a  bull,  and  thus  keep  the  wildest  and 
most  vicious  animal  in  subjection,  without  losing  his  seat.  The  constant 
use  of  the  lazo,  from  early  infancy,  can  alone  account  for  the  extraordinary 
dexterity  he  displays  in  casting  it. 


212  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

alas !  this  order  was  issued  too  late  to  be  of  use  to  Sombrcr«. 
For  while  they  were  collecting,  advices  of  the  disaster  of  the 
fort,  reached  Los  Remedios.  This  event  affected  the  general 
deeply.  It  was  difficult  for  him  to  conceal  his  conflicting 
emotions  of  sorrow,  for  many  of  his  brave  companions,  who 
he  presumed  had  fallen  in  the  struggle;  and  of  indignation,  at 
the  shameful  neglect  of  Torres  in  not  having  made  seasonable 
exertions  in  favour  of  Sombrero.  He  preserved,  however, 
his  usual  serenity,  well  knowing,  that  either  reproaches  or 
despondency  must  produce  bad  effects  at  the  then  juncture  of 
affairs. 

A  few  of  Mina's  officers  and  men  reached  Los  Remedios,  and 
from  them  he  obtained  details  of  the  disaster  that  had  befallen 
them ;  but  of  the  extent  of  the  loss  he  was  still  uninformed. 
He  despatched  several  persons  to  seek  out  the  foreigners,  and 
conduct  them  to  him.  Thirty-one  only  Avere  found ;  but, 
nevertheless,  Mina  still  indulged  the  hope,  that  as  the  sally 
had  been  effected  at  night  by  the  barranca,  the  rest  of  the 
troops  might  have  gained  the  mountains  near  Sombrero,  where 
they  would  be  taken  care  of  by  the  cavalry  of  Ortiz. 

Advices  also  reached  the  fort,  that  Linan,  flushed  with  his 
late  success,  was  advancing  with  reenforcements  against  Los 
Remedios.  This  movement  of  his  was  anticipated,  but  it  was 
likewise  supposed  that  it  would  be  the  close  of  his  career. 
This  opinion  was  founded  upon  the  strength  of  the  fort,  and 
the  arrangements  made  for  harassing  the  enemy. 

The  fort  of  Los  Remedios,  or  as  it  is  called  by  the  royalists, 
San  Gregorio^  was  situated  on  a  lofty,  though  not  extensive 
>  range  of  mountains,  rising  abruptly  out  of  the  delightful  plains 
of  Penjamo  and  Siiao,  in  the  province  of  Guanaxuato ;  being- 
distant  from  the  city  of  that  name  south-south-west  about 
twelve  leagues,  from  Sombrero  south  about  eighteen,  and 
from  Penjamo  east-north-east  four  leagues.  From  the  plain, 
the  road  wound  up  the  declivities  of  the  mountain,  (and  in 
some  places  it  was  remarkably  steep)  by  a  ridge,  for  a  distance 
of  nearly  two  miles  to  the  highest  elevation  of  the  fort  called 
Tepeaca.  From  that  point  the  hill  again  descended,  widen- 
ing a  considerable  distance  into  the  heart  of  the  mountain,  to. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  213 

the  extremity  of  the  fort  which  was  denominated  Pansacola. 
The  ascent  was  not  fortified  either  bv  nature  or  art  until 
arriving-  at  a  place  called  La  Cueva^  at  about  one-third  of  its 
height  from  the  plain;  whence  the  road  continued,  bv  a  difficult, 
narrow,  and,  in  places,  very  steep  ridge,  up  to  Tepeaca.  On 
the  left  of  La  Cueva,  the  ridge  was  skirted  by  a  tremendous 
precipice  of  from  one  to  two  hundred  feet  perpendicular  height ; 
which  continued  on  that  side  of  the  fort,  with  little  variation, 
to  Pansacola.  On  the  right  of  La  Cueva,  the  ridge  was  like- 
wise bounded  by  a  precipice,  to  within  a  few  paces  of  a  small 
work  called  Santa  Rosalia.  From  the  termination  of  this 
precipice,  a  wall  of  three  feet  in  thickness  extended  up  to 
Tepeaca.  Between  these  two  points  the  ascent  of  the  barranca 
was  eas5',  and  from  thence  to  Pansacola,  it  was  naturally  de- 
fended by  a  continuation  of  bold,  elevated,  and  broken  ground. 
At  this  place  there  was  a  small  passage  into  the  fort,  but  the 
precipices  made  the  access  to  it  very  dangerous.  In  short, 
the  whole  of  the  fort,  with  the  exception  of  the  small  entrance 
at  Pansacola,  and  that  part  on  the  right  of  the  road  ascending 
to  Tepeaca,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  work  of  Santa  Rosalia,  was 
surrounded  by  a  continuance  of  awful  precipices,  forming  bar- 
rancas immensely  deep,  and  from  one  to  three  hundred  yards 
in  width;  and  it  was  at  these  places  only,  or  at  the  gate  at  La 
Cueva  that  an  entrance  could  possibly  be  gained  into  the  fort. 
At  La  Cueva,  where  the  ridge  ascending  into  the  fort  was  only 
thirty  feet  in  breadth,  a  traverse  wall  was  thrown  up  on  which 
Vv'ere  mounted  two  guns.  The  work  next  above  La  Cueva  was 
a  small  half-moon  battery  of  one  gun  called  Santa  Rosalia, 
which  raked  the  wall  up  to  the  next  battery  called  La  Libertad. 
This  was  a  work  of  two  guns,  which  enfiladed  the  space  down 
to  Santa  Rosalia.  Above  La  Libertad  was  a  small  one  gun 
battery,  and  above  it  Santa  Barbara,  a  battery  of  two  guns, 
which  commanded  the  others  ;  while  Tepeaca,  mounting  two 
guns,  crowned  the  whole,  commanding  the  barranca,  and  the 
\  heights  on  its  opposite  side ;  but,  from  its  great  elevation, 
it  did  not  command  the  works  of  the  fort.  Across  the  only 
weak  part  of  Pansacola  a  breastwork  was  thrown  up,  merely 


214  Mt:XICAN  REVOLUTION. 

to  cover  infimtry,  as  the  difficulties  of  its  approach  rendered 
it  secure,  if  defended  by  a  few  stead}^  troops. 

One  height,  in  front  of  Pansacola,  commanded  the  fort,  and 
likewise  a  hill,  opposite  to  Tepeaca ;  but,  from  the  difficulty 
of  ascending  the  latter,  owing  to  its  extraordinary  steepness, 
Torres,  and  colonel  Noboa  who  had  examined  it,  considered 
it  was  impossible  to  transport  artillery  to  that  summit.  In 
fact,  the  strength  of  this  fort,  whose  natural  advantages  were 
so  much  improved  by  art,  seemed  to  warrant  the  opinion,  that, 
protected  by  a  garrison  of  resolute  men,  it  would  be  impreg- 
nable. 

Within  the  fort,  near  Pansacola,  was  a  well  affording  a  con- 
stant supply  of  water  that  had  never  yet  been  found  deficient 
even  in  seasons  of  drought;  there  was  likewise  a  large  rivulet 
which  ran  through  the  barranca  on  the  left  of  the  fort,  and 
washed  the  feet  of  the  precipices.  This  stream,  during  the 
rainy  season,  and  for  two  or  three  months  afterwards,  yielded 
abundance  of  water.  It  was  therefore  deemed  impracticable 
to  deprive  the  garrison  of  a  supply  of  water.  The  fort  was 
victualled  with  txventy  thousand  fanegas  (about  one  and  a 
half  bushel  English  measure  to  the  fanega)  of  Indian  corn^  ten 
thousand  of  xuheat^  a  large  quantity  of  flour,  six  hundred  head 
of  cattle^  txvo  thousand  sheep  or  goats ^  and  three  hundred  large 
hags.  The  supply  of  ammunition  was  considerable,  besides 
a  quantity  of  nitre,  sulphur,  iron,  copper,  and  lead.  The  gar- 
rison of  the  fort  consisted  of  about  iifteen  hundred  troops,  of 
whom  three  hundred  had  been  trained  for  infantry  by  colonel 
Noboa,  and  were  under  tolerable  discipline.  The  rest  of  the 
troops  formed  a  motly  group,  undisciplined,  but  brave. 

When  Mina  arrived  at  the  fort,  its  works  were  in  many 
parts  defective;  but,  by  the  exertions  of  his  officers,  and  four- 
teen hundred  peasantry  who  were  kept  there  for  that  duty, 
they  were  placed  in  a  more  perfect  order.  The  whole  num- 
ber of  persons  in  the  fort,  including  the  peasantry,  women  and 
children,  was  about  three  thousand. 

As  the  enemy  could  not  succeed  in  their  attempts  to  carry 
Sombrero  by>  assault,  it  was  presumable  they  could,  never  so 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  215 

carry  the  fort  of  Los  Remedios,  since  the  latter  presented  so 
many  nnore  obstacles  to  such  an  endeavour,  than  the  former. 
To  attempt  to  reduce  it  by  famine  was  considered  as  prepos- 
terous, as  it  would  consume  much  more  time  than  the  enemy 
could  devote  to  such  an  operation.  In  short,  the  fort  was  deem- 
ed capable  of  withstanding  a  siege  of  at  least  twelve  months. 
We  have  been  thus  particular  in  describing  the  fort  of  Los 
Remedios,  in  order  to  show  that  if  Torres  had  been  a  man 
possessing  even  true  patriotism,  without  military  discernment, 
and  had  acted  with  zeal  and  good  faith  towards  Mina,  he  would 
have  advised  the  latter  to  have  repaired  with  all  his  officers 
and  men  to  Los  Remedios,  there  to  have  concentrated  their 
forces,  and  formed  their  plan  of  future  operations.  Instead 
of  doing  this,  Torres  induced  Mina  to  remain  at  Sombrero,  by 
deluding  him  with  hollow  promises  of  supplies  of  provisions 
and  troops,  until  his  prospects  were  blasted  by  the  destruction 
of  his  division.  It  is  impossible  therefore  for  us  not  to  accuse 
Torres  of  treachery  or  ignorance,  and  in  fact  of  both,  in  all  his 
conduct  towards  Mina.     But  let  us  resume  our  narrative. 

It  was  determined  between  Torres  and  Mina,  that  while  the 
former  should  remain  in  defence  of  the  fort,  the  latter  should 
take  the  command  of  a  body  of  cavalry,  for  the  purpose  of 
harassing  the  enemv,  by  infesting  the  roads,  and  preventing 
supplies  from  reaching  them.  Meanwhile,  Linan  was  enabled, 
in  consequence  of  the  severe  blow  which  he  had  struck  at 
Sombrero,  to  advance,  with  a  strong  reenforcement,  against 
Los  Remedios  ;  and  on  the  S/th,  a  division  of  his  army  made 
its  appearance  before  that  place. 

Mina  thereon  withdrew  from  the  fort  with  nine  hundred 
cavalr)^,  with  the  view  already  stated.  He  wished  to  take 
with  him  all  his  officers,  but  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of 
Torres,'' who  considered  them  of  the  highest  importance  for 
the  defence  of  the  fort,  he  left  the  whole  behind  him,  with  the 
exception  of  his  aid  de  camp.  It  is  true,  that  these  officers 
were  of  essential  consequence,  for  the  defence  of  the  fort, 
but  the  loss  to  Mina  was  most  serious ;  for  had  he  taken 
them  with  him,  there  would  have  been  more  likelihood  of 
his  accomplishing  his  views,  than  when  he  was  dependent 


216  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

upon  men  among  the  patriot  officers,  whose  characters  and 
abilities  he  had  yet  to  ascertain.  Perhaps  there  is  no  circum- 
stance in  Mina's  career,  that  displays  more  clearly  his  ge- 
nerous and  magnanimous  disposition,  than  his  thus  yielding  to 
the  importunities  of  Torres,  after  the  shameful  manner  in 
which  the  latter  had  neglected  him  at  Sombrero.  He  was 
now  to  take  the  field  with  a  body  of  irregular  troops,  without 
even  the  semblance  of  discipline,  and  without  possessing  ei- 
ther confidence  in  him,  or  in  one  another,  and  to  enter  on  an 
active  campaign,  which  peculiarly  required  the  aid  of  experi- 
enced officers.  However,  to  do  his  best  was  all  that  was  left  to 
him;  and  he  consoled  himself  with  the  reflection,  that  his  offi- 
cers would  essentially  contribute  to  baffle  the  enemy's  designs 
upon  Los  Remedies. 

The  general  marched  to  the  Tlachiquera^  an  hacienda  near 
the  cantonment  of  Ortiz,  on  the  heights  of  Guanaxuato,  ten 
leagues  north  of  the  city  of  Guanaxuato,  by  the  route  of  the 
mountains.  He  had  ordered  Don  Encarnacion  Ortiz  to  meet 
him  at  the  hacienda,  and  there  he  expected  to  have  found  the 
greater  part  of  the  officers  and  men  of  his  own  division,  who, 
he  still  flattered  himself,  had  survived  the  disasters  of  Som- 
brero. 

We  have  before  noticed  the  loose  financial  and  military  re- 
gulations prevailing  among  the  patriots,  within  the  command 
of  Padre  Torres  ;  but  it  is  now  necessary  to  describe  particu- 
larly the  troops  as  arrayed  under  the  orders  of  Mina,  to  de- 
monstrate the  great  disadvantages  he  was  obliged  to  contend 
against. 

In  the  early  stages  of  the  revolution,  it  will  have  been  per- 
ceived by  our  former  statements,  that  there  were  periods  at 
which  several  divisions  had  attained  to  a  considerable  degree 
of  discipline  and  regularity,  under  Morelos,  Matamoros,  the 
Rayons,  Teran,  Victoria,  and  other  distinguished  patriot  offi- 
cers ;  but,  from  the  want  of  a  cordial  understanding  among 
those  chiefs,  the  cause  of  the  republic  had  retrograded,  as  we 
have  already  noted. 

In  the  latter  stages  of  the  revolution,  capable  and  experienced 
men  were  scarce ;  there  was  no  opportunity  for  selection ;  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  217 

commandants  were  not  only  illiterate  men,  but  unfortunately 
men  who  entered  into  the  cause  of  their  country,  as  into  an 
adventure  or  speculation,  and  who  made  their  own  convenience 
or  personal  views  paramount  the  success  of  the  revolution,  or 
the  interests  of  their  country. 

The  funds  which  ought  to  have  been  appropriated  for 
the  pay  and  equipment  of  their  troops,  were  absorbed  and 
squandered  by  the  commandants  and  their  satellites.  With 
no  check  upon  their  cupidity,  they  enriched  themselves  with 
impunity.  The  troops  were  allowed  to  live  at  their  respec- 
tive homes,  and  were  never  called  together  but  on  a  pressing 
emergency.  When  they  did  assemble,  each  man  was  clothed 
as  suited  his  particular  taste  or  circumstances.  The  soldier 
received  no  pay,  unless  in  active  service,  and  then  it  was  only 
two  reals  per  day,  out  of  which  he  supported  himself.  On 
Sunday  they  would  assemble  at  a  pueblo,  for  the  double  pur- 
pose of  hearing  mass,  and  of  receiving,  when  the  commanders 
chose  to  be  in  funds  to  supply  them,  a  hat,  or  shirt,  and 
sometimes  a  dollar  or  two,  not  on  the  score  of  pay  of  which 
no  roll's  were  kept,  but  as  a  gracious  donation.  Beyond  this 
they  were  seldom  supplied  ;  in  short,  they  were  generally  to 
be  seen  in  their  shirt  sleeves,  covered  with  a  mangas  or  a  blan- 
ket. The  only  exception  to  this  description  were  the  escoltas 
(escorts)  of  the  commandants,  consisting  of  from  ten  to  fifty 
men,  agreeably  to  the  means  and  consequence  of  the  command- 
ants. These  were  picked  men,  who  had  distinguished  them- 
selves for  courage.  They  were  well  dressed,  according  to  the 
taste  of  the  commandant ;  were  mounted  on  excellent  horses, 
and  were  generally  well  armed ;  they  acted  as  a  body  guard 
to  the  commandant,  with  whom  they  fled  when  it  became 
necessary. 

The  whole  of  the  troops,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  the 
forts,  were  cavalry,  a  horse  being  given  to  each  man,  which 
he  was  obliged  to  protect  from  the  enemy.  Living  at  their 
respective  houses,  they  were  constantly  on  the  alert,  and  on 
the  approach  of  the  enemy,  instead  of  uniting  for  common 
defence,  each  man  was  provident  for  his  own  safety.  The 
commandants  of  the  districts  asserted,  that  this  was  the  only 
(28) 


218  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

way  to  save  theii"  men,  as  the  incursions  of  the  enemy  would 
nor  permit  them  to  be  embodied  in  troops  or  squadrons.  This 
system,  it  is  true,  had  in  some  degree  become  necessary;  but 
it  was  a  fatal  necessity,  created  by  the  vicious  character  of  the 
commandants  themselves,  who  amassed  and  dissipated  the 
resources  of  the  country,  for  their  own  personal  gratifications, 
in  place  of  devoting  them  to  clothing  and  subsisting  a  respect- 
able body  of  troops. 

Whenever  their  soldiers  were  to  be  collected,  it  was  usually 
accomplished,  by  despatching  persons  around  the  country, 
with  orders  for  them  to  repair  to  an  appointed  rendezvous, 
which  they  obeyed  at  their  pleasure.  The  men  generally  ap- 
pointed their  own  officers,  with  the  exception  of  the  command- 
ants of  the  district,  and  it  was  not  uncommon  to  see  captains, 
majors,  colonels,  and  brigadiers,  who  had  once  been  field 
labourers,  mayor  domos,  or  arrieros,  (muleteers.)  Few  of 
them  could  read  or  write,  and  none  of  them  had  any  preten- 
sions to  military  knowledge  of  any  kind.  They  had  been 
chosen  by  their  companions  for  personal  intrepidity  and  ac- 
tivity, qualities,  in  their  estimation,  of  primary  importance  ; 
and  which  the  most  of  them  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree. 
It  is  hence  obvious,  that  no  discipline  nor  military  arrange- 
ments could  exist  among  such  troops  and  officers.  Incapable 
of  forming  in  line  with  precision,  unaccustomed  to  any  sort  of 
uniformity  in  the  language  of  command,  or  the  practice  of 
even  reducing  or  forming  column,  they  were  no  more  than  a 
disunited  mob,  destitute  alike  of  the  knowledge  of  arriving  at, 
and  the  sense  of  the  importance  of,  compactness  and  unity  of 
action.  The  confidence  which  a  disciplined  soldier  places  in 
the  support  of  his  companions,  the  result  of  a  simultaneous 
motion  at  command,  was  unknown  to  them.  But,  notwith- 
standing all  these  defects,  their  natural  bravery  enabled  them 
occasionally  to  perform  most  daring  exploits.  They  charged 
desperately,  in  loose  and  broken  masses ;  and,  if  they  succeeded 
in  piercing  the  enemy's  line,  made  great  havoc ;  but  if  checked, 
they  broke.  It  was  in  vain  to  attempt  to  rally  them.  Like 
Scythians,  they  came  down  in  a  hail  storm,  and  retired  in  a 
cloud,  each  man  seeking  his  safety  in  flight,  not  like  disciplined 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  219 

troops  when  broken,  to  rally  and  form  at  some  convenient  po- 
sition, but  to  save  themselves  altogether.  In  these  scenes, 
the  flying  soldiers,  and  particularly  the  officers,  frequently  gave 
proofs  of  great  personal  valour  and  presence  of  mind. 

The  Mexican,  mounted  on  his  horse  on  whose  speed  and 
activity  he  can  rely,  places  the  most  unbounded  confidence  in 
him.  Neither  showers  of  balls  nor  the  numbers  of  his  oppo- 
nents dismay  him.  The  officers  dash  in  among  the  enemy, 
and,  perfectly  regardless  how  their  men  act,  seem  only  in- 
tent on  setting  them  an  example  of  courage.  When  com- 
pelled to  retreat  before  superior  numbers,  the  Mexican,  in- 
stead of  jading  his  favourite  horse,  proportions  his  flight  to 
the  speed  of  his  pursuers  ;  and  if  he  perceive  one  or  two  of 
the  enemy  detached  from  their  main  body,  he  will  face  round 
and  give  them  battle  in  presence  of  the  rest.  In  short,  we 
know,  from  frequent  personal  observation,  that  no  men  pos- 
sess more  innate  courage  than  the  Mexican  Creole.  He 
has  every  necessary  ingredient  to  form  the  soldier ;  and, 
as  an  individual,  seated  on  his  usually  high  spirited  horse, 
with  his  sword  and  lance,  is  as  formidable  an  opponent  as 
any  in  the  world.  But  for  want  of  discipline  and  military 
regulation,  the  Creoles  are  of  little  use  when  embodied,  and 
can  easily  be  put  to  the  rout.  Hence  the  royalists,  whose 
troops  are  composed  of  artillery  and  trained  infantry,  besides 
cavalry,  have  been  enabled  to  gain  advantages  over  them;  and 
more  especially  at  the  period  of  which  we  are  now  treating, 
when  the  destinies  of  the  republic  were  in  the  hands  of  such 
men  as  Padre  Torres  and  his  commandants. 

This  description  of  the  Creoles  is  not  peculiar  to  those  of 
Mexico;  but  may  with  a  little  modification  be  considered,  we 
think,  as  a  correct  one  of  those  of  all  the  Spanish  settlements 
on  the  American  continent.  The  natural  qualities  of  this  race, 
their  intrepidity,  their  capacity  to  endure  hardships  and  pri- 
vations, their  sobriety,  their  self  possession,  and  their  abste- 
miousness, are  qualities  so  well  calculated  for  military  enter- 
prise, that  the  intelligent  reader  will  at  once  perceive  that 
discipline  alone  is  necessary  to  render  them,  in  their  own 
country  and  climate,  the  most  formidable  and  effective  soldiers. 


220  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Shall  this  Jine  race  of  people  become  free  and  independent^ 
and  allies  of  the  republic  of  the  United  States,  or  are  they  to 
become  like  the  Asiatics,  in  circumstances  nearly  similar,  the 
sid)jugators  of  their  ozvn  country  under  European  discipline, 
and  the  terror  and  scourge  of  adjacent  countries  ?  Who  can 
foresee  xuhat  might  be  accomplished  by  two  hundred  thousand 
Mexican  Creoles,  versed  in  the  tactics  of  this  day,  zuith  ambi- 
tious European  leaders  P  This  is  a  subject  which  opens  a 
wide  field  for  reflection,  and  particularly  merits  the  regard  of 
the  American  statesman. 

The  equipments  of  the  patriots  have  already  been  briefly 
noticed.  Their  ammunition  was  in  general  of  their  own 
manufacture.  The  physical  resources  of  the  country  are  su- 
perabundant, with  any  common  management.  For  Mexico 
abounds  with  salt  petre  :  the  craters  of  her  volcanoes  yield 
sulphur;  while  the  forests  aflPord  charcoal.  Thus,  although 
the  manufacture  be  rude,  they  can  make  quantities  of  powder. 
Flints  are  found  in  the  rivulets  of  the  mountains;  and  from  the 
bowels  of  the  latter  are  extracted  lead,  copper  and  iron,  as  well 
as  gold  and  silver.  They  have  thus  the  means  within  them- 
selves of  carrying  on  war  ;  but  the  want  of  artists  and  mecha- 
nics renders  their  productions  of  but  little  use  to  them. 

The  body  of  nine  hundred  cavalry,  which  was  placed  under 
Mina's  command,  was  composed  of  men  such  as  we  have  de- 
scribed, who  may  be  properly  styled  Mexican  Cossacks.  Hosts 
of  ofllicers  were  among  them :  a  corps  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men  would  be  commanded  by  brigadiers,  or  colonels;  colonels 
again  would  command  a  body  of  fifty  men.  The  subalterns 
were  numerous  ;  in  one  body  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
commanded  by  a  brigadier,  there  were  above  eighteen  captains. 
Different  descriptions  of  arms  were  found  in  the  same  com- 
pany; and  a  just  subordination  was  unknown  among  them. 

With  such  troops  was  Mina  now  destined  to  act.  Almost 
any  other  man  would  have  been  filled  with  desponding  appre- 
hensions, under  such  circumstances.  But,  although  he  was 
aware  of  their  want  of  discipline,  yet  as  he  had  seen  the  same 
description  of  troops  behave  well  in  the  affair  of  San  Juan  de 
Ids  Llanos,  and  as  in  the  recent  attack  on  the  enemy's  cavalry 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  221 

between  Leon  and  Silao,  he  had  been  an  eyewitness  of  their 
valour,  he  imagined  that  by  perseverance  he  should  be  able  to 
remedy  all  their  deficiencies. 

The  general,  with  great  pains  and  patience  formed  his  nine 
hundred  men  into  three  squadrons  ;  the  carabineers  formed  the 
vanguard ;  the  centre  was  composed  of  lancers,  and  the  rear 
guard  of  car«i)ineers;  he  assigned  commanding  officers  to  each 
division;  and  contemplated  establishing  a  Guard  of  Honour 
from  his  supernumerary  officers,  on  the  model  of  his  old  guard, 
but  he  did  not  accomplish  it. 

The  captain  general  Don  Jose  Maria  Liceaga,  whom  we 
have  before  mentioned,  had  joined  Mina.  His  advice  and 
information  were  of  great  importance.  The  patriots  however 
viewed  Liceaga  with  a  jealous  ej'.e.  He  had  become  unpopu- 
lar by  endeavouring  to  adhere  to  a  system  of  strict  discipline, 
as  is  always  the  case  where  discipline  is  neither  established 
nor  its  advantages  appreciated. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  Mina  was  near  the  Tlachiquera; 
there  he  met  Ortiz,  with  nineteen  of  the  division,  who  had 
escaped  from  Sombrero.  There  were  six  officers  among  the 
nineteen  men.  The  moment  the  general  saw  them,  he  put 
spurs  to  his  horse,  and  flew  to  receive  them.  He  cordially 
gave  them  a  soldier's  embrace,  and  with  great  eagerness  asked; 
"  Where  are  the  rest?"  He  was  answered;  "We  are  all  that 
are  left."  The  blow  was  severe  :  his  countenance  depicted 
the  anguish  of  his  heart;  and  placing  his  leg  across  the  pum- 
mel of  his  saddle,  he  reclined  his  head  on  his  hand.  His  fine 
eye  glistened  with  the  warrior's  tear  of  sensibility,  but  quickly 
recovering  himself,  his  countenance  resumed  its  accustomed 
serenity.  The  general  retained  four  officers  and  six  soldiers 
of  the  nineteen  men,  and  ordered  the  rest  to  take  commands 
under  Ortiz. 

In  the  meantime  the  army  of  Linan  had  invested  the  fort, 
and  the  formal  siege  of  Los  Remedios  commenced  on  the  31st 
of  August.  The  barrancas  and  precipices  which  encircled  the 
fort,  were  alike  important  to  defend  the  besiegers  against  sal- 
lies, and  the  besieged  against  assaults.  The  former  posted 
their  infantry  on  positions  with  one  exception  inaccessible  to 


222  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

assault,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  barrancas,  and  in  front  ol' 
the  works  of  the  fort. 

The  enemy,  not  satisfied  with  occupying  naturally  impregna- 
ble holds,  intrenched  themselves  wherever  they  planted  their 
batteries.    Their  front  was  protected  against  the  assaults  of  the 
besieged,  by  insurmountable  precipices ;   and  their  rear  was 
secured  against  the  movements  of  Mina,  as  it  was  impossible, 
for  cavalry  to  ascend  those  heights.     The  grand  encampment 
of  the  enemy  was  formed  in  the  plain,  immediately  at  the  foot 
of  the  ascent  to  the  entrance  of  the  fort.     From  this  position, 
they  could  more  easily  reenforce  their  works  around  the  fort; 
thence  they  could  cover  them  from  Mina's  attacks,  and  be- 
sides prevent  the  escape  of  the  garrison  by  that  passage.    The 
only  possible  way  left  for  escape,  was  by  Pansacola.     The 
head-quarters  of  Linan  were  placed  on  the  summit,  on  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  barranca,  directly  facing  Tepeaca.     After 
the  enemy  had  broken  ground  in  front,  they  had,  by  incredible 
labour,  drawn  up  cannon,  and  planted  on  the  summit  a  battery 
of  three  guns  and  two  howitzers.    This  battery,  being  within 
a  short  range  of  Tepeaca,  severely  annoyed  that  position;  but, 
from  its  great  elevation,  could  not  fire  into  the  other  works. 
It  was  an  annoyance  not  anticipated  by  the  besieged,  as  they 
had  calculated  that  it  was  impracticable  to  raise  cannon  to  that 
spot.     The  enemy,  however,  after  some  time,  made  an  exca- 
vation in  the  side  of  the  precipice,  below  the  above  work,  suf- 
ficient to  mount  one  gun,  from  which  they  effectually  raked 
the  works  of  the  fort,  from  Tepeaca  down  to  Santa  Rosalia. 
On  the  side  of  the  barranca,  fronting  the  works  of  Santa  Rosa- 
lia and  La  Libertad,  the  enemy  had  erected  two  batteries,  the 
one  commanding  the  other,  which  threw  shot  into  the  works 
of  the  besieged,  from  the  distance  of  half  musket  shot.     In 
the  first  work  of  the  enemy  were  planted  three  pieces  of  heavy 
artillery;  in  the  second,  two  pieces.     In  the  rear  of  the  latter, 
on  a  sinall  table  land,  was  an  intrenched  camp,  with  one  piece 
of  artillery,  and  likewise  naturally  well  defended.    On  a  com- 
manding height,  in  the  rear  of  the  whole,  were  planted  a  twelve 
pound  battering  gun  and  a  howitzer.    From  this  position,  the 
whole  of  that  part  of  Los  Remedios,  from  La  Cueva  up  to 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  223 

Tepeaca,  was  much  annoyed.  Opposite  the  weak  part  of  Pan- 
sacola,  another  encampment  was  formed,  and  a  battery  of  two 
pieces  of  artillery  and  two  howitzers  was  there  opened.  On  the 
left  of  La  Cueva,  three  pieces  of  artillery  and  two  howitzers 
were  subsequently  planted  in  battery,  which  fired  into  the  rear 
of  that  work.  Between  their  several  positions,  on  every  place 
where  escape  was  in  any  way  practicable,  were  posted  intrench- 
ed picquets,  with  the  view  also  of  cutting  off  from  the  fort  all 
possible  external  communication.  A  corp  of  eight  hundred 
well  equipped  infantry  and  cavalry,  under  the  command  of 
Don  Francisco  de  Orrantia,  was  ordered  to  observe  the  move- 
ments of  Mina. 

Thus  had  the  enemy,  with  extraordinary  trouble  and  skill, 
completed  a  line  of  attack,  which  effectually  hemmed  in  the 
garrison,  and  menaced  the  works,  of  Los  Remcdios.  We 
have  already  described  the  defences  of  the  fort ;  and,  although 
at  the  time  the  siege  was'commenced  many  parts  of  the  works 
•were  defective,  yet,  by  the  labour  of  the  peasantrj',  and  the 
skill  and  activity  of  Mina's  officers,  they  were  daily  improved 
and  strengthened. 

Mina  advanced  from  the  Tlachiquera  to  the  cantonment  of 
Don  Encarnacion  Ortiz,  where  he  augmented  his  force  with 
two  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  cavalry  of  that  officei",  and  march- 
ed the  same  evening.  His  first  great  object  was  to  interrupt 
the  enemy's  line  of  communication  between  the  city  of  Mexico 
and  the  northern  provinces.  By  destroying  their  fortifications 
in  that  direction,  their  convoys  would  be  deprived  of  their 
strong  places  of  depot,  and  consequently  would  be  exposed  to 
the  incursions  of  the  patriots  of  Kalpa^  who  were  in  strong 
bodies  about  Queretaro,  and  on  that  road.  Thus,  also,  sup- 
plies for  the  besieging  army  at  Remedies  would  be  rendered 
precarious. 

Mina  advanced  rapidly,  the  first  night  of  his  march;  and,  at 
sun-rise  next  morning,  came  up  to  a  fortified  hacienda,  called 
Biscocho.  Its  defences  were  insignificant.  The  garrison  took 
possession  of  the  church,  and  from  the  top  and  steeple  fired  on 
the  assailants.  Mina  sent  a  summons,  demanding  their  im- 
mediate surrender.    A  refusal  having  been  returned,  the  place 


224  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

was  attacked,  and  after  a  short  conflict,  carried.  The  garrison 
were  made  prisoners,  with  the  exception  of  the  commandant, 
who  had  prudently  decamped  on  the  first  appearance  of  Mina's 
troops.  The  recollection  of  the  dreadful  massacre  at  Sombre- 
ro, the  clamours  of  Mina's  surviving  companions,  and  the 
rage  of  his  whole  division,  now  operated  on  his  feelings ;  and, 
for  the  first  time,  he  listened  to  the  cries  of  revenge.  Thirty- 
one  of  the  garrison  were  taken  out,  and  shot.  The  mere  men- 
tion, a  few  weeks  before,  of  such  a  sacrifice  of  prisoners,  would 
have  filled  the  general,  as  well  as  his  troops,  with  horror;  but 
the  wanton  barbarity  of  the  royalists  rendered  it  necessary  to 
repress  the  feelings  of  humanity.  The  extension  of  mercy  to 
an  enemy  who  spurned  at  every  principle  of  civilized  warfare, 
had  become  impolitic  and  preposterous ;  and  it  was  now  ne- 
cessary to  repel  acts  of  barbarism,  by  measures  of  just  reta- 
liation. The  remains  of  Mina's  division  vowed  to  sacrifice 
every  royalist  taken  in  arms,  until  they  had  expiated  the  blood 
of  their  murdered  companions,  or  until  the  enemy  should  re- 
frain from  immolating  their  prisoners  in  cold  blood.  It  was 
not,  however,  Mina's  intention  to  cherish  these  views  of  reta- 
liation. On  the  occasion  in  question,  he  permitted  the  princi- 
ple to  be  acted  upon;  but  it  is  the  only  act,  bearing  the  appa- 
rent impress  of  cruelty  or  severity,  with  which  his  name  can 
be  charged. 

After  ordering  the  hacienda  to  be  burned,  to  prevent  its 
being  immediately  re-occupied^by  the  enemy,  and  driving  off 
the  cattle,  the  general,  next  morning,  continued  his  march  to- 
wards San  Luis  de  la  Paz;  a  pueblo  of  some  importance,  situ- 
ated about  fourteen  leagues  to  the  eastward  of  Guanaxuato. 
San  Luis  de  la  Paz  had  suff"ered  much  during  the  revolution, 
and  many  of  its  principal  edifices  were  in  ruins.  It  was 
occupied  by  a  division  of  the  enemy,  consisting  of  a  hundred, 
infantry,  aided  by  some  of  the  male  population  of  the  place. 
On  Mina's  approach,  the  enemy  had  ordered  them  to  repair 
to  the  fortifications,  and  had  made  preparations  for  resist- 
ance. The  church,  the  parsonage  house  which  joined  it,  and 
the  cemetery,  were  the  chief  places  of  defence.  The  former 
was  in  itself  a  strong  hold;  while  the  latter  was  surrounded 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  225 

by  a  wall  pierced  with  loop  holes,  outside  of  which  was  a  dry 
ditch,  crossed  by  a  drawbridge,  affording  the  only  approach 
to  the  church.  Its  garrison,  sheltered  by  the  wall,  gave  great 
annoyance  through  the  loop  holes,  and  every  place  around  their 
little  work  was  commanded  by  infantry  posted  on  the  top  of 
the  church  and  in  the  belfry,  the  openings  of  which  had  been 
filled  up  with  bricks,  sufficient  to  protect  the  men. 

The  garrison,  supposing  that  Mina  would  be  repulsed,  with 
the  same  ease  with  which  the  attacks  of  other  patriot  command- 
ers had  always  been  foiled,  had  been  careless  in  supplying 
the  place  with  provisions ;  but  they  had  water  from  a  fountain 
at  the  parsonage  house.  Against  organized  troops  this  place 
could  not  have  been  defended  ;  and  if  Mina  had  then  had  with 
him  his  former  little  band  of  foreigners,  he  would  have  carried 
it  in  a  few  minutes  by  storm.  But  he  now  found  that  the 
patriot  troops,  whom  he  had  beheld  in  combats  in  plains 
against  the  enemy's  cavalry  and  infantry  acting  with  the 
greatest  gallantry,  when  brought  to  scale  walls,  or  to  resist 
infantry  posted  behind  a  fortified  place,  were  totally  ineffective. 
The  general  summoned  the  commander  of  the  garrison  to 
surrender.  A  refusal  having  been  returned,  Mina  surrounded 
the  place,  so  as  effectually  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  garrison. 
He  determined  on  making  an  experiment  to  carry  it  by  assault, 
particularly  as  some  ruins  of  houses  stood  within  twenty  paces 
of  the  drawbridge.  He  made  the  necessary  dispositions,  but 
soo'n  perceived  that  is  was  difficult  to  draw  his  soldiers  from 
their  coverts  among  the  ruined  houses.  In  vain  he  tried  to 
make  them  advance  in  a  compact  body.  They  scattered  and 
fell  back  before  the  fire  of  the  infantry  of  the  garrison.  Some 
intrepid  officers  and  men  of  the  storming  parties  boldly  ad- 
&<:  vanced,  but  not  being  properly  supported,  their  lives  were 
sacrificed  to  their  gallantr)-.  The  general  was  deeply  mortified. 
He  resolved,  however,  to  reduce  the  place  by  famine,  in  case 
he  could  not  otherwise  effect  it.  The  patriots  at  times  would 
seem  anxious  to  renew  the  attack,  and  the  general,  enlivened, 
would  again  lead  them  on :  but  it  was  in  vain ;  they  invariably 
shrunk  back,  at  the  very  critical  moment  when  firmness  was 
necessarv.  Various  plans  wei*e  now  devised  to  destroy  "the 
(29) 


226  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

drawbridge,  but  none  of  the  troops  could  be  prevailed  upon  t® 
carry  them  into  execution.  Bundles  of  faggots  were  prepared 
to  be  thrown  into  the  ditch  to  burn  it  down :  but  the  few  bun- 
dles, which  some  spirited  volunteers  carried  to  the  spot,  were 
not  sufficient  to  accomplish  the  object.  The  drawbridge  was 
suspended  only  by  strong  leather  thongs.  To  cut  these,  was 
one  plan ;  and  several  bold  attempts  were  ineffectually  made 
to  reach  them.  On  one  of  those  occasions  of  fitful  animation 
among  his  troops,  Mina  ordered  one  of  his  officers,  captain 
Perrier,  to  head  the  storming  party.  This  brave  fellow  found 
no  difficulty  in  scaling  the  wall,  and,  supposing  his  troops 
would  follow  him,  leaped  in  among  the  enemy ;  but,  on  turn- 
ing round,  he  found  himself  alone, — abandoned  at  a  moment 
when  an  easy  victory  might  have  been  gained.  The  gallant 
captain,  with  great  exertions,  made  his  escape  back,  but  was 
severely  wounded. 

Mina,  after  spending  four  days  in  these  abortive  attempts  at 
assault,  resorted  to  sapping  and  running  a  covered  way  from 
the  ruins  of  the  houses,  to  the  drawbridge;  which  he  accom- 
plished, and  the  bridge  was  then  cut  down.  The  garrison  at 
once  surrendered,  without  further  opposition,  and  called  for 
quarter.  The  scenes  of  Sombrero  were  still  fresh  in  the  recol- 
lection of  his  troops  ;  they  demanded  revenge,  and  reminded 
the  general  of  their  recent  oath  not  to  spare  a  royalist  taken  in 
arms.  But  the  merciful  disposition  of  Mina  now  displayed 
itself.  He  interposed  between  the  conquerors  and  the  van- 
quished, and  succeeded  in  preventing  an  indiscriminate 
slaughter  of  the  prisoners ;  but,  to  appease  the  patriots,  he 
consented  to  make  an  example  of  three  persons :  the  command- 
er of  the  place  ;  that  of  Biscocho,  who  was  found  here ;  and 
a  European  soldier.  They  were  shot.  The  greater  part  of  the 
prisoners  expressed  a  desire  to  join  Mina's  banners  ;  and  the 
rest  were  set  a^  liberty. 

The  fortifications  of  San  Luis  were  demolished,  as  it  was 
impossible  to  attempt  to  hold  it  against  a  regular  siege.  Colo- 
nel Gonzales,  in  whose  district  it  lay,  a  celebrated  warrior  of 
the  troops  of  Xalpa,  was  left  in  command  of  the  place,  to 
watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy.     Mina  then  advanced 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  227 

against  San  Migiiel  el  Grande^  a  town  of  considerable  impor- 
tance, fourteen  leagues  south-east  of  Guanaxuato.      While 
making  preparations  for  its  capture,  which,  from  its  position, 
he  had  every  ground  to  calculate  upon,  he  received  advice  that 
a  very  strong  body  of  the  enemy  were  advancing  for  its  de- 
fence ;  he  therefore  considered  it  prudent  to  draw  off  his  troops 
and  retreat.     He  now  saw  the  misfortune  of  having  occupied 
so  much  time  in  the  reduction  of  San  Luis  de  la  Paz.     If  he 
had  proceeded  to  San  Miguel  el  Grande  three  days  sooner,  he 
could  have  taken  the  place.    Immense  resources  of  every  kind 
would  have  been  there  acquired;  he  would  have  completed  his 
plan  of  cutting  off  the  enemy's  chain  of  communications  ;  and 
the  war  might  have  assumed  a  new  character.     But  to  fail, 
where  success  was  justly  anticipated,  is  an  event  incident  to 
the  species  of  warfare  in  which  he  was  then  engaged.     It  is 
ever  to  be  regretted  that  he  was  frustrated  in  the  prosecution 
of  his  plan. 

Mina  being  thus  under  the  necessity  of  abafldoning  his 
design  upon  San  Miguel,  proceeded  to  the  Valle  de  Santiago, 
a  place  of  some  importance,  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the 
river  of  that  name,  sixteen  leagues  south  of  Guanaxuato.    The 
Valle  de  Santiago,  whose  destruction  by  Torres  has  been  be- 
fore noticed,  was  one  of  the  few  towns  which  remained  in  the 
possession  of  the  patriots.     When  Mina  entered  it,  he  found 
it  in  ruins;  the  churches  alone  remaining  uninjured.     A  con- 
siderable population,  among  whom  were  some  very  respecta- 
ble families,  still  dwelt  amidst  this  scene  of  desolation,  in  huts 
erected  on  the  sites  of  their  former  handsome  edifices.     The 
inhabitants  of  the  Valle  de  Santiago,  animated  by  their  hostili- 
ty to  Spanish  authority,  scarcely  appeared  to  i-egret  that  their 
comforts  had  been  sacrificed  at  the  shrine  of  liberty.     Enthu- 
-  siastically  devoted  to  the  cause  of  their  country,  they  had  al- 
ways rejected  with  scorn  every  overture  of  the  royalists  to 
seduce  them.     Most  tenderly  did  they  cherish  the  thought  of 
the  independence  of  their  country, — most  faithfully  did  they 
cling  to  her  through  the  dark  night  of  her  misfortunes  ;   and, 
fmally,  sealed  their  attachment  to  her,  by  deserting  the  place 


228  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

of  their  nativity,  when  it  subsequently  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy. 

The  district  in  which  it  is  situated  is  riot  extensive ;  but 
valuable  from  possessing  a  soil  more  productive,  perhaps, 
than  that  of  any  other  part  of  the  kingdom.  It  enjoyed,  at 
that  time,  a  great  commerce ;  the  annual  revenue  of  the  coman- 
dancia  being  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  dollars.  Don 
Lucas  Flores^  the  commandant,  was  a  hardy,  intrepid  man, 
and,  as  a  guerilla  chief,  had  been  distinguished  by  his  enter- 
prise. Being  so  destitute  of  education,  as  to  be  unable  t9 
write  his  own  name,  the  regulation  of  the  finances  was  com- 
mitted to  a  treasurer.  The  principal  care  of  this  man  was 
directed  to  the  enrichment  of  himself;  so  that  the  revenue  of 
this  important  dis.trict  disappeared,  and  the  public  coffers  were 
kept  empty.     / 

Don  Lucas  was  one  of  the  confederated  commandants  un- 
der Padre  Torres.  Operated  upon  by  the  bad  example  of  his 
chief,  he  became  dissipated  and  inactive,  and  lost  his  popu- 
larity by  the  commission  of  arbitrary  and  vexatious  acts.  It 
was  in  the  power  of  Don  Lucas,  by  cordially  co-operating  with 
Mina,  to  have  rendered  the  most  essential  service  to  the  com- 
mon cause.  He  had  secreted  upwards  of  fifteen  hundred 
stand  of  excellent  arms,  which  he  had  taken  from  the  enemy 
in  different  actions;  these,  with  the  resources  of  his  comandan- 
cia,  properly  applied,  would  have  been  all  important  at  that 
juncture.  We  believe  that  he  was  sincerely  attached  to  his 
country,  but  from  his  great  regard  for  Torres,  or  from  pride, 
ignorance,  or  some  other  motive,  his  conduct  tovi^ards  Mina 
was  characterized  by  reserve.  Don  Lucas  commanded  a 
body  of  brave  troops — than  whom  none  had  displayed  more 
gallantry  in  the  irregular  conflicts  with  the  enemy's  cavalry. 
But,  as  was  usual,  the  escort  of  the  commandant  was  the  only 
portion  of  them  properly  equipped.  Gaming  and  disorderly 
conduct  of  every  kind,  predominated  among  them,  as  it  unfor- 
tunately did  among  all  the  revolutionary  troops. 

Mina  had  selected  the  Valle  de  Santiago  for  his  head-quar- 
ters, on  account  of  its  position,  its  abundant  resources  for  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  229 

supply  of  his  troops,  and  the  confidence  he  reposed  in  the 
patriotism  of  its  inhabitants.  On  entering  the  toAvn,  the  re- 
spectable inhabitants  received  him  in  the  most  affectionate  and 
enthusiastic  manner,  conducting  him  to  the  church  amidst  a 
concourse  of  people.  A  Te  Deiwi  was  chaunted,  and  every 
eye  beamed  with  satisfaction  at  beholding  Mina.  The  troops 
encamped  near  the  town;  where  pi'ovisions  and  pay  were  fur- 
nished them  by  the  comandancia  and  by  patriotic  indivi- 
duals. 

During  his  stay  in  the  Valle  de  Santiago,  Mina  attempted 
to  remedy  the  want  of  discipline  among  his  troops.  But  the 
officers  were  so  illiterate,  and  so  entirely  strangers  to  military 
subordination,  that  he  could  accomplish  but  little  in  the  short 
time  he  was  among  them.  A  total  change  of  system,  and 
much  time  were  requisite  to  eradicate  their  pernicious  habits, 
and  establish  discipline.  To  change  or  instruct  the  officers, 
to  regulate  anew  the  finances,  to  repress  the  excesses  of  anar- 
chy and  establish  order  and  subordination,  were  objects  to  be 
executed  only  by  degrees.  Besides,  had  Mina  attempted  to 
introduce  the  change  at  once,  his  measures  would  have  been 
viewed  as  harsh  and  despotic,  and  he  would  have  created 
enemies  among  those  whose  good  will  at  that  crisis  was  so 
important  to  him.  Under  these  circumstances,  there  remain- 
ed no  alternative  for  him  but  to  make  the  best  use  of  the 
means  which  were  presented  to  him,  and  to  adopt  such  a  sys- 
tem of  tactics  as  was  best  suited  to  troops  undisciplined,  and 
unacquainted  with  the  importance  of  military  subjection, 
until  time  and  events  should  enable  him  gradually  to  effect  a 
change.  He  flattered  himself  that  this  would  be  more  speedily 
accomplished,  could  he  only  succeed  in  raising  the  siege  of 
Los  Remedios. 

While  waiting  for  reenforcements,  he  advanced  with  a  select 
orps  to  attack  a  fortified  hacienda,  called  La  Sanja,  a  few 
leagues  distant  from  the  Valle  de  Santiago.  This  position  is 
strong,  and  being  in  a  low  situation  near  the  lake  of  Jurida, 
the  country  around  it  is  capable  of  being  inundated  at  pleasure. 
It  is  likewise  encompassed  by  broad  and  deep  ditches.    These 


230  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

difficulties  were  not  to  be  surmounted  by  inexperienced  troops, 
and  the  attempt  to  take  it  by  storm  proved  abortive.  He 
therefore  returned  to  the  Valle  de  Santiago. 

After  his  return,  he  issued  orders  to  the  surrounding  com- 
mandants, urging  them  to  direct  all  their  exertions  to  cut  up 
the  intercourse  by  the  roads  to  Los  Remedios  ;  pointing  that 
out,  as  the  most  effectual  measure  to  defeat  the  views  of  the 
enemy.  Having  received  a  small  reenforcement  of  troops,  he 
marched,  with  nearly  one  thousand  cavalry,  to  the  vicinity  of 
the  fort,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  the  enemy,  upon  the  first 
favourable  opportunity.  With  this  view,  he  proceeded  to  the 
hacienda  of  La  Hoya. 

The  enemy,  when  apprized  of  his  approach,  despatched 
a  strong  division  under  the  command  of  Don  Francisco  de 
Orrantia,  to  attack  him.  The  general  made  his  dispositions 
for  battle ;  but  finding,  on  reconnoitring,  that  the  force  con- 
sisted of  a  body  of  infantry  and  cavalry  against  which  it  would 
be  imprudent  to  contend,  he  ordered  a  retreat.  The  enemy 
pursued  him  to  the  foot  of  the  mountains  near  Guanaxuato, 
where  the  patriots  adopted  the  usual  mode  of  eluding  the  ene- 
my, by  separating  into  small  detachments,  each  one  following 
the  route  to  its  own  comandancia.  The  general,  with  a  small 
party,  hung  on  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  skirmishing  with  them, 
until  they  entered  the  town  of  Irapuato.  He  then  proceeded 
to  the  Valle  de  Santiago,  and  issued  orders  to  the  command- 
ants to  reassemble  their  troops  as  early  as  possible.  The  junc- 
tion of  their  forces  being  accomplished,  he  marched  to  the 
plain  of  Silao,  between  the  place  of  that  name  and  Los  Reme- 
dios, where  he  was  reenforced  by  other  divisions  of  patriots; 
with  one  of  which  came  Don  Pedro  Moreno,  the  ci-devant 
commandant  of  Sombrero.  The  general's  force  then  amounted 
to  about  eleven  hundred  men,  a  great  proportion  of  whom  were 
miserably  equipped.  He  menaced  the  enemy's  fortified  towns, 
and,  by  his  rapid  and  unexpected  movements,  kept  the  Baxio 
in  a  state  of  constant  alarm,  thereby  preventing  supplies  from 
reaching  the  besieging  army  at  Los  Remedios ;  while  Orrantia, 
with  a  division  of  picked  troops,  followed  the  movements  of 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  231 

Mina,  but  did  not  attempt  to  attack  him.  The  royalists  gene- 
rally bivouaced  in  the  same  positions  which  Mina  had  occu- 
pied on  the  preceding  night. 

Mina  was  in  close  correspondence  with  some  of  the  leading 
inhabitants  of  the  enemy's  towns ;  and,  as  he  found  that  the 
enemy  at  Los  Remedios  drew  their  principal  supplies  fronx 
the  city  of  Guanaxuato,  he  considered  its  capture  as  the  most 
effectual  means  of  cutting  them  off,  and  thus  raising  the  siege 
of  the  fort.  Mina  well  knew  the  strength  of  Linan's  position 
at  Los  Remedios.  He  was  aware  of  the  deficiency  of  disci- 
pline among  the  patriot  troops;  and  that  the  numerical  force  of 
the  enemy  was  nearly  seven  times  greater  than  his  own,  con- 
sisting principally  of  European  veterans,  with  their  best  caval- 
ry, adapted  to  the  nature  and  circumstances  of  the  country. 
To  attack  the  encampment  of  Liiian,  therefore,  in  the  plain  at 
the  foot  of  the  hill  of  Los  Remedios,  under  such  circum- 
stances, would  have  been  a  disregard  of  all  military  principles; 
it  would  have  been  rashness  in  the  extreme  ;  and,  much  as 
Mina  liked  dashing  operations,  he  was  too  prudent  to  attempt 
to  perform  them,  with  such  troops  as  those  then  under  his  com- 
mand. To  attack  the  enemy's  intrenchments  around  the  fort, 
was  impracticable.  Besides,  could  he  have  ascended  the  heights 
with  cavalry,  he  had  seen  enough  to  convince  him  that  the  pa- 
triot troops  were  not  capable  of  assaulting  by  escalade.  These 
considei-ations  united  in  confirming  his  purpose  ;  and,  having 
received  the  most  flattering  assurances  of  support  from  some 
of  the  most  respectable  citizens  of  Guanaxuato,  he  decided  on 
the  attack  of  that  city. 

Mina  communicated  these  intentions  to  Padre  Torres,  by 
couriers.  But  this  man,  either  from  ignorance,  or  from  the  ap- 
prehension of  the  consequences  that  would  arise  in  favour  of 
Mina,  if  the  latter  should  take  Guanaxuato,  opposed  the  plan; 
insisting  that  the  only  possible  mode  of  relieving  the  fort  was 
by  attacking  the  besiegers.  In  vain  did  the  general  represent 
to  him  the  advantages  that  must  arise  from  the  capture  of  Gu- 
anaxuato, and  the  disadvantages  attendant  upon  attacking  the 
besiegers,  from  the  relative  strength  and  composition  of  the 
adverse  forces;  and  that  therefore  the  only  effective  blow  which 


232  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

could  be  struck  against  the  enemy,  would  be  the  capture  of 
Guanaxuato.  Torres  at  length  threw  off  all  reserve  ;  he  not 
only  disapproved  of  Mina's  plan,  but  resorted  to  the  disgrace- 
ful step  of  sending  an  order  to  Don  Lucas  Flores,  and  to 
others  of  the  commandants,  to  put  their  best  troops  under  Mi- 
7ia''s  command  only  in  the  event  of  his  attacking  the  enemy  at 
the  fort ;  otherwise^  that  they  must  afford  him  only  partial 
succours^  of  the  worst  of  their  troops.  This  was  an  unexpect- 
ed blow  to  Mina.  He  could  scarcely  repress  his  indignation 
at  the  baseness  of  Torres  ;  but  it  was  not  the  moment  to  in- 
dulge in  expressions  of  displeasure,  and  he  therefore  strove 
to  accommodate  himself  to  circumstances,  which  it  was  not  in 
his  power  to  resist  or  to  modify. 

Mina  continued  his  operations  by  a  system  of  guerilla  war- 
fare in  the  Baxio,  and  actually  reduced  the  enemy  to  so  great 
a  degree  of  want,  that  desertions  from  their  ranks  commenced. 
A  sergeant  and  two  men,  of  the  European  regiment  of  Fer- 
nando 7°,  presented  themselves  to  Mina  in  the  hacienda  de 
Burras,  five  leagues  from  Guanaxuato.  From  these  men  he 
learned  that  the  enemy  had  been  compelled  to  subsist  chiefly 
upon  the  green  corn,  which  their  cavalry  brought  in  from  the 
neighbouring  ranches  ;  that  their  troops  received  no  pay  ;  and 
that  discontent  was  becoming  general.  They  also  stated,  that 
he  might  expect  soon  to  be  joined  by  a  number  of  deserters; 
that  many  soldiers,  before  that  time,  would  have  passed  over 
to  the  patriot  standard,  had  it  not  been  from  an  apprehension 
of  being  put  to  death  by  some  roving  band  of  patriots,  before 
thev  could  reach  Mina. 

During  these  operations  of  Mina  in  the  Baxio,  the  enemy 
was  carrying  on  the  siege  of  Los  Remedies  with  vigour. 
They  had  already  been  employed  twenty  days  in  throwing  up 
Intrenchments,  to  protect  themselves  from  the  assaults  which 
they  feared  Mina  might  attempt  to  make  on  them.  The  lines 
of  approach,  for  the  reduction  of  the  fort,  were  daily  becom- 
ing more  formidable. 

The  garrison,  in  the  meantime,  was  not  inactive.  Under 
the  direction  of  Mina's  officers,  the  curtain,  if  it  may  be  so 
termed,  and  the  works  extending  from  Santa  Rosalia  to  Tepe- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  23S 

aca,  had  been  nearly  completed ;  and  to  their  unintermitted 
exertions  was  Padre  Torres  wholly  indebted  for  the  fort's  be- 
ing placed  in  a  state  capable  of  making  so  gallant  a  resistance, 
against  an  enemy  so  much  more  numerous,  and  so  far  supe- 
rior in  the  character  of  his  troops,  and  in  artillery. 

From  the  opposite  heights,  which  were  within  musket-shot, 
the  enemy  frequently  held  conversations  with  the  besieged, 
and  vauntingly  expressed  their  confidence  of  gaining  posses- 
sion of  the  fort  by  storm,  at  the  very  first  attempt.  Accord- 
ingly, about  the  20th  of  September,  they  advanced  in  three 
columns,  and  assaulted  the  fort  at  the  points  of  Pansacola  and 
Tepeaca ;  but  directed  their  principal  efforts  against  a  part  of 
the  curtain  which  was  then  unfinished.  The  battery  of  La  Li- 
bertad,  which  had  been  planned  by  Mina,  and  which  his  officers 
had  laboured  to  complete,  was  also  unfinished.  They  advanc- 
ed against  each  point  simultaneously,  and  upon  the  opening  in 
the  curtain,  in  admirable  order;  but  they  were  received  in  a 
manner  which  they  expected  not.  After  an  inveterate  conflict  of 
three  hours,  finding  their  attempts  to  enter  the  fort  were  abor- 
tive,they  were  compelled  to  retire  after  suffering  very  severely. 
Linan,  being  thus  disappointed  in  carrying  Los  Remedios  on 
the  first  assault,  determined  to  open  a  mine  under  the  work  at 
Tepeaca.  In  this  effort  he  also  failed ;  twice  was  he  disap- 
pointed in  his  attempts  to  destroy  the  battery  by  explosion. 
Could  he  have  accomplished  that  object,  the  fort  must  have 
fallen  into  his  possession,  as  Tepeaca  commanded  the  whole 
line  of  works.  But  the  engineers  of  Linan  must  have  been 
deficient  of  skill ;  for,  on  springing  the  mine,  the  explosion 
each  time  issued  by  the  mouth  of  the  gallery,  killing  and 
wounding  many  of  the  miners.  This,  conjoined  with  the  fre- 
quent sorties  from  the  fort  on  the  mining  parties,  at  length 
compelled  the  enemy  to  abandon  the  project  of  undermining  it. 

Meanwhile,  they  had  erected  batteries  in  front  of  that  of 
La  Libertad.  From  these  they  opened  a  heavy  fire,  which 
seriously  injured  the  curtain  and  works  generally.  As  Linan 
had  been  foiled  in  his  attempts  to  blow  up  Tepeaca,  he  deter- 
mined, once  more,  to  resort  to  open  assault.  Having  succeed- 
(30) 


234  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

ed  in  making  a  breach  in  the  curtain,  below  Santa  Rosalia,  the 
enemy  prepared  to  storm  it,  making,  at  the  same  time,  judici- 
ous diversions  on  Pansacola  and  Tepeaca.  The  design  of  the 
enemy  being  soon  perceived,  the  gun  from  Santa  Rosalia  was 
carried  down  and  planted  in  the  breach,  supported  by  infan- 
try, and  peasantry  armed  with  missile  weapons.  A  stroiig 
column  of  European  infantry  moving  up  to  the  breach,  under 
cover  of  a  fire  from  their  works,  advanced  intrepidly  to  within 
a  few  paces  of  it,  when  they  were  received  with  so  much  spi- 
rit that  they  soon  fell  back.  They  rallied  and  returned  to  the 
attack,  but  on  approaching  the  fatal  breach  were  again  repuls- 
ed. At  the  other  points  of  assault  they  were  received  with 
the  same  gallantry  ;  and,  after  having  suffered  a  severe  loss  in 
each  attack,  the  enemy  beat  the  retreat  and  retired  within  their 
intrenchments. 

The  garrison,  animated  by  their  recent  exploits,  determined 
to  become  the  assailants.  The  batteries  opposite  to  La  Liber- 
tad  had  seriously  annoyed  the  besieged ;  for  the  superior  ar- 
tillery of  the  enemy,  placed  there  within  short  range  of  the 
Avorks,  did  them  great  injury.  The  damage  committed  there- 
by during  the  day,  was  repaired  by  night  with  stones  and  sand 
bags.  But,  Avearied  with  the  great  and  repeated  fatigue,  the 
garrison  resolved  to  attempt  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's 
first  battery,  on  which  were  mounted  three  heavy  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery. This  enterprise  was  to  be  performed  against  Europe- 
an troops,  strongly  intrenched. 

A  party  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  was  selected  for  this 
daring  operation,  commanded  by  captains  Crocker  and  Ram- 
say, and  lieutenant  Wolfe,  three  officers  of  Mina.  Lieutenant 
Wolfe,  with  a  detachment  of  fifty  men,  was  ordered  to  gain 
the  rear  of  the  enemy's  first  work,  by  a  circuitous  route,  and 
act  simultaneously  with  the  remainder  of  the  party,  which  was 
to  advance  in  front.  Favoured  by  the  obscurity  of  the  night, 
the  parties  gained  their  positions  unobserved  by  the  enemy. 
Lieutenant  Wolfe  opened  a  fire  from  the  rear ;  and,  scarcely 
had  the  enemy  directed  their  attention  to  that  point,  when  the 
party  in  front  gallantly  rushed  forward.     The  enemy,  being 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  235 

in  a  state  of  continual  alarm  of  Mina,  and  not  expecting  an  as- 
sault from  the  besieged,  finding  themselves  attacked  in  front 
and  rear  at  the  same  instant,  supposed  that  the  attack  in  front 
was  in  co-operation  with  that  of  Mina  in  the  rear.  Under  this 
impression,  we  presume,  they  discharged  a  couple  of  guns 
loaded  with  grape  shot,  at  the  party  in  front,  but  without  any 
effect;  and,  struck  with  a  panic,  exclaiming,  Mina!  Mina  I  they 
leaped  their  works  in  confusion,  and  fled  to  their  second  bat- 
tery. The  two  heaviest  guns  were  spiked,  and  their  limbers 
destroyed ;  the  work  was  levelled,  and  the  party  retired  with- 
out the  loss  or  injury  of  a  man.  They  brought  off  the  third 
gun  from  the  enemy's  works,  but  could  not  carry  it  further 
than,  the  foot  of  the  barranca,  where  it  was  rendered  unser- 
viceable and  abandoned. 

Thus  was  executed  an  enterprise  entirely  unexpected  on  the 
part  of  the  enemy,  the  effect  of  which  on  their  minds  must 
have  been  very  considerable,  however  unimportant  it  may  be 
viewed  in  relation  to  the  force  on  either  side.  The  enemy, 
however,  shortly  after  replaced  their  artillery,  and  thencefor- 
ward limited  their  operations  to  a  cannonading  and  blockade. 
The  damage  which  their  artillery  effected  on  the  works  of  the 
fort,  was  speedily  repaired  by  the  ordinary  means  of  war. 
The  siege  did  not  excite  much  uneasiness,  for  in  despite  of 
the  enemy's  vigilance,  some  of  the  brave  peasants  found  their 
way  into  the  fort  almost  every  night,  v/ith  powder  and  other 
articles.  Provisions  were  abundant  in  the  magazines.  The 
finest  fresh  bread  was  daily  served  out ;  meat  was  plenty ; 
and  in  fact  the  gai'rison  had  not  only  necessaries  but  luxuries. 

The  enemy's  situation  presented  a  striking  contrast.  They 
had  scarcely  any  other  subsistence,  than  unripe  corn,  as  be- 
fore mentioned ;  for  Mina  had  effectually  cut  off  their  supplies. 
All  the  country,  for  several  miles  around  Los  Remedios,  had 
been  deserted  by  the  inhabitants,  who  had  likewise  driven  off 
their  cattle.  The  situation  of  the  enemy  was  soon  known  to 
the  garrison ;  and,  in  order  to  show  them  the  hopelessness  oi 
an  attempt  to  obtain  Los  Remedios  by  famine,  presents  of  fresh- 
baked  bread,  meat,  brandy,  and  even  fruit,  were  frequently 
placed  at  about  half  way  between  the  hostile  works. 


236  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

The  general  was  still  pursuing  his  guerilla  warfare,  harass- 
ing the  enemy  incessantly,  and  cutting  off  their  provisions, 
with  an  effect  which  every  day  made  their  situation  more 
critical. 

While  Mina  was  marching  through  the  hacienda  of  La 
Caxa,  on  the  10th  of  October,  a  peasant  brought  him  the  in- 
telligence, that  Orrantia  was  approaching,  and  was  but  a  short 
distance  in  the  rear. 

Having  had  some  opportunities  of  instilling  a  little  more 
confidence  in  his  troops,  Mina  thought  the  present  a  fit  occa- 
sion to  try  them  in  the  field,  and  therefore  determined  to  give 
battle  to  Orrantia. 

The  experiment  recently  made  in  attacking  fortifications, 
had  convinced  him,  that  they  could  not  be  relied  upon  for 
such  operations  ;  but  as  his  force  was  then  numerically  supe- 
rior to  the  enemy's,  he  entertained  expectations,  that  they 
would  feel  a  confidence  in  themselves,  and  that  amidst  the 
fortuitous  occurrences  of  an  engagement,  his  experience  might 
enable  him  to  seize  upon  some  advantageous  moment  to 
decide  the  conflict.  To  succeed  in  destroying  this  enemy 
would  be  in  effect  to  raise  the  siege  of  Los  Remedios,  as 
Lilian  could  not  detach  from  his  force  such  another  body  of 
infantry  and  cavalry,  as  that  of  Orrantia's ;  and  Mina  would 
thereby  be  enabled  to  prosecute  other  plans  against  the  ene- 
my with  facility,  in  which  he  had  been  hitherto  frustrated 
by  the  position  of  Orrantia's  division.  Mina,  it  must  be  ac- 
knowledged, was  not  very  sanguine  of  the  result  of  the  bat- 
tle ;  but  as  in  war,  under  such  circumstances,  delay  itself  is 
disadvantageous,  and  as  he  hoped,  at  all  events,  to  occasion  a 
severe  loss  to  the  enemy,  as  well  as  to  give  the  patriot  troops 
an  opportunity  to  distinguish  themselves,  he  therefore  took  his 
determination  to  await  the  attack.  The  hacienda  of  La  Caxa 
is  situated  on  elevated  ground,  in  a  pass  between  two  hills, 
distant  from  the  enemy's  town  of  Irapuato  three  leagues. 
The  buildings  of  the  hacienda  were  strongly  fenced  in.  In 
front  of  them  extended  large  plantations  of  Indian  corn,  which 
at  that  time  was  in  full  growth.  The  whole  was  enclosed  by 
a  very  strong  wall,  with  a  small  gate  in  one  side,  through 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  237 

which  lay  the  road  to  the  hacienda  through  the  corn  fields. 
Immediately  contiguous  to  this  wall,  on  both  sides,  the  ground 
was  laying  fallow. 

Mina  had  with  him,  at  this  time,  about  eleven  hundred 
men  ;  but  their  character  as  soldiers  must  be  borne  in  mind : 
for,  in  consequence  of  the  disgraceful  order  issued  by  Torres, 
these  troops  were  composed  of  the  most  ordinary  men  of  the 
different  comandancias,  and  many  of  them  only  armed  with 
lazos  and  machetas.     Desertion,  as  might  be  expected  from 
such  troops,  was  frequent,  and  from  the  deficiency  of  all  ideas 
of  discipline,  was  practised  with  an  impunity  the  most  pernici- 
ous, because  irremediable.    Whenever  they  were  wearied  with 
service,  or  were  anxious  to  return  to  their  families,  they  re- 
tired in  pairs  or  dozens ;  and  sometimes,  at  a  critical  moment, 
when  an  action  was  about  taking  place,  they  went  off  in  still 
more  considerable  numbers.     Mina,  at  length,  finding  it  indis- 
pensable to   interpose  a  check  to  this  practice   even   at  the 
risk  of  losing  his  popularity,  issued  an  order  declaring  the 
penalty  of  death  on  the  deserters.     He  sentenced  to  be  shot 
two  deserters,  one  of  whom  held  the  rank  of  a  colonel.     This 
act  of  firmness  on  the  part  of  Mina,  at  least  put  a  temporary 
check  on  desertion.     Another  evil  had  considerably  injured 
the  troops ;  it  was  a  custom  they  had  adopted  of  permitting 
females  to  accompany  the  expedition.     At  the  time  we  are 
speaking  of,  Ortiz  had  reenforced  Mina  with  some  cavalry, 
and  many  of  the  officers  had  brought  with  them  their  wives. 
Whether  this  was  from  anticipating  an  attack  on  the  city  of 
Guanaxuato,  where  the  females  would  expect  to  come  in  for 
a  share  of  the  spoil,  or  from  some  other  cause,  is  immaterial, 
but  it  was  the  first  time  that  Mina  had  been  encumbered  with 
such  auxiliaries,  and  they  were  of  very  serious  disadvantage 
to  him  on  this  occasion. 

The  general,  under  all  these  embarrassing  circumstances, 
made  his  dispositions  for  action.  He  posted  a  picquet  at  the 
gate  of  the  enclosure ;  and,  at  some  distance  in  the  rear,  on  an 
elevated  position,  established  his  advanced  guard,  composed 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  such  as  he  thought  the  best 
adapted  for  that  duty,  under  the  command  of  a  dashing  Creole, 


238  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

nicknamed  "  El  Giro.''''  In  the  corn  field,  in  front  of  the  ha- 
cienda, on  each  side  of  the  road,  he  posted  the  main  body, 
resting  obliquely  upon  it  as  a  centre,  and  within  the  fence  of 
the  hacienda,  was  the  rear  guard  of  two  hundred  men,  with 
the  women,  ammunition,  &c. 

These  dispositions  were  scarcely  made,  when  the  enemy 
were  descried  in  motion  upon  the  fallow  ground  before  men- 
tioned, outside  the  fence,  where  they  halted  for  a  considerable 
time,  apparently  undecided  how  to  act.  Mina,  thereupon, 
having  given  his  instructions  to  the  commander  of  the  main 
body,  proceeded  to  the  advanced  post,  whence  he  could  better 
reconnoitre  the  enemy,  and  seize  upon  any  opportunity  for  a 
favourable  movement.  At  length  the  enemy  attacked  and 
drove  in  the  picquet,  and  passed  within  the  fence ;  and  again 
halted  on  the  clear  space  within  it,  in  close  order.  Apprehen- 
sive of  an  ambuscade,  the  enemy  threw  out  some  light  troops 
among  the  corn,  but  these  were  soon  recalled,  and  whether  or 
not  they  were  afraid  to  advance  by  the  high  road,  we  cannot 
say,  but  after  a  considerable  time  spent  in  preparation,  they 
filed  off  to  the  right,  thereby  appearing  to  menace  the.  left  of 
Mina,  and  turn  his  flank.  In  executing  this  movement,  their 
infantry  fell  into  disorder,  and  Mina  supposing  that  he  could 
reach  them  before  they  could  form  anew,  made  a  charge  on 
them  with  the  advanced  guard.  It  was  executed  with  spirit; 
but  his  distance  from  the  enemy  was  so  great,  that  they  had 
time  to  form,  and  thereby  save  themselves.  Mina,  with  only 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  now  found  himself  engaged  with 
the  enemy's  whole  force.  In  the  height  of  the  action,  a  party 
of  thirty  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  having  made  a  circuit,  ap- 
proached the  hacienda  where  the  women  were  placed,  who  be- 
came alarmed,  and  fled.  This  created  a  panic  in  the  rear  guard, 
who  took  to  flight.  The  main  body,  seeing  the  flight  of  the 
rear  guard,  without  knowing  the  cause,  likewise  broke  and  dis- 
persed, Avhile  Mina,  with  his  little  corps,  was  left  to  sustain  the 
whole  brunt  of  the  action.  The  enemy's  cavalry,  seeing  the 
confusion,  pursued  the  fugitives,  and  the  rout  became  general. 
Upon  this  unexpected  disaster,  no  other  resource  was  left  to 
Mina,  than  to  cut  his  way  through  the  enemy,  which  he  most 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  239 

gallantly  effected,  after  sustaining  some  loss.  Orrantia  then 
proceeded  to  the  hacienda,  where  he  shot  some  of  the  peasant- 
ry for  not  having  remained  in  the  place  during  the  action : 
their  houses  he  gave  up  to  pillage.  Mina,  with  the  brave 
little  party  who  had  supported  him  so  well,  bivouaced  near 
the  scene  of  action,  while  Orrantia  passed  the  night  at  the  ha- 
cienda, without  venturing  to  attack  the  general.  Next  morn- 
ing, Mina  proceeded  to  a  small  place,  about  four  leagues  off, 
called  Pueblo  Nuevo^  where  he  found  some  of  the  fugitives, 
but  the  greater  number  had  crossed  the  river  on  whose  banks 
the  place  stands,  and  had  returned  to  their  respective  homes. 

In  the  late  affair,  the  general  again  experienced  the  lamenta- 
ble evil,  of  the  want  of  discipline,  among  the  patriot  troops, 
and  of  the  fatal  consequences  of  allowing  females  to  accompa- 
ny them.  But  he  was  so  highly  pleased  with  the  valour  and 
conduct  of  the  advanced  party,  under  his  immediate  command, 
that  he  felt  a  renewed  conviction,  that  he  should  be  able  to 
produce  a  considerable  reformation  among  the  patriot  forces, 
l)y  their  example  and  success.  He  was  convinced  that  if  the 
unlocked  for  panic-terror  we  have  mentioned,  had  not  taken 
place,  and  that  if  his  main  body  had  been  once  closely  engaged, 
the  defeat  of  Orrantia  would  have  been  certain,  or  at  the  least 
that  he  must  have  been  seriously  crippled,  and  compelled  to 
retire. 

Despondency  under  any  circumstances  formed  no  part  of 
Mina's  character.  His  first  care  was  therefore  to  adopt  mea- 
sures the  best  calculated  to  remedy  the  evils  by  which  he  was 
encompassed ;  and  as  he  knew  that  it  would  take  a  considera- 
ble time  to  reassemble  the  scattered  troops,  he  resolved,  in  the 
interval,  to  visit  Xauxilla,  the  seat  of  the  patriot  government, 
v/ith  which  he  wished  to  consult  as  to  his  future  operations. 
\Vith  this  view  he  selected  an  escort  of  twenty  men,  and  dis- 
missed the  rest,  after  despatching  orders  to  the  different  com- 
mandants to  assemble  with  their  troops  on  a  certain  day  at  La 
Caxa.  He  proceeded  in  the  evening  for  Xauxilla,  and  arrived 
there  the  next  day. 
^  Xauxilla  was  a  small  mud  fort,  the  construction  of  which 
displayed  the  exercise  of  some  military  science.     It  was  situ- 


240  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

ated  on  an  island  just  large  enough  to  contain  it,  in  the  lake 
of  Zacapo,  a  short  distance  from  the  village  of  that  name,  in 
the  intendancy  of  Valladolid,  about  twenty  leagues  south- 
west of  the  Valle  de  Santiago,  and  eighteen  north-west  of  the 
city  of  Valladolid.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  swamp  or  pond 
containing  from  five  to  six  feet  of  water  in  depth,  and  could 
only  be  reached  by  canoes.  Its  garrison  was  composed  of 
one  hundred  tolerably  well  disciplined  infantry.  At  this  place, 
the  Republican  Gazette  was  printed.  There  was  likewise 
within  the  fort  an  extensive  manufactory  of  powder,  whence 
supplies  had  been  sent  to  Los  Remedios.  The  members  of 
the  government  (if  it  may  be  so  called)  received  Mina  with 
cordiality.  He  frankly  unfolded  to  them  his  plans,  particu- 
larly that  of  attacking  Guanaxuato.  But  this  plan  did  not 
meet  with  their  approbation.  They  did  not  believe  that  it 
could  be  accomplished  with  such  troops  as  could  then  be  placed 
under  Mina's  command.  They  were  aware  that  with  undis- 
ciplined men,  nothing  could  be  effected  that  would  shed  a 
lustre  on  Mina,  or  be  of  essential  benefit  to  their  country. 
They  strongly  recommended  to  the  general,  to  withdraw  his 
remaining  officers  and  men  from  the  fort  of  Los  Remedios, 
the  place  being  impregnable,  and  well  stored  with  provisions; 
and  there  being  consequently  no  apprehensions  of  its  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  there  was  no  absolute  necessity 
that  called  for  the  presence  there  of  Mina's  officers. 

The  members  of  the  government  endeavoured  to  impress 
upon  Mina's  mind,  the  importance  of  organizing  a  body  of 
troops,  before  he  should  undertake  any  momentous  enterprise, 
and  that,  for  the  accomplishment  of  that  purpose,  the  country 
between  Xauxilla  and  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  ocean  was  the 
most  proper  place,  as  the  enemy  there  were  less  numerous 
than  in  the  Baxio,  and  the  people  were  universally  earnest  in 
the  patriot  cause ;  besides,  that  the  fertility  of  the  country 
yielded  ample  supplies,  and  its  natural  positions  afforded 
complete  securitv.  They  made  use  of  the  most  cogent  ar- 
guments to  persuade  Mina  to  adopt  this  plan :  but  after  giv- 
ing them  all  the  solidity  to  which  they  were  entitled,  he  re- 
mained unconvinced  of  its  feasibility.     His  primary  object 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  241 

was  to  relieve  Los  Remedios.  Knowing  the  critical  situa- 
tion to  which  the  enemy  were  reduced,  by  the  failure  of  their 
supplies  of  provisions,  and  believing  that  if  the  design  of 
compelling  Lifian  to  withdraw  from  the  siege  of  that  fort, 
by  the  extremity  of  hunger,  was  abandoned,  such  another  op- 
portunity might  not  again  occur,  he  flattered  himself  that  if 
he  could  eflect  this  his  favourite  point,  that  the  affairs  of  the 
revolution  would  then  assume  a  difi"erent  aspect.  He  was,  it 
is  true,  sensible  that  full  reliance  could  not  be  placed  upon  the 
troops  he  commanded,  but  he  thought  that  if  he  could  obtain 
fifty  infantry  from  Xauxilla,  to  be  added  to  a  like  number  from 
among  the  prisoners  of  San  Luis  de  la  Paz,  whom  Ortiz  had 
undertaken  to  train,  that  with  these,  and  an  overwhelming 
force  of  cavalry,  he  should  be  able  to  capture  the  city  of 
Guanaxuato.  Mina  likewise  informed  his  counsellors,  that 
his  honour  was  implicated  in  relieving  the  fort  of  Remedios, 
and  that  he  had  also  pledged  himself  to  attack  Guanaxuato. 

The  government,  on  finding  his  resolution  taken,  ordered 
fifty  infantry  of  the  fort  to  march  to  his  place  of  rendezvous. 
Although  the  members  of  the  government  much  regretted 
Mina's  determination,  yet  they  all  admired  the  generous  sen- 
timents by  which  he  was  actuated  in  support  of  his  plan,  and 
earnestly  wished  him  full  success. 

The  general  marched  from  Xauxilla,  taking,  on  his  return, 
a  circuitous  route  through  Puriiandiro^  formerly  a  considerable 
and  rich  town,  but  which,  by  the  mandates  of  Torres,  had  been 
reduced  to  a  heap  of  ruins,  with  the  usual  exception  of  the 
churches.  It  lies  about  sixteen  leagues  north  of  the  city  of 
Valladolid,  and  was  at  that  time  in  possession  of  the  patriots, 
who  hailed  the  arrival  of  Mina  among  them  by  illuminations 
and  other  public  demonstrations  of  joy.  After  remaining  there 
two  days,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  some  pecuniary  aid, 
to  carry  into  effect  his  intended  object,  he  pi'oceeded  to  the 
Valle  de  Santiago.  He  there  found  a  small  party  of  the  pa- 
triot troops  from  Xalpa,  awaiting  his  arrival.  But  he  had 
been  in  the  town  only  a  few  minutes,  when  the  approach  of 
a  strong  body  of  the  enemy  was  announced  from  the  look-out 
posts  on  the  heights.  It  was  the  division  of  Orrantia.  Mina, 
(31) 


242  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

who  entertained  the  most  sovereign  contempt  for  Orrantia,  as 
a  military  man,  could  not  endure  the  thought  of  making  a 
passive  retreat,  although  he  knew  the  enemy's  superior  num- 
bers. He  therefore  placed  his  few  men  in  ambush,  in  the  corn 
that  was  growing  in  the  vicinity  of  the  place,  and  close  to  the 
road  by  which  he  presumed  the  enemy  would  pursue  him ; 
intending,  if  their  cavalry  only  advanced  in  pursuit  of  him, 
to  draw  them  into  the  ambuscade,  in  which  case  the  destruc- 
tion of  a  portion  of  them  was  certain.  Orrantia,  having  enter- 
ed the  town,  and  receiving  information  that  Mina,  with  some 
troops,  was  hovering  about  the  place,  halted  his  troops.  After 
a  considerable  lapse  of  time,  he  again  advanced  from  it,  but  so 
cautiously,  that  Mina,  finding  it  impossible  to  succeed  in  his 
designs,  withdrew  his  men  from  their  ambuscade,  covering 
their  retreat  in  person,  with  a  few  men.  By  taking  a  circuit- 
ous route  through  the  heights,  he  descended  in  the  rear  of  the 
enemy,  and  proceeded  to  La  Caxa,  passing  through  Pueblo 
Nuevo.  A  Spanish  officer,  whose  name  we  do  not  think  fit  to 
mention,  there  presented  himself  as  a  deserter  to  Mina.  He 
obtained  the  confidence  of  the  general;  and,  after  having  been 
furnished  by  him  with  some  money,  was  despatched  upon  a 
secret  mission.  A  sergeant  and  two  soldiers  of  the  regiment 
of  Zaragoza  likewise  there  deserted  to  him.  They  confirm- 
ed the  accounts  which  had  been  previously  received  of  the 
enemy's  famished  condition,  of  the  discontent  which  prevail- 
ed among  their  troops  generally,  and  of  the  numerous  deser- 
tions which  took  place  every  night  among  the  Creoles  in 
particular.  But  the  spirit  of  desertion  which  Mina's  opera- 
tions had  begun  to  excite  in  the  enemy's  ranks,  was  at  once 
checked  by  the  unexpected  and  disastrous  events  we  are  to 
narrate  in  the  succeeding  chapter. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  243 


CHAPTER  X. 

3Tina  advances  against  Guanaxiiato — Description  of  that  city 
— He  attacks  it — Failure — He  proceeds  xvith  an  escort  to 
the  rancho  del  Venadito — Movements  of  Orrantia — 3lina 
made  prisoner — Brutal  conduct  of  Orrantia  toxoards  him — 
Death  of  Mina — Reflections — State  of  Society  in  Mexico — 
Remarks  on  the  present  state  of  the  royal  forces^  and  the  fa- 
cility  with  which  the  country  could  be  invaded^  and  its  eman- 
cipation accomplished. 

AT  the  hacienda  of  La  Caxa,  Mina  assembled  about  eleven 
hundred  troops,  with  which  he  advanced  to  the  hacienda  of 
Burras.  In  the  night  of  the  23d,  avoiding  the  high  roads,  and 
having  made  a  circuit  through  the  cultivated  grounds,  he  pass- 
ed along  the  heights  immediately  over  the  city  of  Guanaxuato, 
and  gained,  by  day-light,  an  unfrequented  spot  called  La  Mi- 
7ia  de  la  Luz^  in  the  mountains,  about  four  leagues  therefrom. 
He  halted  there  during  the  day,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  some 
reenforcements  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  despatched  by  Don 
Encarnacion  Ortiz.  They  joined  him  in  the  afternoon,  and 
his  force,  thus  augmented,  amounted  to  nearly  fourteen  hun- 
dred men,  of  whom  ninety  only  were  infantry. 

Before  relating  the  disastrous  attack  on  the  city  of  Guana- 
xuato, it  will  be  proper  to  present  the  reader  with  a  brief  view 
of  this  celebrated  town,  because,  in  point  of  wealth  and  natu- 
ral advantages,  it  holds  the  next  rank  in  importance  to  the 
capital  of  New  Spain ;  and  indeed,  as  respects  its  physical 
resources,  is  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  any  city  in  Spanish 
America.  These  circumstances  alone  were  such  as  to  render 
its  capture  an  enterprise  worthy  of  the  gallant  Mina,  and  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  the  revolutionary  cause. 

Guanaxuato,  the  capital  of  the  intendancy  of  that  name,  is 
situated  amidst  the  rich  metalliferous  mountains,  which  bor- 
der upon  the  plains  of  Silao,  Salamanca,  &c.  on  the  east.  Those 


244  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

plains,  (usually  called  by  the  inhabitants  the  Baxio,)  are  the 
most  beautiful  and  fertile  to  be  found  in  all  New  Spain.  The 
glowing  description  given  by  the  baron  de  Humboldt,  of  the 
beauty  and  agricultural  richness  of  this  region,  is  not,  in  any 
respect,  exaggerated;  indeed  it  is  impossible  for  the  traveller 
to  pass  through  that  highly  favoured  country,  without  expe- 
riencing emotions  of  admiration  and  delight.  The  softness 
and  purity  of  the  atmosphere  are  soothing  and  invigorating  ; 
and  the  effect  on  the  vision  is  such,  that  in  no  place  have  we 
ever  beheld  a  verdure  so  vivid,  as  that  of  the  vegetable  pro- 
ductions of  those  plains. 

The  mountains  in  its  vicinity  are  abrupt,  lofty,  and  rugged, 
like  all  those  which  abound  in  minerals.  They  are  intersect- 
ed with  deep  barrancas,  many  of  them  from  two  to  three  hun- 
dred yards  wide,  and  the  awful  precipices  with  which  these 
barranca's  abound,  strike  the  stranger  with  surprise.  The 
highly  cultivated  plains,  and  the  chains  of  mountains,  present 
the  most  sublime  scenery,  mingling  the  extremes  of  light  and 
shade  in  the  most  striking  and  exquisite  contrast ;  equalling 
the  most  celebrated  of  European  scenery  in  grandeur  and  mag- 
nitude, and  rivaling  the  softest  landscapes  of  Lausanne  or 
Italy. 

Along  the  windings  of  one  of  these  barrancas  is  situated  the 
city  of  Guanaxuato.  It  is  so  completely  bosomed  by  sur- 
rounding mountains,  that  it  can  only  be  seen  after  ascending 
the  heights  around  it,  when  the  novelty  of  its  location  strikes 
the  stranger  with  astonishment.  In  some  places,  the  city 
spreads  out  like  a  broad  amphitheatre;  at  others,  it  stretches 
along  a  narrow  ridge  :  while  the  ranges  of  the  habitations,  ac- 
commodated to  the  sinuosities  of  the  ground,  present  the  most 
fantastic,  but  perhaps  the  most  varied  and  elegant,  groups  of 
dwellings.  Prior  to  the  revolution,  its  population  was  esti- 
mated at  seventy  thousand  souls  ;  but  at  present  that  number 
has  experienced  a  great  diminution. 

During  the  rainy  season,  it  is  exposed  to  injury  from  the 
violent  torrents  that  rush  from  the  mountains  down  the  bar- 
ranca in  which  the  city  stands,  in  their  passage  to  the  plain  of 
Silao.     Large  suras  have  been  expended  on  works  to  restrain 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  245 

these  torrents  within  a  channel ;  but,  nevertheless,  accidents 
happen  to  the  city  from  them  almost  every  year. 

The  finest  silver  mines  of  all  America  are  in  its  immediate 
vicinity,  particularly  the  famous  one  of  Valenciana.  Previous 
to  the  revolution,  this  mine  yielded  to  its  proprietor  the  clear 
annual  revenue  of  half  a  million  of  dollars. 

The  mines  of  the  Mexican  kingdom,  and  particularly  those 
of  Guanaxuato,  form  an  important  and  interesting  exception  to 
the  remark,  that  death  reigns  in  the  mines  of  America.     The 
mines  of  Peru,  as  well  as  those  of  New  Granada,  are  in  gene- 
ral situated  in  uncongenial  regions,  or  those  of  perpetual  snow. 
Vegetation  is  not  seen  for  many  leagues  around  them.   Provi- 
sions are  brought  to  them  from  a  great  distance.     The  miner 
has  to  undergo  the  transition  from  extreme  heat  to  that  of  cold ; 
to  abandon  delightful  vallies,  blessed  with  a  fine  temperature, 
to  inhabit  a  frigid  region,  where  everlasting  sterility  prevails. 
He  is  forced  by  the  law  of  the  Mita  to  abandon  his  family,  or, 
if  they  accompany  him,  it  is  only  to  partake  of  his  hardships 
and  his  sorrows.     Widely  different  is  the  lot  of  the  Mexican 
miner.     At  an  elevation  of  fi'om  six  to  seven  thousand  feet 
above  the  ocean,  he  enjoys  all  the  blessings  of  the  temperate 
zone.     In  Mexico,  we  see  the  highest  cultivation  in  the  vicini- 
ty of  mining  stations.     The  intendancy  of  Guanaxuato  is  the 
smallest,  and  contains  the  most  dense  population  of  any  other 
in  Mexico.     According  to  M.  de  Humboldt,  it  is  fifty-two 
leagues  in  length,  and  thirty-one  in  breadth  ;  covering  a  sur- 
face equal  to  nine  hundred  and  eleven  square  leagues,  which, 
in  1803,  contained  a  population  of  five  hundred  and  seventeen 
thousand  three  hundred  souls,  or  five  hundred  and  sixty-eight 
to  each  square  league.     The  beautiful  plains  of  GuaTnaxuato, 
extending  in  length  thirty  leagues,  from  Celaya  to  the  Villa  de 
Leon,  and  immediately  around  the  mines,  are  in  the  highest 
state  of  cultivation,  studded  with  three  cities,  four  towns,  thir- 
ty-seven pueblos,  and  four  hundred  and  forty-eight  haciendas. 
The  mountains  abound  with  fine  forests,  and  provisions  and 
luxuries  are  abundant  in  all  directions  around  these  mines. 

Hundreds  of  miners  of  Guanaxuato  came  under  our  obser- 
vation, and  a  more  robust  race  of  people  we  beheld  not  in 


246  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Mexico.  Thus,  from  personal  observation,  we  were  led  to 
adopt  the  opinion,  that  the  labour  incident  to  their  course  of 
life,  was  not  so  deleterious  as  we  should  otherwise  have 
thought. 

In  the  mine  of  Valenciana,  for  example,  previous  to  the 
revolution,  (for  since  that  period,  it  has,  in  a  great  measure, 
become  filled  with  water,)  the  business  of  a  large  portion  of 
the  labourers  was  the  continually  carrying  upon  their  backs 
burthens  of  minerals,  averaging  three  hundred  pounds,  from 
the  bottom  to  the  mouth  of  the  mine,  by  an  ascent  of  eighteen 
hundred  steps,  passing  too  tlirough  a  temperature  varying 
from  forty-five  to  ninety-three  degrees.  Nevertheless,  the 
miner  enjoys  perfect  health  ;  and  the  proportion  of  births  to 
deaths,  as  given  by  M.  de  Humboldt,  at  once  demonstrates, 
although  a  large  proportion  of  the  inhabitants  are  Indians,  the 
salubrity  of  the  mining  station.  In  the  city  of  Guanaxuato, 
the  average  number  of  births  for  five  years  exceeds  that  of 
the  deaths  two  hundred  for  one  hundred  ;  and  in  the  adjoining 
mines  of  Santa  Ana  and  Marfil  a  hundred  and  ninety-five  to  a 
hundred. 

That  the  labour  in  the  mines  may  have  been  pernicious  in 
former  years,  when  it  was  compulsory,  and  when  the  barba- 
rous law  of  the  Mita  was  in  force,  when  the  pits  and  galleries 
were  charged  with  impure  air,  and  less  attention  was  bestowed 
on  the  accommodation  of  the  miner,  we  cannot  deny ;  but  the 
improvements  which  have  been  made  within  the  last  twenty- 
five  years  by  the  school  of  mines  established  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  have  lessened  these  evils,  and  introduced  a  system 
by  which  the  mines  are  ventilated,  and  the  air  purified.  The 
wages  of  the  miner  are  more  liberal,  and  his  labour  being  vol- 
untary, consequently,  when  he  feels  dissatisfied,  he  retires, 
and  his  place  is  supplied  from  the  superabundant  population 
of  the  adjacent  fertile  country.  No  doubt  can  be  entertained, 
that  when  foreign  arts  and  sciences  are  introduced  into  Mexi- 
co, where  so  spacious  and  favourable  a  field  for  their  culture  is 
at  present  fenced  round  by  Spanish  policy,  human  labour  in  the 
mines  will  be  greatly  diminished;  and  instead  of  the  tedious 
and  laborious  occupations,  now  resorted  to  from  necessity. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  247 

machinery  will,  in  a  great  measure,  effect  these  objects,  di- 
minish human  suffering,  and  diffuse  happiness  over  those  de- 
lightful regions.  It  is  there  that  the  power  of  steam  remains 
yet  to  be  successfully  applied. 

Historians  and  travellers  have  been  so  much  accustomed  to 
copy  each  other  in  depicting  the  horrors  of  the  unfortunate 
miner,  that  the  galley  slaves  of  Europe  have  been  considered 
happy  when  compared  Avith  the  individual  who  descends  into 
the  mines  of  Spanish  America ;  and,  although  some  of  these 
poetical  descriptions  of  Raynal,  Pauw,  and  the  Scottish  histo- 
rian Robertson,  may  have  been  in  past  times  applicable  to  the 
mines  of  Potosi,  and  others  among  the  Andes  of  Peru,  we 
feel  satisfied  that  such  descriptions  will  not  apply  to  the  con- 
dition of  the  miner  in  Mexico.  It  has  likewise  been  a  vulgar 
opinion  throughout  the  civilized  world,  that  an  immense  pro- 
portion of  the  Indian  population  were  employed  in  the  mines. 
Leaving  the  consideration  of  what  occurs  in  South  America 
to  the  future  observer,  we  confine  ourselves  to  Mexico,  when 
we  state,  that  in  the  year  1807,  according  to  the  returns  trans- 
mitted to  the  school  of  mines,  the  whole  number  of  persons 
employed  in  all  the  mines  of  New  Spain  were  thirty-two  thou- 
sand three  hundred  and  forty.  So  that,  when  we  reflect  that 
the  population  of  New  Spain  is  between  six  and  seven  millions, 
we  at  once  perceive  how  small,  to  the  general  population  of 
the  country,  is  the  proportion  of  persons  engaged  in  this 
species  of  labour.  But  since  the  present  revolution  com- 
menced, some  of  the  mines  have  been  abandoned,  others  have 
become  choked  up  with  water,  and  therefore,  the  above  num- 
ber must  necessarily  be  considerably  reduced.  Should  our 
hopes  that  a  liberal  government  may  at  no  distant  day  be  es- 
tablished in  New  Spain  be  realized^  it  is  plain  that  the  intro- 
duction of  machinery  will  not  onlv  lessen  the  number  of  men 
hitherto  employed  in  those  works,  but  will  augment  the  pro- 
duce of  these  mines  far  beyond  what  they  have  yet  yielded, 
so  as  to  keep  pace  with  the  necessary  demands  of  an  augment- 
ing population,  and  the  additional  calls  of  the  world  in  its 
career  of  improvement. 


248  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

It  is  not,  however,  the  mines  of  Guanaxuato  which  consti- 
tute the  real  wealth  of  that  important  intendancy  of  New  Spain. 
Its  riches  are  founded  on  a  more  durable  basis.  The  benig- 
nity of  the  climate,  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  and  the  hardy  race 
of  men  susceptible  of  every  polish  and  refinement,  and  with 
genius  calculated  to  pursue  every  intellectual  enterprise  with 
ardour  and  success,  are  blessings  which  will  exist,  even  should 
the  silver  of  its  piled-up  mountains  be  exhausted. 

All  the  nutritious  grains  necessary  for  human  enjoyment 
and  support,  find  a  congenial  soil  and  climate  in  the  intendancy 
of  Guanaxuato.  Those  adjoining  it  are  equally  blessed.  No 
part  of  the  earth  yields  a  more  abundant  product  to  the  la^ 
hours  of  the  agriculturist,  nor  do  we  believe  there  is  any  cli- 
mate so  favourable  to  longevity,  or  a  territory  which  would 
sustain  a  more  dense  population  on  each  square  mile,  than  the 
climate  and  territory  of  the  intendancy  of  Guanaxuato.  Not 
only  its  fertile  plains,  but  its  loftiest  summits  appear  destined 
for  the  abodes  of  rural  felicity. 

The  future  race  of  Mexicans  which  is  to  flourish  in  this  fa- 
voured part  of  New  Spain,  is  not  destined  to  depend  on  the 
caprices  of  artificial  policy,  nor  the  casualties  of  foreign  com- 
merce, for  the  supply  of  either  necessaries  or  luxuries.  The 
inhabitants  of  this  intendancy,  as  well  as  of  Mexico  generally, 
are  sure  of  the  jealousy  of  selfish  or  less  favoured  nations  ; 
and  it  is,  perhaps,  fortunate  for  them,  because  they  will  the 
more  readily  apply  the  energy  of  their  genius,  and  their  indus- 
try, to  supply  from  their  own  resources  those  commodities,  by 
supplying  the  wants  of  which,  other  nations  might  be  enabled 
to  interfere  in  their  prosperity,  and  subject  them  to  the  dele- 
terious system  which  has  already  made  South  America  suffer 
three  centuries  of  wi"etchedness,  and  has  not  spared  any  part 
of  the  world  from  its  vexation.  As  we  have  before  observed, 
whatever  foreign  productions  of  the  temperate  zone  may 
hereafter  be  introduced  into  this  intendancy,  will  there  flou- 
rish; while  its  indigenous  productions,  and  the  few  of  foreign 
origin  at  present  introduced,  are  alone  amply  sufiicient  for  hu- 
man comfort  and  subsistence.     Although  the  agriculture  of 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  24S^ 

Mexico  is  a  century  behind  that  of  Europe  or  the  United 
States,  still  its  products  are  astonishingly  great.  As  wheat  is 
sown  in  the  dry  season,  it  is  raised  by  irrigation.  M.  de  Hum- 
boldt makes  the  average  produce  of  Mexico  from  twenty-two 
to  twenty-five  for  one.  But  it  varies  in  different  situations  from 
eighteen  and  twenty  to  seventy  and  eighty  for  one  fanega 
sown  ; — its  average  thus  exceeding  four  or  five  times  the  mean 
produce  of  France.  Indian  corn  grows  variously ;  in  some 
parts  of  the  Baxio  it  yields  the  astonishing  increase  of  eight 
hundred  for  one  fanega  sown ;  in  some  parts,  the  harvest  is 
considered  bad  at  one  hundred  and  fifty  for  one.  The  mean 
produce  of  the  equinoctial  region  of  Mexico  is  taken  by  M. 
de  Humboldt  at  one  hundred  and  fifty  for  one. 

The  fruits,  whether  indigenous  or  exotic,  grow  to  great 
perfection  in  Guanaxuato ;  and  in  any  of  the  markets  are  ex- 
hibited in  the  same  basket,  as  well  the  products  of  the  tem- 
perate as  those  of  the  torrid  zone.  There,  in  the  highest  state 
of  perfection,  are  oflfered  for  sale,  pineapples,  grapes,  oranges, 
bananas,  peaches,  apples,  pears,  &c.,  gathered  within  a  few 
leagues  of  each  other.  The  animals  of  Guanaxuato  are  of  a 
superior  kind.  The  sheep  which  browse  on  the  mountains 
afford  a  delicious  meat,  and  yield  a  remarkably  fine  wool. 
The  horses,  in  point  of  beauty,  form,  muscle,  bone  and  high 
mettle,  are  no  where  surpassed. 

In  no  part  of  New  Spain  is  there  a  finer  race  of  men  than  in 
Guanaxuato,  and  the  character  is  common  to  Indians  and  Cre- 
oles. Robust  in  their  limbs,  comely  and  athletic,  with  an 
eye  denoting  extraordinary  acuteness,  these  men  create  emo- 
tions in  a  stranger  rarely  excited  at  first  sight;  and  whenever 
the  blessings  of  a  liberal  government  shall  be  obtained  by 
them,  and  the  advantages  of  an  extended  and  liberal  educa- 
tion be  diffused  among  them,  we  predict  that  the  province 
of  Guanaxuato  will  occupy  a  distinguished  place  among  the 
Mexican  provinces.  But  let  us  resume  the  operations  against 
the  city. 

It  is  evident  from  the  description  we  have  given  of  Guan- 
axuato, that  artillerv,  placed  on  the  heights  which  encompass 
it,  would  soon  cause  it  to  succumb.     However,  as  the  enemy 
(32^ 


250  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

entertained  no  apprehensions  of  formidable  attacks  from  the 
patriots,  they  had  neglected  to  fortify  the  passes  of  the  moun- 
tains leading  to  the  city,  and  relied  for  their  defence  on  a  castle 
or  strong  barracks  which  stood  in  a  central  position. 

Mina  was  not  provided  with  the  necessary  artillery  to  oc- 
cupy the  heights  ;  and  as  Orrantia  was  following  him,  he 
resolved  to  carry  the  city  by  a  coup  de  main.  His  intention 
was  communicated  to  the  troops,  who  manifested  an  anxiety  to 
be  led  on.  Pleased  with  their  enthusiasm,  and  flattering 
himself  that  he  was  about  to  strike  a  blow  which  would  give  a 
decisive  turn  to  the  revolution,  he  made  his  arrangements 
accordingly.  Filled  with  these  presages,  he  appeared  more 
than  usually  animated,  and  at  dark  advanced  upon  the  city. 
At  eleven  o'clock  the  advanced  guard  arrived  in  the  suburbs. 
A  considerable  halt  was  there  made,  to  enable  the  division  to 
close  up,  as  the  defiles  through  which  the  place  had  been  ap- 
proached were  very  narrow  ;  in  some  places  not  affording  a 
passage  for  more  than  a  single  file  of  men.  The  troops  at 
length  reunited,  and  although  the  sentinels  were  proclaiming 
within  a  short  distance  their  •■'  all's  well,"  yet  such  had  been 
the  silence  and  good  order  on  the  part  of  Mina's  troops,  that 
the  enemy  were  not  apprized  of  his  approach  until  after  mid- 
night ;  they  received  the  first  intimation  of  it,  by  the  surprise 
and  capture  of  one  of  their  outposts.  The  alarm  of  the  ene- 
my became  general,  and  a  firing  commenced  from  the  castle. 
But  habits  of  discipline  were  again  found  wanting,  and  scenes 
even  more  disgraceful  than  those  we  have  formerly  described  as 
having  occurred  at  San  Luis  de  la  Paz,  were  here  reacted  at  the 
critical  moment  when  order  and  obedience  were  most  required. 
Mina  found  himself  surrounded  by  a  military  mob.  In  vain 
did  he  employ  persuasion  or  threats ;  his  mildness  won  them 
not ;  his  orders  were  not  obeyed  ;  and  although  the  enemy's 
fire  had  slackened  for  some  time,  thereby  offering  an  opportu- 
nity for  the  assault,  all  his  attempts  were  fruitless — ^he  could 
not  induce  them  to  move  forward.  Until  near  the  dawn  did 
the  general  fruitlessly  exert  himself  to  restore  some  order,  and 
prevail  on  the  troops  to  advance;  but  finding  it  impossible,  and 
knowing  that  Orrantia  was  approacliing,  he  was  compelled  tc^ 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  251 

abandon  the  assault,  and  to  commence  a  retreat.     With  such 
troops  as  these,  after  the  failure  of  an  enterprise,  a  retreat 
must  be  synonymous  with  flight.     Insensible  that  they  could 
pass  with  more  celerity  and  safety  bv  preserving  a  regular 
order  of  march,  they  crowded  to  the  defile  by  which  they  had 
entered,  each  one  endeavouring  to  precede   the  other  ;  they 
soon  choked  up  the  pass,  and  a  tumult  ensued.     A  few  of  the 
enemy  perceiving  the  i-etreat,   ventured  from  their  position, 
and  fired   some  random  shots.      The   confusion  augmented 
with  the   alarm   of  the  fugitives,  lest  they  should  be  over- 
taken by  the  enemy,  as  they  were  thus  huddled  together.     At 
length  the  general,  with  infinite  difficultv,  succeeded  in  allaving 
their  apprehensions,  and  restored   some  little  order  among 
them.     During  this  disastrous  scene,   Don  Francisco  Ortiz, 
one  of  the  patriot  officers,  had  with  part  of  his  troops  gained 
the  height  on  which  stand  the  works  of  the  Valenciana  mine  ; 
and  most  wantonly  set  fire  to  them.     This  act  highly  incensed 
Mina  as  he  had  uniformly  given  the  most  positive  orders 
against  the  destruction  of  private  property. 

The  troops  were  at  length  extricated  from  the  defile,  and 
a  little  after  sunrise  reached  La  Mina  de  La  Luz  Vv'here  a 
halt  was  made.  The  general  could  no  longer  conceal  his 
deep  mortification,  nor  restrain  his  exasperated  feelings.  To 
a  body  of  patriot  officers  who  were  assembled  around  him, 
he  observed,  that  they  were  unworthy  that  any  man  of  charac- 
ter should  espouse  their  cause.  "  Had  you  done  your  duty," 
said  he,  "  your  men  would  have  done  theirs,  and  Guanaxuato 
would  have  been  ours."  The  order  of  the  day  passed  a  cen- 
sure on  those  who  deserved  it,  and  commended  a  few  who 
had  merited  his  applause  by  their  good  conduct. 

Having  thus  failed  in  his  favourite  enterprise  against  Guan- 
axuato, and  having  now  no  immediate  object  in  view  to  em- 
ploy the  troops  ;  in  order  to  deceive  the  royalists  as  to  his 
own  movements,  he  dismissed  them  to  their  respective  co- 
mandancias,  where  he  believed  they  might  be  useful  in  ha- 
rassing the  enemy,  until  he  again  required  their  services ; 
thereby,  at  the  same  time,  preserving  his  men  and  horses  from 
the  marches  and  countermarches  to  which  thev  would  have 


252  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

been  subject  from  the  pursuit  of  Orrantia,  and  recruiting  them 
for  his  next  attempt.  He  strictly  enjoined  those  commandants 
whose  stations  v/ere  around  Guanaxuato  not  to  allow  supplies 
of  any  kind  to  enter  the  city;  still  fondly  persuading  himself 
that  he  would  be  able  to  renew  the  attack  upon  it  with  more 
effect.  Retaining  with  him  forty  infantry  and  thirty  cavalry, 
the  general  determined  to  proceed  to  the  residence  of  his 
friend  Don  Mariano  Herrera^  at  a  neighbouring  rancho  called 
El  Venadito.  Accordingly,  on  the  same  evening,  after  having 
dismissed  the  troops,  he  took  up  his  march  for  that  place,  but 
passed  the  night  at  a  short  distance  from  La  Mina  de  la  Luz. 

The  Rancho  del  Venadito  was  composed  of  a  few  houses 
on  the  lands  of  the  Tlachiquera,  about  one  league  distant  from 
the  hacienda,  and  eight  from  the  town  of  Silao.  Its  owner, 
Don  Mariano  Herrera,  was  a  native  of  Guanaxuato.  A  man 
of  high  respectability,  and  of  a  mind  well  cultivated.  He  had 
suffered  severely  from  the  royalists.  Orrantia  had  laid  waste 
the  hacienda,  burned  the  buildings,  and  pillaged  the  church, 
converting  it  into  a  stable.  The  unfortunate  Don  Mariano 
had  fallen  a  prisoner  into  his  hands,  and  had  been  carried  off 
by  him,  together  with  all  the  property  that  could  be  collected. 
After  being  thus  despoiled,  and  his  fine  estate  destroyed,  he 
was  compelled  to  ransom  his  life  by  paying  twenty  thousand 
dollars.  Upon  being  set  at  liberty,  he  returned  to  his  estate, 
and  there  employed  himself  in  the  pursuits  of  agriculture. 
His  mansion  and  buildings  being  burned,  his  crops  destroyed, 
his  cattle  and  nloveables  taken  away,  and  his  funds  exhausted, 
he  was  unable  to  restore  his  estate  to  its  pristine  condition;  and 
it  became  a  place  for  his  personal  subsistence  and  rest.  Indeed, 
had  he  possessed  the  means  of  recalling  its  former  comforts 
and  beauties,  it  would  only  have  exposed  him  anew  to  the  de- 
predations of  an  insatiable  rapacity.  He  therefore  constructed 
only  a  small  house,  and  as  his  dependants  were  devoted  to 
him,  he  hoped  from  the  peculiar  situation  of  the  Venadito  to 
enjo}'  a  secure  retreat. 

The  Venadito  was  placed  in  a  small  circular  barranca,  in 
front  of  which  was  a  small  plain.  The  barranca  was  more  or 
less  covered  with  a  copse,  among  which  were  interspersed 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  253 

large  masses  of  rocks.  Through  these  wound  the  only  path  to 
the  high  grounds  surrounding, — a  spacious  table  land,  bound- 
ed at  its  extremity  by  barrancas.  The  road  from  Guanaxuato 
and  Silao  running  through  a  long,  narrow,  and  intricate  bar- 
ranca, in  which  dwelt  a  numerous  peasantry  warmly  attached 
to  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  devoted  to  Don  Mariano,  was  sup- 
posed to  afford  complete  protection  from  a  surprise  by  the  ene-r 
my  in  that  direction,  as  their  approach  could  be  communicat- 
ed to  Don  Mariano  in  sufficient  time  to  enable  him  and  his  at- 
tendants to  take  refuge  among  the  barrancas  in  the  rear  of  the 
Venadito.  On  the  other  side,  thei-e  were  no  royalist  posts  for 
a  considerable  distance,  and  as  the  patriot  troops  under  Ortiz 
ranged  unmolested  in  that  direction,  no  danger  was  thence 
apprehended. 

The  Venadito  was  therefore  deemed  perfectly  secure  from  a 
surprise  by  day,  and  at  night  it  was  the  custom  of  Don  Mariano 
to  take  refuge  in  the  mountains ;  so  that  although  living  in 
constant  apprehension,  yet  he  considered  his  person  as  secure. 
In  this  solitary  spot  Don  Mariano  passed  his  time,  solaced  by 
the  attentions  of  a  beloved  sister,  who  had  torn  herself  from 
her  friends  in  Guanaxuato,  to  partake  of  her  brother's  fortune. 

Mina  and  Herrera  had  formed  for  each  other  a  warm  friend- 
ship ;  the  former  gave  to  the  latter  his  entire  confidence,  of 
which  he  was  in  every  respect  deserving.  Mina  arrived  the 
next  day,  about  noon,  at  the  Venadito,  where  he  was  most 
cordially  received  by  his  friend.  He  understood  that  Orrantia 
was  in  Irapuato,  at  a  loss  to  discover  what  direction  he  had 
taken,  and  he  knew  that  he  would  be  more  confounded  when 
he  heard  of  the  dispersion  of  the  patriot  troops.  From  these 
circumstances,  and  the  position  of  the  Venadito,  Mina  thought 
himself  perfectly  secure.  He  therefore  determined  to  pass  the 
night  at  the  rancho  with  his  friend,  and  ordered  the  horses  of 
the  cavalry  out  to  pasture.  During  the  afternoon  Don  Pedro 
Moreno,  who  resided  in  the  neighbourhood,  visited  Mina  and 
remained  with  him.  The  troops  encamped  in  advance  of  the 
house ;  videttes  were  posted ;  and  the  general  was  so  satis- 
fied of  his  security,  that,  contrary  to  his  usual  custom,  he  re- 
tired to  rest  on  the  floor  in  the  house.    We  mention  these  cir- 


■254  MiEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

cumstances,  because  the  sequel  will  show,  that  the  general,  in 
this  rare  instance  of  a  departure  from  his  usual  habit  of  sleep- 
ing with  his  men,  committed  a  most  unfortunate  error. 

Among  the  pernicious  and  impolitic  practices  of  the  patri- 
ots, was  that  of  permitting  priests  to  come  out  of  the  enemy's 
towns  to  perform  mass  among  them.  Many  of  these  men 
■were  spies  and  agents  of  the  royalists,  and  never  failed  to 
collect  every  possible  information  for  the  advantage  of  their 
masters.  The  road  by  which  Mina  had  that  morning  passed, 
lay  through  a  small  pueblo  to  which  a  padre  repaired  weekly 
from  Silao.  It  was  Sunday  when  the  general  passed  through 
it.  The  padre  waited  on  him  to  pay  his  respects,  conducting 
himself  with  all  that  humility  and  sj'cophancy  which  his  fra- 
ternity so  well  know  how  to  use,  when  a  point  is  to  be  gained. 
Mina  treated  him  as  he  always  did  persons  of  his  description, 
with  attention  and  respect,  but  at  the  same  time  Avith  caution. 
The  padre  either  was  informed  of  or  conjectured  Mina's  des- 
tination ;  but  be  that  as  it  may,  he  was  so  very  anxious  to  car- 
ry the  gratifying  intelligence  to  the  royalists,  that  the- instant 
Mina  departed  from  the  pueblo,  without  waiting  for  his  din- 
ner, he  mounted  his  horse  and  set  out  for  Silao,  distant  about 
five  or  six  leagues. 

Mina's  suppositions  of  Orrantia's  incertitude  of  the  course 
of  his  proceedings  were  well  founded  ;  for  the  latter  was  total- 
ly at  a  loss  where  to  look  for  the  general,  and  had  marched  to 
Silao  in  that  state  of  uncertainty.  The  dispersion  of  Mina's 
troops  increased  the  perplexity  of  Orrantia  ;  but  while  he  was 
in  this  state  of  confusion,  (as  he  expressed  himself  in  his  des- 
patches to  the  viceroy,)  he  received  from  the  priest  the  unex- 
pected but  important  information,  that  Mina  had  gone  to  the 
Venadito.  Had  not  Orrantia  by  accident  arrived  in  Silao 
that  very  evening,  the  padre's  intentions  and  information  must 
have  been  of  no  avail,  because  it  was  the  intention  of  Mina  to 
have  marched  from  the  Venadito  the  ensuing  morning.  A 
concurrence  of  unfortunate  circumstances,  however,  seems  to 
have  led  to  that  catastrophe  which  we  are  about  to  narrate.  Or- 
rantia, notwithstanding  the  fatigue  of  his  troops,  lost  not  a 
moment  in  putting  them  in  motion,  and  having  gained  a  posi- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  255 

tion  suitable  for  his  design,  placed  them  in  ambush  near  the 
Venadito,  intending,  as  soon  as  day-light  should  enable  him  to 
discern  objects,  to  fall  upon  Mina's  party. 

At  dawn  of  the  morning  of  the  2rth,  Orrantia's  cavalry 
sallied  from  the  ambush,  and  advanced  in  full  speed  on  Mina's 
encampment.  The  alarm  was  given.  The  troopers  of  Mina, 
finding  themselves  cut  off  from  their  horses  at  pasture,  min- 
gled with  the  infantry,  whose  first  impulse  was  to  save  them- 
selves by  flight.  If  thirty  infantry  only  had  united  at  that 
juncture,  such  was  the  situation  of  the  ground,  that  they  could 
have  repelled  the  whole  force  of  Orrantia,  or  at  least  could 
have  held  him  in  check  and  made  good  their  retreat.  But 
officers  and  soldiers  thought  of  nothing  but  their  own  safety; 
in  the  utmost  disorder  they  rushed  forward  to  gain  the  sum- 
mit of  the  hills,  and  thence  escape  by  the  barrancas  in  the  rear. 
Mina,  awakened  by  the  noise  and  tumult  of  his  flying  troops, 
started  from  the  floor,  and  rushed  out  of  the  house  in  the  same 
apparel  in  which  he  had  passed  the  night,  without  coat,  hat, 
or  even  his  sword.  Regardless  of  his  person,  his  first  object 
was  to  attempt  the  rallying  of  his  flying  troops  :  but  all  his 
exertions  were  unavailing.  He  soon  found  himself  alone.  He 
beheld  the  enemy  pursuing  and  cutting  down  his  flying  com- 
rades; and  attempted,  when  too  late,  to  secure  his  own  safety: 
but  the  enemy  were  upon  him.  Still  hallooing  to  the  fugitives 
to  halt  and  form,  he  was  seized  by  a  dragoon :  having  no  arms 
whatever,  resistance  was  useless. 

If  Mina,  on  first  leaving  the  house,  had  attempted  to  escape, 
he  might  have  succeeded  with  as  much  ease  as  many  others: 
but  we  suppose  such  a  thought  never  entered  his  mind.  His 
favourite  servant,  a  coloured  boy  of  New  Orleans,  after  the 
general  left  the  house,  saddled  his  best  horse,  and  went  in 
pursuit  of  his  master,  carrying  likewise  his  sword  and  pistols; 
but  unfortunately  he  found  him  not. 

The  dragoon  who  captm^ed  Mina  was  ignorant  of  the  rank 
of  his  prisoner,  until  informed  of  it  by  the  general  himself. 
He  was  then  pinioned,  and  conducted  into  the  pi-esence  of 
Orrantia,  who  in  the  most  aiTogant  manner  began  to  reproach 
him  for  having  taken  up  arms  against  his  sovereign,  and  t(j 


256  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

interrogate  him  concerning  his  motives  in  thus  becoming  a 
traitor,  insulting  him,  and  lavishing  upon  him  the  bitterest 
criminations.  Mina,  who  on  the  most  trying  occasions  never 
lost  his  presence  of  mind  and  characteristic  firmness,  replied 
to  the  interrogatories  in  so  sarcastic  a  strain,  and  with  such 
strong  expressions  of  contempt  and  indignation  manifested  in 
his  countenance,  that  the  brutal  Orrantia  started  from  his  seat, 
and  beat  with  the  J^ at  of  his  sxvord  his  disarmed  and  pinioned 
prisoner.  Mina,  motionless  as  a  statue,  endured  this  indig- 
nity ;  and  then,  with  a  crest  brightened  by  conscious  greatness, 
and  an  eye  glowing  with  the  fires  of  an  elevated  spirit,  he 
looked  clown  upon  his  conqueror,  and  said ;  "  I  regret  being 
made  a  prisoner ;  but  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  one  regardless 
of  the  character  of  a  Spaniard  and  a  soldier,  renders  my  mis- 
fortune doubly  keen."  The  maganimity  of  Mina  filled  every 
man  present  wath  admiration,  and  even  Orrantia  stood  con- 
founded with  the  severity  of  his  rebuke. 

The  capture  of  Mina  was  considered  by  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment as  an  event  of  such  high  importance,  that  they  have  ho- 
noured the  present  viceroy,  Don  Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca,  with 
the  title  of  Conde  del  Venadito.  Lifian  and  Orrantia  have  been 
presented  with  military  crosses ;  and  to  the  dragoon  who  ac- 
tually took  Mina,  a  yearly  stipend  has  been  assigned,  accom- 
panied by  promotion  to  the  station  of  a  corporal. 

A  letter,  purporting  to  be  written  by  Mina  to  Linan,  on  the 
3d  of  November,  after  his  capture,  has  appeared  in  the  Mexi- 
can Gazette,  which,  although  it  contains  nothing  but  what 
might  be  expected  from  a  man  whose  mind  was  soured  by  the 
conduct  of  such  men  as  Padre  Torres,  yet  is  couched  in  a  style 
that  renders  it  a  suspicious  document;  besides  that  the  whole 
tenor  of  Mina's  conduct,  from  the  moment  of  his  capture  to 
that  of  his  execution,  forbids  the  belief  of  his  having  written 
the  letter  in  question.  We  further  know,  that  subsequent  to 
his  capture,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  his  countryman,  Don  Pablo 
Erdozain,  who  commanded  at  the  work  of  Tepeaca,  in  which 
letter,  written  in  the  provincial  dialect  of  Navarre,  he  gives 
some  instructions  about  his  own  private  affairs,  and  concludes 
by  wishing  Erdozain  success,  and  exhorting  him  to  pursue  a 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  257 

conduct  marked  by  honour  and  consistency.  We  have  thought 
proper  to  mention  these  circumstances,  in  order  to  counteract 
any  erroneous  impression  that  may  have  been  made  by  the 
publication  before  alluded  to  in  the  Mexican  Gazette.  We 
have,  on  other  occasions,  noticed  the  recantations  and  peniten- 
tial docvmients  published  in  that  Gazette,  relative'to  Hidalgo, 
Morelos,  and  other  patriot  chiefs,  all  of  which  are  now  well 
known  to  have  been  forgeries  of  the  royalists,  for  the  purpose 
of  deceiving  the  people. 

Five  of  the  officers  of  Mina's  division,  and  some  few  of  the 
soldiers,  escaped  from  the  Venadito.  Don  Jose  Maria  Lice- 
aga  succeeded  in  his  flight  on  horseback.  The  Creole  troops 
in  general  began  their  flight  so  early  in  the  alarm,  that  they 
had  time  to  conceal  themselves  in  the  broken  ground.  Of 
the  division,  four  men  were  killed.  Don  Pedro  Moreno,  who 
had  fled  up  the  side  of  the  barranca,  was  overtaken,  killed,  and 
his  head  severed  from  his  body  :  this  ti'ophy  was  afterwards 
stuck  on  a  pole.  Don  Mariano  Herrera,  and  about  fourteen 
of  the  troops,  were  made  prisoners  :  these,  with  the  exception 
of  Don  Mariano,*  were  executed. 

*  The  fate  of  this  generous  friend  of  Mina  is  marked  by  so  many  singular 
circumstances,  that  it  would  be  unpardonable  to  pass  over  it  without  notice. 
Don  Mariano  was  conducted  to  Irapuato,  and  there  thrown  into  prison.  His 
affectionate  sister  accompanied  him.  Her  exertions  were  unremitting  to  save 
her  brother's  life.  On  her  knees,  in  his  behalf,  she  implored  the  mercy  of 
the  leaders  of  the  royalists.  Her  intercession  at  length  prevailed.  After 
he  had  been  sentenced  to  death,  and  was  blindfolded  at  the  place  of  execu- 
tion, he  was  reprieved.  Unexpectedly  snatched  from  the  threshold  of  the 
grave,  he  was  bereft  of  reason ;  and,  in  the  close  confinement  in  which  he  was 
subsequently  placed,  became  permanently  deranged.  His  only  and  constant 
employment  was  twisting  his  beard,  whicli  had  grown  very  long.  He  became 
vmconscious  even  of  the  presenceof  his  sister;  and  his  few  incoherent  expres- 
sions were  lamentations  for  the  fate  of  his  friend  Mina.  The  exertions  of  the 
sister  to  alleviate  the  situation  of  her  wretched  brother,  were  unceasing. 

The  last  account  we  received  of  Don  Mariano  and  his  estimable  sister,  was 
in  September,  1818;  at  which  period  the  latter  was  In  the  hacienda  de  Hur- 
ras, on  her  return  to  Irapuato  from  Guanaxuato,  whitlier  she  had  repaired 
to  obtain  from  the  royal  authorities  permission  to  adopt  some  means  for  the 
relief  of  her  brother.     She  had  so  far  succeeded  as  to  procure  permission 

(33) 


:258  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Orrantia,  after  the  disgraceful  scene  we  have  already  no- 
ticed, inquired  the  force  of  the  patriots  in  his  neighbour- 
hood. Mina  informed  him  ;  when,  conceiving  perhaps  that  a 
desperate  effort  might  be  made  to  rescue  the  general,  he  im- 
znediately  retreated  upon  Silao  with  his  prisoner,  who  was 
treated  with  every  indignity.  This  ungenerous  treatment  was 
borne  by  Mina  with  his  characteristic  fortitude.  The  situa- 
tion of  his  companions  engrossed  his  reflections  ;  and  while  on 
the  road,  his  endeavours  to  cheer  them  up  were  constant. 

On  reaching  Silao,  he  was  put  into  irons  by  his  savage  con- 
ductor. Thence  he  was  removed  to  Irapuato,  and  finally  to 
Lilian's  head-quarters  in  front  of  Tepeaca  at  Los  Remedies, 
where  he  was  committed  to  the  care  of  the  regiment  of  Na- 
varra.  There,  his  treatment  was  such  as  a  brave  man  deserv- 
ed ;  every  humane  attention  was  shown  him,  and  his  situation 
was  made  as  comfortable  as  possible. 

We  have  understood  that  among  the  few  of  the  papers  which 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  were  some  in  cipher.  To  ob- 
tain an  explanation  of  these  was  a  matter  of  great  consequence, 
because  they  would  develop  the  names  of  certain  patriots  who 
resided  within  their  walls,  and  who  had  held  correspondence 
with  Mina.  Fortunately  for  the  writers,  Mina  had  been  accus- 
tomed, on  receiving  any  communication  of  importance,  to  copy 
it,  and  destroy  the  original.  All  his  answers  to  their  inqui- 
ries breathed  fidelity  to  a  cause  in  which  he  had  been  so  shame- 
fully treated,  and  thus  displayed  in  a  new  light  the  nobleness 
of  his  character.  We  have  conversed  with  some  royal  officers 
who  were  present  at  these  conversations ;  and  they  have  as- 
sured us,  that  such  was  the  admiration  excited  by  his  conduct, 
that  there  were  few  officers  in  Lilian's  army  who  did  not  sym- 
pathize in  Mina's  misfortune,  and  were  much  more  disposed 
to  liberate  than  to  sacrifice  him. 

from  Linares,  the  commandant  general,  to  remove  him,  on  giving  two  secu- 
rities, each  under  heavy  penalties,  that  he  should  return  to  his  prison  in 
Irapuato,  in  the  event  «f  his  being  restored  to  his  reason,  to  his  hacienda  of 
the  Tlachiquera,  where  she  hoped,  by  the  change  of  scene,  to  calm  his  ima- 
gination. How  far  she  had  succeeded  in  her  pious  intentions,  we  regret  that 
we  cannot  ascertain. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  ^Sg 

Upon  the  arrival  at  Mexico  of  the  express  which  had  been 
despatched  to  announce  the  capture  of  Mina,  couriers  were 
sent  by  the  viceroy  to  every  part  of  the  kingdom,  to  convey  the 
cheering  intelligence.  Te  Deums  were  chanted  in  the  churches; 
salutes  of  artillery,  illuminations,  and  rejoicings,  took  place  in 
every  town  in  possession  of  the  royalists ;  and  such  was  the 
general  joy  among  them,  that  they  hailed  the  capture  of  Mina 
as  the  termination  of  the  revolution.  These  demonstrations 
■on  the  part  of  the  government  and  its  adherents,  ai^e  in  them- 
selves no  common  eulogium  on  the  character  of  Mina. 

In  the  city  of  Mexico,  a  great  anxiety  prevailed  to  behold 
Mina,  and  had  he  reached  that  place,  great  interest  would 
have  been  made  to  save  his  life ;  but  the  viceroy,  fearing  the 
consequences  that  might  ensue  should  he  be  brought  thither, 
and  being  in  constant  dread  lest  he  should  escape,  despatched 
an  order  to  Linan  for  the  immediate  execution  of  his  prisoner. 

When  this  order  was  communicated  to  Mina,  he  received 
it  without  any  visible  emotion.  He  continued  to  resist  all 
overtures  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  information  from  him, 
but  regretted  that  he  had  not  landed  in  Mexico  one  year 
sooner,  when  his  services  would  have  been  more  effective. 
He  likewise  regretted  quitting  life  so  deeply  indebted  to  cer- 
tain individuals,  who  had  generously  aided  his  enterprise. 

On  the  11th  of  November  (as  well  as  we  can  now  recollect) 
he  was  conducted  under  a  military  escort  to  the  fatal  ground, 
attended  by  a  file  of  the  Ca^adores  of  the  regiment  of  Zara- 
goza.  In  this  last  scene  of  his  life  was  the  hero  of  Navarre 
not  unmindful  of  his  character;  with  a  firm  step  he  advanced 
to  the  fatal  spot,  and  with  his  usual  serenity  told  the  soldiers 
to  take  good  aim,  "  7^  ?io  me  hagais  sjtfrir^^  (and  don't  let  me 
suffer.)  The  officer  commanding  gave  the  accustomed  signal ; 
they  fired;  and  that  spirit  fled  from  earth,  which,  for  all  the 
qualities  which  constitute  the  hero  and  the  patriot,  seemed  to 
have  been  born  for  the  good  of  mankind. 

So  anxious  was  the  government  that  his  death  should  be 
confirmed,  that  Lilian  was  instructed  that  a  surgeon  from  each 
European  regiment,  and  a  captain  of  every  company,  should 
;ittend  the  execution,  who  should  certify  that  Mina  Avas  dead. 


260  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

and  moreover  describe  the  manner  in  which  the  balls  entered 
his  body,  and  note  the  one  that  caused  his  death.  This  was 
done,  and  the  singular  document  was  afterwards  published  in 
the  Gazette  of  Mexico. 

Thus  perished  this  gallant  youth,  in  the  twenty-eighth  year 
of  his  age.  His  short  but  brilliant  career  entitles  him  to  a 
distinguished  place  on  the  list  of  those  heroes  who  have  shed 
their  blood  in  bold  and  generous  exertions  to  break  the  tyrant's 
sceptre,  and  to  extend  the  blessings  of  freedom  among  the 
human  race. 

No  man  was  ever  better  calculated  to  execute  an  enterprise 
of  hazard  than  Xavier  Mina.  His  person  was  slight,  but  well 
formed,  and  about  five  feet  seven  inches  in  height.  His  phy- 
sical structure  was  well  adapted  for  action.  His  moral  quali- 
ties were  great ;  personal  valour  he  possessed  in  an  eminent 
degree.  Serene  in  the  hour  of  danger,  he  was  always  prepared 
to  seize  upon  any  advantages  that  were  offered  by  the  conjunc- 
ture of  events.  At  the  head  of  his  men,  he  infused  into  them 
his  own  spirit.  In  his  diet,  he  was  frugal  in  the  extreme ;  no 
privations  nor  hardships  seemed  to  affect  him.  He  always 
preferred  the  simplest  beverage.  His  cloak  and  saddle  were 
his  usual  bed ;  even  in  the  worst  of  weather,  when  every  ac- 
commodation could  have  been  afforded  him,  he  encamped  with 
his  troops.  He  was  affable,  generous,  and  candid ;  his  mo- 
deration and  humanity  Avere  alike  conspicuous,  and  to  all  the 
qualities  of  the  soldier  he  united  the  manners  and  accomplish- 
ments of  the  gentleman. 

To  fail  in  great  undertakings  has  been  the  lot  of  many  a 
gallant  man  as  well  as  Mina,  and  the  world  is  ever  ready  to 
point  out  the  measures  which  would  have  averted  such  failures. 
Inexperience  may  be  excused  for  liberties  of  this  nature,  be- 
cause they  are  generally  the  expression  of  wishes,  rather  than 
of  judgments,  as  to  what  might  have  been  done. 

We  think  that  the  facts  developed  in  the  course  of  this 
work,  unequivocally  demonstrate  that  Mina  was  sacrificed  to 
ignorance,  to  jealousy,  and  to  a  combination  of  unfortunate 
circumstances,  which  no  foresight  could  have  anticipated,  and 
which  led  to  the  melancholy  termination  of  a  career,  as  full  of 


► 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  261 

lustre  as  any  of  the  same  duration  recorded  on  the  historic 
page.  Mina,  at  his  outset  in  this  undertaking,  had  to  depend 
on  the  liberality  of  the  mercantile  world.  The  support  he 
resLeived  as  well  in  London  as  at  Baltimore,  was  limited  to  a 
few  generous  individuals ;  he  was  in  hopes  that  their  example 
would  inspire  others,  but  he  was  disappointed  at  a  time  when 
liberal  succours  were  most  wanted. 

We  have,  in  the  early  part  of  this  work,  noticed,  that  at 
New  Orleans  a  proposal  was  made  to  him,  to  attack  and  take 
Pensacola,  an  operation  perfectly  accordant  with  Mina's  views, 
because  Pensacola  would  have  been  to  him  a  centre,  where  he 
might  have  collected  troops,  and  might  have  organized  his 
expedition  against  Mexico  in  a  suitable  manner;  but  he  found 
that  the  parties  at  New  Orleans  not  only  were  niggardly  as 
to  the  resources  they  offered,  but  so  ungenerous  in  the  terms 
upon  which  they  would  assist  the  expedition,  that  he  found 
it  incompatible  with  his  dignity  and  ulterior  plans  to  under- 
take it.  It  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  a  detail  of  all  the  disap- 
pointments of  the  general,  such  as  we  have  found  them  to  have 
been  from  an  examination  of  his  papers,  because  we  should 
thereby  wound  the  feelings  or  excite  the  ill  will  of  certain  indi- 
viduals, who  perhaps  may  not  be  so  much  to  blame  as  we  infer 
from  the  perusal  of  the  papers  in  question.  But  of  this  point 
we  are  certain,  that,  if  Mina  had  been  in  possession  of  funds, 
he  could  with  the  greatest  facility  have  taken  Pensacola,  there 
raised  two  thousand  men,  and  have  decided  the  fate  of  Mexi- 
co in  a  few  months.  Indeed,  with  one  thousand  foreigners 
he  would  have  beaten  all  the  royalists  under  the  command  of 
Arredqndo,  and  could  then  have  penetrated  into  the  internal 
provinces  of  Mexico,  or  have  moved  towards  the  capital  if 
circumstances  should  justify  it,  or  he  would  have  had  his 
choice  of  a  route  through  Old  Mexico,  where  he  would  have 
been  joined  by  as  many  thousand  natives  as  his  situation  re- 
quired. 

When  Mina  formed  his  plans  in  London,  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  Mexico,  and  even  after  his  arrival  in  the  United 
States,  there  did  not  exist  any  positive  laws  of  either  Great 
Britain  or  of  the  Unjied  States  to  interfere  with  his  enterprise. 


2&2  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

Besides,  the  royal  forces  receiving  at  that  time  succours  o{ 
arms  and  ships  from  the  private  enterprise  of  both  countries, 
the  hxws  of  neutrality,  which  require  that  both  belligerents 
should  be  treated  alike,  necessarily  entitled  the  patriots  to  the 
same  privileges.  The  occasion  was  therefore  favourable  for 
his  undertaking ;  but,  as  we  before  have  said,  funds  were  not 
forth  coming,  and  Mina  had  no  alternative,  but  either  to  aban- 
don it  entirely,  or  pursue  it  under  all  the  straitened  and  un- 
fortunate circumstances  which  surrounded  him.  That  spirit 
of  enterprise  which  once  distinguished  the  mercantile  body  in. 
the  United  States,  splendid,  adventurous,  and  successful,  has 
become  more  narrow  and  personal  than  in  former  times.  This 
change,  from  broad  and  comprehensive  adventures  to  partial 
and  separate  undertakings,  had  a  most  pernicious  effect  on  the 
expedition  under  Mina.  The  few  merchants,  who  generously 
afforded  aid, — suffered  ;  the  majorit}'  of  their  countrymen  who 
embarked  in  the  sacred  cause,  together  with  their  leader, — 
perished;  and  instead  of  a  field  of  commercial  enterprise  being 
laid  open,  embracing  the  richest  regions  of  North  America, 
the  whole  expedition  was  lost.  It  is  not  now  practicable  to 
estimate  accurately  the  extent  of  the  commerce  that  would 
have  been  opened,  the  amount  of  wealth  that  would  have 
been  acquired,  or  the  number  of  ships  and  seamen  which 
would  have  been  employed,  had  the  cause  of  Mexico  been 
suitably  sustained. 

We  have  heard  much  of  the  assistance  which  the  Mexican 
patriots  have  received  from  individuals  in  the  United  States; 
and  indeed  if  we  were  to  believe  the  one-tenth  part  of  what 
the  chevalier  Onis  has  stated  on  this  subject,  we  might  sup- 
pose that  the  American  merchants  had  been  liberal  in  the  ex- 
treme, in  the  supplies  afforded  to  the  Mexican  people ;  but  the 
real  fact  is,  that  a  single  house  in  London  has  supplied  a  larger 
amount  of  arms  and  clothing  to  Venezuela,  than  has  been  af- 
forded by  all  the  merchants  of  the  United  States  to  Mexico ; 
at  the  same  time  that  the  royal  armies  were  fed,  and  furnished 
with  ammunition,  ships,  and  every  species  of  supply,  from  our- 
principal  sea-ports. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  263 

The  resources  which  Mina  obtained  at  Baltimore  were 
small,  although  Don  Onis  magnified  his  expedition  greatly. 
In  his  terrified  imagination,  it  was  converted  into  a  formida- 
ble army,  a  vast  train  of  artillery,  and  moreover,  a  large  body 
of  the  imperial  guard.  This  exaggeration  served  the  minister's 
purposes  ;  and  the  impressions  made  by  his  romantic  tales 
excited  such  an  alarm  in  the  Holy  Alliance,  as  to  produce 
orders  for  a  diplomatic  attack  on  the  government  of  the  United 
States  ;  the  further  notice  of  which  does  not  properly  belong  to 
these  memoirs.  It  was  in  vain  that  Mina  endeavoured  to  con- 
vince some  merchants  of  the  United  States  of  the  advantages 
they  would  derive  from  the  political  and  commeroial  emancipa- 
tion of  Mexico.  It  was  in  vain  that  he  offered  the  most  flat- 
tering terms  for  ample  supplies ;  while  the  influence  of  the 
Spanish  agents,  through  the  contracts  which  they  were  enabled 
to  bestow,  produced  such  an  influence  on  the  monied  men, 
and  the  monied  institutions  of  some  of  our  principal  cities,  as 
to  interfere  materially  with  the  necessities  of  Mina,  and  the 
emancipation  of  Mexico. 

The  want  of  proper  support  from  the  mercantile  world,  was  *\ 
the  Jirst  great  obstacle  which  Mina  had  to  contend  against.  J 
The  *econ(^,  and  most  serious  impediment  to  his  enterprise^  ^^ 

was  the  jealousy  of  Padre  Torres.  When  Mina,  with  his  lit- 
tle band  of  three  hundred  men,  scarcely  two-thirds  of  whom 
were  foreigners,  had  fought  his  way  into  the  interior  of  the 
kingdom,  after  a  march  of  more  than  six  hundred  miles,  gain- 
ing successive  battles,  confounding  the  royalists  by  his  chi- 
valrous exploits,  and  at  length  effecting  his  junction  with  the 
patriots,  in  the  intendancy  of  Guanaxuato,  eighty  leagues  only 
from  the  seat  of  government,  we  find  that  he  had  to  encounter 
a  perfidious  enemy  in  the  very  man  who  ought  to  have  been 
his  firm  and  cordial  friend.  The  proofs  we  have  furnished  of 
the  jealousy  and  hatred  of  Mina  which  Padre  Torres  nourish- 
ed, leave  not  a  shadow  of  doubt  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  latter, 
as  well  as  the  failure  of  his  undertaking,  is  to  be  attributed  in 
an  especial  measure  to  this  vindictive  priest.  Even  after  the 
capture  of  the  heroic  Mina,  Torres  gave  further  proofs  of  the 
jealous  and  rancorous  feelings  that  actuated  his  conduct. 


264  ^       MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

We  have  already  stated  that  Mina  had  been  conducted  to 
the  head-quarters  of  Linan,  in  front  of  Tepeaca,  and  there  re- 
tained a  prisoner.     This  was  known  to  the  garrison  in  Los 
Remedios,  and  also  that  his  fate  was  suspended  till  the  return 
of  a  courier  from  the  vicero3\     During  this  interval,  several 
of  the  foreign  officers  of  the  division,  as  \vell  as  some  gallant 
Creoles,  proposed  forming  a  select  corps  of  two  hundred  de- 
termined men,  to  storm  the  enemy's  works,  and  rescue  the  ge- 
neral at  every  hazard.     The  design  was  as  bold  and  feasible, 
as  it  was  noble  and  practicable  :  every  officer  in  the  fort  be- 
longing to  Mina's  division  was  willing  to  have  perished,  ra- 
ther than  not  to  have  succeeded  in  the  attempt.  It  would  have 
cost  some  lives  ;  perhaps  those  of  one-half  of  the  adventurers, 
but  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  the  plan  would  have 
succeeded,  as  the  enemy,  confiding  in  the  natural  strength  of 
their  position,  were  lulled  into  entire  security.     Doctor  Hen- 
nessey was  deputed  to  lay  the  proposal  before  Padre  Torres. 
His  urgent  requests  were  discountenanced  by  the  unfeeling 
monster,  whose  uniform  excuse  was,  that  it  xvould  cost  too 
great  a  sacrifice  of  lives.     The  sacrifice  of  Mina  was  his  dar- 
ling wish.    He  well  knew  the  injuries  he  had  already  done  the 
general,  and  that  if  the  latter  survived,  such  was  his  popularity 
that  it  was  probable  he  would  become  the  leading  chief  of  the 
revolution.  In  fine,  Torres  refused  permission  for  a  single  man 
to  leave  the  fort,  and  denounced  the  enterprise  as  an  act  of 
rashness.  He  was  supported  in  this  opinion  by  colonel  Noboa^ 
the  second  in  command  in  the  fort.     We  deem  it  necessary, 
injustice  to  Mina,  to  state  some  facts  relative  to  Noboa.    He 
was  a  Spaniard.    In  the  expedition,  Mina  appointed  him  chief 
of  the  staff".    He  possessed  some  theoretic  knowledge,  and  was 
conversant  in  the  smaller  details  ;  was  an  excellent  drill  officer, 
but  whenever  he  ventured  beyond  the  duties  of  that  station, 
his  deficiencies  became  manifest.     In  his  manners  he  was  ar- 
rogant and  supercilious.     In  such  service  as  that  in  Mexico, 
these  defects  might  have  been  overlooked,  but  his  conduct  in 
the  action  at  Peotillos,  at  Finos,  and  at  San  Juan  de  los  Llanos, 
had  been  such  as  to  divest  him  of  the  necessary  confidence. 
At  the  Jaral,  his  negligence  was  the  cause  of  the  marquis's 

/ 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  265 

escape,  and  on  that  occasion  he  likewise  committed  such  a  dis- 
graceful excess,  that  Mina  ordered  his  aid,  lieutenant-colonel 
Arago,  to  communicate  to  him  a  severe  reprehension.  For 
this  act  he  never  fargave  Mina,  and  became  his  secret  enemy. 
His  conduct  during  the  siege  of  Los  Remedlos  was  by  no 
means  on  a  par  with  that  of  his  comrades,  and  badly  suited  the 
important  command  he  held  in  it.  He  rarely  left  his  quarters 
during  day-light,  occasionally  visited  the  batteries  at  night, 
but  on  no  occasion  displayed  either  zeal,  activity,  or  energy. 
He  became,  in  fact,  the  creature  of  Torres,  and  consequently 
the  enemy  of  Mina.  For  this  reason,  he  disapproved  of  the 
daring  scheme  to  attempt  die  rescue  of  the  unfortunate  pri- 
soner. •* 

We  have  thus  touched  on  the  prominent  causes  which  led 
to  the  failure  of  Mina's  undertaking,  and  to  his  own  death.  It 
will  likewise  have  been  seen,  from  what  we  have  before  re- 
marked of  the  state  of  the  revolution  at  the  time  of  his  land- 
ing on  the  Mexican  coast,  that  the  moment  was  unpropitious 
for  the  execution  of  his  enterprise,  and  that  he  was  prevented 
by  untoward  circumstances  from  uniting  his  small  force  with 
that  of  either  Victoria  or  Teran.  It  is  true,  that  both  of  those 
generals,  at  the  time  Mina  was  at  Soto  la  Marina,  had  experi- 
enced serious  reverses,  yet  neither  of  them  was  entirely  over- 
come ;  and  as  Mina  had  with  him  a  considerable  number  of 
arms,  if  fortune  had  not  frowned  he  could  have  raised,  either 
in  the  intendancy  of  Vera  Cruz,  or  at  Tehuacan  in  that  of  La 
Puebla,  any  number  of  men  that  might  have  been  required  ; 
for  we  know  from  personal  observation,  that  in  either  of  the 
two  last  named  intendancies,  as  well  as  in  the  populous  one  of 
Oaxaca,  Mina  would  have  been  cordially  received  by  almost 
every  class  of  inhabitants.  It  is  also  true,  that  according  to 
the  Mexican  Gazette  of  that  epoch,  the  insurrection  is  stated  to 
have  been  nearl}^  quelled;  that  is,  the  revolutionists  had  then 
no  armies  that  deserved  the  name.  But  the  spirit  of  the  people 
was  unsubdued,  and  their  feelings  of  hatred  to  the  Spanish  go- 
vernment was  unchanged.  The  document  of  the  bishop  of 
Mechoacan,  which  was  published  about  that  time,  gave  a  his- 
tory of  the  state  of  Mexico,  which  could  not  have  been  sus- 
(34) 


266  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

pected  of  exaggeration,  since  it  was  addressed  to  the  monarch 
of  Spain  by  one  of  the  few  of  his  adherents  who  dared  to 
speak  the  truth.  There  had  no  doubt  been  many  disasters,  and 
there  was  that  kind  of  cahn  which  succeeds  to  all  storms ;  but  a 
spark  would  then  have  lighted  up  a  new  flame,  and  would  now^ 
in  every  section  of  the  viceroy alty.  That  hatred  of  Spain, 
and  a  desire  to  be  free  from  her  control  are  the  predominant 
feelings  of  the  Mexicans,  no  one  acquainted  with  their  real 
character  can  deny ;  and  that  they  will  again  develop  their  ir- 
revocable alienation  from  the  Spanish  government,  on  the  first 
favourable  occasion  that  may  offer,  is  beyond  a  doubt. 

Although  it  might  be  more  in  place  to  introduce  the  ensu- 
ing observations  as  the  concluding  portion  of  our  narrative, 
yet  to  ward  oif  from  that  gallant  youth,  whose  career  we  have 
just  been  tracing,  the  charge  of  rashness  in  invading  Mexico, 
we  think  proper  to  introduce  here  our  views  of  the  practica- 
bility of  expelling  the  Spaniard  from  the  throne  of  that  king- 
dom, evincing  thereby  the  truth  of  the  remark  we  have  so  of- 
ten urged  upon  the  reader,  that  Mina's  disasters  were  altoge- 
ther owing  to  the  intervention  of  causes  which  prudence  could 
not  have  anticipated,  nor  wisdom  remedied. 

The  whole  number  of  European  Spaniards  in  the  viceroy- 
alty  do  not  exceed  sixty  thousand.  Even  the  fidelity  of  many 
of  these  to  the  royal  government  is  very  equivocal.  We  have 
frequently  heard  them  utter  sentiments  as  strong  and  as  ar- 
dent in  favour  of  the  emancipation  of  Mexico,  as  we  have 
ever  heard  from  any  Creole.  The  Spanish  troops,  we  know, 
have  become  weary  of,  and  alarmed  at,  the  warfare  practised 
hi  Mexico.  The  European  soldiers  at  present  there,  as  well 
as  those  who  may  in  future  be  sent  from  Spain,  will  be  found 
reluctant  combatants,  in  the  event  of  further  military  opera- 
tions in  those  parts  of  the  viceroyalty  that  are  at  present  tran- 
quil. Privations  and  death,  under  the  most  horrible  shapes, 
stare  the  Spanish  soldier  in  the  face,  in  whatever  part  of  the 
New  World  he  sets  his  foot,  under  the  royal  banner;  freedom, 
wealth,  and  independence  are  at  his  choice,  whenever  he 
thinks  proper  to  forsake  it.  Officers  and  soldiers,  on  depart- 
ing from  Spain  for  America,  take  a  final  adieu  of  their  families 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  267 

and  friends.  The  sailing  of  an  expedition  from  Cadiz  has 
become  almost  a  funeral  ceremony;  indeed,  it  may  be  strictly 
so  called,  because,  within  the  last  ten  years,  Spanish  America 
has  become  either  the  adopted  country  or  the  sepulchre  of 
almost  every  officer  and  soldier  who  has  left  the  Peninsula. 
The  diseases  incident  to  the  coasts  of  Spanish  America,  and 
the  barbarous  warfare  carried  on  in  its  interior,  would  not  only 
destroy  all  the  armies  of  Spain,  but  those  of  any  other  Eu- 
ropean nation,  not  even  excepting  those  of  the  empire  of  the 
Russias.  The  whole  number  of  Spanish  European  troops,  at 
the  period  of  the  latest  advices,  in  all  the  viceroyalty  of  Mexi- 
co, was  short  of  four  iJiousand  eight  hundred.  This  force,  or 
even  five  times  the  number,  would  be  insufficient  to  maintain 
the  sovereignty  of  Spain  over  Mexico  a  single  week.  It  is  on 
the  Creole  royal  troops  that  the  government  of  Spain  has  had 
to  depend  for  several  years,  and  on  them  now  rests  the  pre- 
servation of  the  viceroyalty.  Of  these  last  mentioned  troops, 
a  great  proportion  are  men  who  at  some  period  of  the  revolu- 
tion have  been  in  the  patriot  service,  but,  for  reasons  which 
have  been  assigned  in  the  course  of  the  work,  are  at  present 
In  the  service  of  the  crown. 

Prior  to  the  revolution,  the  Spanish  government  had  been 
very  careful  to  prohibit  the  body  of  the  people  from  the  use 
of  fire-arms,  and  indeed  all  ether  military  weapons.  Sincfc 
the  present  struggles,  necessity  has  compelled  the  Spanish  go- 
vernment to  place  arms  in  the  hands  of  the  Creole  population, 
and  to  conciliate  them  by  means  never  before  employed  or 
permitted ;  so  that  these,  as  well  as  those  who  have  been  in 
the  service  of  the  patriots,  have  acquired  the  use  of  arms,  and 
they  now  feel  an  importance  in  society  which  they  can  never 
relinquish  nor  be  divested  of,  and  which  must  bring  to  their 
minds  a  constant  comparison  of  the  present,  with  their  condi- 
tion ten  or  twelve  years  ago  ;  so  that  if  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment were  now  to  attempt  disarming  these  royal  Creoles,  their 
authority  would  not  be  long-lived. 

The  interchange  of  sentiments  between  that  portion  of  the 
Creoles  who  have  been  insurgents  and  those  who  have  con- 
tinued faithful  to  the  royal  cause,  has  already  produced  effects 


268  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION". 

which  fill  the  authorities  in  Mexico  with  great  altirm ;  and 
there  is  scarcely  any  abatement  of  those  efFects,'  since  the 
period  that  the  eloquent  Bishop  of  Mechoacan  so  forcibly  re- 
presented them.  Indeed  political  rights  and  personal  wrongs 
now  constitute  the  private,  and  perpetual  theme  of  conversa- 
tion between  the  royal  and  patriot  Creole.  Among  the  latter, 
not  one  in  ten  thousand  will  ever  be  a  sincerely  faithful  sub- 
ject of  the  Spanish  government,  while  the  transition  from  a 
royalist  to  a  revolutionist  is  easy,  without  danger  or  peril,  and 
congenial  to  the  feelings  of  nearly  every  Mexican  Creole. 

The  present  viceroy,  who  has  conducted  himself  with  ex- 
traordinary address  in  a  critical  situation,  has  stated  in  his 
despatches  to  the  court  of  Spain,  that  he  has  reduced  all  the 
fortifications,  and  pacified  nearly  all  the  parts  of  the  country 
in  which  were  bodies  of  patriots ;  that  he  has  captured  such 
a  party  ;  that  another  has  capitulated ;  and  that  more  than 
eighty  thousand  of  the  deluded  wretches  have  received  the 
royal  pardon,  and  adhered  to  their  oath  of  allegiance  to  their 
legitimate  sovereign.  He  assures  the  Spanish  cabinet,  that 
only  some  small  bodies  of  banditti  remain,  which  he  hopes 
soon  to  exterminate.  He  states,  that  since  the  capture  and 
execution  of  Mina,  all  hopes  of  success  on  the  part  of  the  in- 
surgents in  IVIexico  have  been  abandoned,  and  he  even  car- 
ries his  consolatory  assurances  so  far  as  to  say,  that  no  more 
European  troops  need  at  present  be  sent  from  Spain  to  Mexi- 
co, as  he  has  the  firmest  reliance  on  the  fidelity  of  the  Creole 
royalists.  These  flattering  accounts  are  received  at  Madrid 
with  the  same  credulity  as  were  the  advices  of  Mina's  embark- 
ation with  a  splendid  train  of  artillery  at  Baltimore  ;  they  have 
been  published  in  the  Gazette  of  Madrid,  and  circulated  over 
Spain  and  the  rest  of  Europe.  The  facts  already  noticed,  and 
others  which  we  have  yet  to  state,  will  probably  remove  the 
veil  of  deception  which  has  hitherto  been  thrown  over  the 
affairs  of  Mexico  by  the  artifices  and  influence  of  the  Spanish 
agents;  and  to  every  impartial  reader  present  a  view  of  the 
actual  state  of  society  in  that  country.  We  say  that  the  roy- 
al forces  at  present  in  Mexico,  consist  of  but  few  European 
troops,  the  main  body  of  them  bein^-  composed  of  pardoned 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  269 

insurgents^  and  disaffected  Creoles,  We  have  stated  that 
these  forces  are  only  royalists  by  accident  or  necessity,  and 
that  nine-tenths  of  them  are  impatient  to  abandon  the  Spanish 
standard.  On  the  first  occasion  that  they  find  a  rallying  point 
in  a  moderate  force  of  disciplined  foreign  troops,  with  judici- 
ous leaders,  they  will  use  the  opportunity  to  effect  the  inde- 
pendence of  Mexico. 

We  have  already  depicted  the  conduct  of  the  royal  troops,  in 
their  different  marches,  sieges,  and  battles  with  Mina;  and  we 
have  seen  the  exploits  that  this  youth  performed,  with  a  mere 
handful  of  only  three  hundred  men,  of  which,  as  we  have  be- 
fore observed,  less  than  two-thirds  were  foreigners.  A  gene- 
ral opinion  prevails,  as  well  in  Eui'ope  as  in  the  United  States, 
that  to  make  Mexico  independent  will  be  a  very  difficult  un- 
dertaking. Taught  by  experience,  we  are  of  the  contrary  opi- 
nion; and  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  if  a  number  of  fo- 
reign troops,  equal  to  that  which  within  the  last  three  years  has 
been  raised  in  Great  Britai?!^  a7id  translated  to  Venezuela^  had 
landed  in  Mexico,  its  independence  would  have  been  accom- 
plished within  three  months  from  their  disembarkation.  The 
brave  men  Avho  have  been  recently  raised  in  Ireland,  by  the  pa- 
triotic general  D'Evereux,  would  have  been  more  than  sufficient 
to  have  decided  the  destinies  of  Mexico.  Our  assertion  is  sup- 
ported, not  merely  by  what  we  have  shown  was  effected  by 
Mina,  with  his  small  band  of  foreigners,  and  by  other  facts 
which  we  have  stated,  but  also  by  our  personal  knowledge  of 
the  general  solicitude  of  the  Mexican  people  to  be  emancipated 
from  Spanish  domination. 

We  admit  that  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  xvith  the  view  of 
its  being  held  dependent  on  any  foreign  power^  would  be  an 
impracticable  undertaking ;  for  it  is  their  subjection  to  foreign 
rule  that  excites  their  abhorrence ;  and  in  resisting  such  an 
attempt  by  any  other  nation  on  earth,  the  Spanish  government 
would  be  aided  by  the  united  exertions  of  all  classes  of  Creoles 
and  Indians ;  and  the  war  would  become  like  that  in  Spain 
against  France.  But  if  an  invading  army  should  erect  the 
banners  of  freedom,  and  proclaim  the  emancipation  of  Mexico 


270  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

from  all  foreign  dependence,  they  would  be  hailed  as  deliver- 
ers, and  would  receive  the  cordial  support  of  the  great  mass 
of  the  Mexican  population. 

We  have  seen  the  difficulties  which  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment experienced  in  concentrating  a  sufficient  force  to  check 
the  operations  of  Mina,  and  to  subdue  the  patriots  under  such 
incapable  officers  as  Padre  Torres  and  his  subalterns.  Indeed, 
our  opinion  is,  that  had  Lifian  been  defeated  by  Mina,  the 
royalists  could  not  have  collected  another  army,  sufficient  to 
oppose  him.  That  Lifian  was  not  defeated,  is  solely  to  be 
attributed  to  the  ignorance  and  want  of  energy  of  Padre  Tor- 
res, and  his  jealousy  of  Mina.  We  are  aware  that  it  may  be 
said,  that  any  other  distinguished  foreigner  would  be  liable  to 
be  treated  as  Mina  was,  from  the  jealousy  of  the  Creole  chiefs. 
One  thousand  foreign  bayonets  would  place  him  above  the  in- 
fluence of  their  jealous  feeling  ;  and  besides,  we  hope,  for  the 
honour  of  the  Mexican  Creoles,  that  there  are  but  a  few  among 
them  capable  of  acting  the  base  part  that  Torres  and  Moreno 
acted  towards  Mina.  We  feel  great  pleasure  in  stating,  that 
we  have  seen  hundreds  of  Creole  officers,  possessing  the  most 
generous  and  grateful  feelings  towards  such  foreigners  as  had 
come  among  them,  either  as  visiters  or  with  a  view  to  aid 
them.  Among  the  old  Spaniards,  jealousy  towards  foreigners 
is  a  principle  flowing  from  education  and  interest ;  it  is  the 
necessary  consequence  of  the  knowledge  of  their  own  weak- 
ness, and  has  been  particularly  fostered  by  their  government. 

Among  some  of  the  elder  Creoles  likewise,  some  prejudices 
towards  strangers  are  occasionally  perceptible ;  but  among  the 
rising  generation  of  Creoles,  and  particularly  among  those 
who  have  risen  from  youth  to  manhood  since  the  revolution, 
we  have  scarcely  met  with  an  exception  to  their  attachment 
to  foreigners,  with  which  the  sentiment  of  liberty  is  always 
united.  The  young  Creole  of  Mexico  is  perhaps  the  most 
ingenuous  and  generous  of  the  human  race ;  and,  so  far  froni 
his  viewing  the  stranger  as  an  intruder  in  his  country,  he  la- 
vishes on  him  unbounded  hospitality,  and  appears  only  eager 
to  acquire  knowledge,  and  to  form  his  manners  from  every 
pleasing  example  he  sees. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  271 

We  confess,  that  when  we  entered  the  Mexican  territory, 
we  were  astonished  to  find  the  character  of  the  Creoles  so  dif- 
ferent from  the  representations  that  had  always  been  made 
concerning  it ;  and  when  we  reflected  on  their  mode  of  edu- 
cation, their  entire  non-intercourse  with  the  people  of  civilized 
nations,  and  their  limited  literature,  we  were  the  more  aston- 
ished to  find  them  so  liberal  in  their  sentiments.    In  truth,  Ave 
are  perfectly  convinced,  that  when  the   Mexicans  shall  enjoy 
the  blessings  of  a  free  government,  and  the  advantages  of  a  li- 
beral education,  they  will  speedily  become  as  estimable  a  peo- 
ple as  can  any  where  be  found.    We  likewise  think  it  of  some 
importance  to  remark,  that  the  Creole  female,  whether  united 
in  marriage  to  a  European  Spaniard,  or  to  one  of  her  own 
countrymen,  is  secretly  or  openly  an  enemy  to  the  Spanish  go- 
vernment : — this  trait  in  their  character  we  have  seen  frequent- 
ly evinced,  in  the  most  striking  manner.     The  threats  of  pun- 
ishment have  no  effect  in  restraining  them.    During  the  revo- 
lution, they  have  been  the  faithful  friends  of  the  patriots  ;  and, 
on  many  occasions,  have  given  proofs  of  their  intrepid  spirit. 
Every  defeat  of  the  revolutionists  clouded  their  brows  with, 
sorrow  ;  while  their  fine  eyes  would  beam  through  tears  of 
joy,  when  they  heard  of  the  triumphs  of  the  patriots  over  the 
Gachupins.     The  maternal   songs  they  chant  to  their  babes, 
are  conceived  in  the  spirit  of  liberty,  and  marked  with  hatred 
to  the   despotism  of  Spain.     Ask  a  child  of  only  five  or  six 
years  old  if  it  is  a  Spaniard,  and  it  will  with  indignation  re- 
ply, "  No  soy  Gachupin,  soy  A?iiencano.'''' — I  am  not  a  Gachu- 
pin,  I  am  an  American. 

No  gift  of  prophecy  is  necessary  to  predict  the  consequen- 
ces that  must  ensue,  when  mothers  thus  inspire  their  children. 
Those  consequences  have  already,  in  the  short  space  of  7iifie 
years^  developed  themselves  in  a  manner  that  may  well  excite 
the  fears  of  Spain  for  the  tenure  of  her  dominion  over  the  Mexi- 
can kingdom.  To  preserve  her  tottering  sovereignty,  she  has 
been  obliged  to  establish  garrisons  in  almost  every  city  and 
village  in  the  viceroyalty.  Even  on  the  haciendas,  royal 
ttoops  must  be  stationed,  to  keep  the  inhabitants  in  subjection. 


272  MEXICAN  REVOLUTIOxM. 

In  the  intendancies  of  Vera  Cruz,  La  Puebla,  Mexico,  Gua- 
dalaxara,  Zacatecas,  Valladolid,  Guanaxuato,  and  in  part  of 
that  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  detachments  of  from  fifty  to  four  hun- 
dred men  are  stationed  at  every  few  leagues  distance  from 
each  other;  thus  their  military  force  is  scattered  over  an  im- 
mense surface,  so  that  in  the  event  of  an  invasion,  the  govern- 
ment has  only  this  alternative — to  withdraw  their  troops  from 
their  scattered  outposts,  or  expose  them  to  be  beaten  in  detail. 
Whenever  their  troops  are  withdrawn  to  any  central  point,  the 
inhabitants  will  immediately  break  out  in  insurrection.  The  ve- 
ry circumstance  of  the  troops  being  thus  quartered  in  villages 
and  on  estates,  betrays  to  the  people  the  fears  of  the  govern- 
ment, while  the  soldiers  themselves,  (being  generally  Creoles,) 
by  forming  connexions  in  the  districts  where  they  are  quar- 
tered, are  much  more  likely,  in  the  event  of  future  insurrec- 
tions, to  take   the  side  of  the  people,  and  the  cause  of  their 
country,  than  to  adhere  to  a  government  which  they  already 
dislike.    We  consider,  in  fact,  every  Creole  regiment  at  present 
in  Mexico^  under  the  Spanish  standard^  as  training-  for  the 
establishment  of  the  future  freedom  of  their  coiintry.    This  as- 
sertion is  founded  on  a  knowledge  of  their  character  and  feel- 
ings ;  and  indeed  many  European  Spanish  officers  have  con- 
fessed to  us  the  important  fact. 

The  Creole  officers  in  the  royal  regiments  we  pronounce  al- 
most without  an  exception  to  be  royalists  only  in  appearance  ; 
they  are  at  heai't  sincere  patriots,  ardently  desirous  of  seeing- 
their  country  emancipated  from  Spain,  the  moment  it  can  be 
accomplished  in  a  proper  manner.  Repeatedly  have  several 
of  these  officers  said  to  the  writer,  "  Ah  !  if  the  insurgents  had 
not  stained  the  first  steps  of  the  revolution  with  outrageous  ex- 
cesses which  alarmed  us  all,  we  should  have  joined  them,  and 
established  the  independence  of  our  country  six  years  ago." 
This  opinion  is  not  expressed  alone  by  the  Creole  royal  offi- 
cers, but  by  every  enlightened  native  with  whom  we  have  con- 
versed ;  and  although  the  viceroy  Apodaca  says,  in  his  late 
official  despatches,  that  tranquillity  is  restored  throughout  the 
kingdom,  we  conceive  that  he  is  too  well  aware,  that  it  is  only 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  273 

9.  defceptlve  calm.  It  is  true,  that  in  the  great  provinces  of 
Vera  Cruz,  La  Puebla,  Oaxaca,  and  Mexico,  the  insurgents 
are  no  longer  organized  in  hostile  bodies,  but  the  character 
and  feelings  of  the  inhabitants  are  unchanged,  and  they  are 
daily  becoming  better  acquainted  with  their  true  interests. 
The  pardoned  insurgents,  in  those  provinces,  now  mingle  with 
those  who  have  been  called  royalists.  They  discuss  among 
themselves  their  errors,  their  misfortunes,  and  their  rights. 
A  certain  Spanish  officer  of  distinction  stated  to  the  writer, 
that  "  although  much  had  been  said  about  shooting  the  insur- 
gents, yet  it  was  now  useless  to  pursue  that  system,  for  he 
conceived  that  every  Creole  and  Indian  in  the  country  either 
already  was,  or  would  shortly  become,  an  insurgent;  and  be- 
cause about  eighty  thousand oi  those  dangerous  men^ytho  were 
before  scattered  in  forests,  are  now  in  our  towns  and  cities, 
where  they  are  circulating  their  poison  in  the  bosoms  of  our 
families ;  therefore,"  said  he,  "  the  royal  indultos  have  only 
prepared  the  way  for  those  eighty  thousand  men  to  contami- 
nate the  royalists,  and  to  organize  new  convulsions." 

We  have  no  doubt,  that  every  one  of  those  pardoned  insur- 
gents would  be  shot  to-morrow,  if  their  fate  depended  on  the 
Spanish  government ;  but  at  the  present  day,  such  an  experi- 
ment would  be  too  dangerous,  because  there  is  not  a  royal 
Creole  who  would  not  turn  his  bayonet  against  any  authority 
that  should  dare  to  violate  the  faith  which  has  been  pledged  to 
the  insurgents.  We  likewise  have  not  the  least  doubt,  that  if 
the  Spanish  government  could  pour  into  Mexico  myriads  of 
European  troops,  so  as  to  garrison  every  town  and  village  of 
the  kingdom,  that  every  royal  Creole  would  be  deprived  of 
his  arms  ;  but  as  Spain  never  can  send  a  force  capable  of  effect- 
ing such  an  object,  it  follows,  that  her  sovereignty  now  de- 
pends, and  must  continue  dependent,  on  the  fidelity  of  the 
Creole  troops. 

The  actual  state  of  society  in  Mexico  having  been  thus 
illustrated,  it  must  be  obvious  to  the  reader,  that  the  under- 
taking of  the  enterprising  Mina,  was  by  no  means  of  that  des- 
perate nature  which  it  has  been  represented  to  have  been  in 
various  publications.  It  failed  from  causes  v/hich  we  think 
(35) 


274  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

have  been  amply  explained  ;  but  he  and  his  brave  little  band^ 
by  marching  from  the  Mexican  coast  to  Guanaxuato,  have 
shown  what  may  be  accomplished  at  a  future  day  by  some 
more  fortunate  heroes. 

Two  thousand  foreign  infantry  led  by  intelligent  and  gallant 
officers  would  overturn  the  Spanish  government  in  Mexico, 
in  less  than  six  months  from  the  day  of  their  landing  either  on  1 
the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  or  that  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
The  moment  that  it  was  known  that  a  respectable  invading 
army  had  landed  with  the  avowed  object  of  assisting  the  peo- 
ple to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain,  we  repeat  what  we  have 
before  suggested,  that  they  would  be  joined  by  as  many  Mexi- 
cans as  it  would  be  possible  to  arm  and  organize.  The  go- 
vernment would  be  compelled  to  withdraw  the  royal  troops 
from  their  present  positions;  insurrections  would  follow;  and 
the  fate  of  Mexico  would  in  all  human  probability  be  speedily 
decided. 

Along  the  range  of  coast  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  there  is  not 
a  single  spot,  excepting  Vera  Cruz,  where  two  thousand  men 
would  be  unable  to  effect  a  landing ;  for,  although  the  coast 
cannot  be  closely  approached  by  ships  drawing  much  water, 
yet  every  part  of  it  will  permit  the  landing  of  troops  from 
open  boats  ;  and  by  marches  of  three  days  they  could  reach 
the  Table  I^and  of  Mexico.  The  line  of  coast  is  so  extensive, 
as  totally  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  its  being  guarded  at  all 
points  against  the  invasion  of  a  large  body  of  troops. 

The  same  facility  for  landing  is  offei-ed  on  the  coast  of  the 
Pacific  ocean,  from  Guatimala  to  California.  Acapulco  and 
San  Bias  are  the  only  two  places  at  which  a  landing  could  be 
resisted;  and  even  those  places  might  be  carried  by  a  coup  de 
main,  without  much  danger  or  loss. 

The  beautiful  and  rich  intendancy  of  Oaxaca  offers  the  most 
secure  and  important  field  for  the  operations  of  an  invading 
army  of  any  part  of  the  whole  kingdom.  There  are  several 
fine  bays  along  its  coast  on  the  Pacific,  where  an  army  could 
land,  at  a  distance  of  not  more  than  thirty-five  leagues  from  the 
city  of  Oaxaca.  The  whole  province  abounds  in  all  the  essen- 
tials for  the  subsistence  of  an  army.  The  city  of  Oaxaca  is  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  275 

neatest,  cleanest,  and  most  regularly  built  city  in  the  kingdom. 
The  edifices  are  built  of  a  green  stone,  which  preserves  its  co- 
lour perpetually,  and  gives  to  the  city  an  appearance  of  fresh- 
ness such  as  we  have  never  seen  in  any  other.  The  convent  of 
San  Francisco,  built  more  than  two  hundred  years  ago,  looks,  at 
this  day,  as  if  it  had  just  come  from  the  hands  of  the  architect. 
Streams  of  the  purest  water  flow  through  all  the  streets ;  and 
in  all  the  squares  are  beautiful  fountains,  for  the  use  of  the 
inhabitants.  The  fruits  of  the  torrid  and  temperate  zones  are 
to  be  seen  every  day  in  the  market  place.  We  have  seen  on 
one  side  of  the  road  trees  loaded  with  oranges,  and  on  the 
other  fields  of  wheat.  The  tempei*ature  of  this  city  is  consi- 
dered equal  to  that  of  any  other  in  New  Spain.  The  thermo- 
meter rarely  falls  below  sixty-three,  nor  ranges  higher  than 
seventy-eight,  degrees.  The  inhabitants  are  well  made,  and 
remarkable  for  longevity.  The  women  are  likewise  distin- 
guished for  their  beauty  and  vivacity.  Along  the  coast  of 
Oaxaca  the  climate  is  destructive  of  health ;  but  the  greater 
part  of  the  province,  and  particularly  the  mountains  of  the 
Misteca,  are  famed  for  their  pure  and  salubrious  air.  The 
most  populous  Indian  villages  of  all  New  Spain  are  found  in 
this  province.  The  Indians  of  Tehuantepec  are  noted  for  their 
activity  and  beauty.  The  whole  of  these  Indian  villages  may 
be  considered  as  containing  true  friends  to  the  patriot  cause, 
who  would  afford  their  cordial  support  to  an  invading  army. 

From  the  port  of  Guasacualco,  at  the  bottom  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  an  army  could  march  in  forty-eight  hours  to  the 
Table  Land  of  Oaxaca.  We  know  of  no  part  of  New  Spain 
so  accessible  to  an  invading  army  as  this  province;  nor  do  we 
know  of  any  other  which  presents  so  important  a  rallying  point 
for  the  patriots  of  the  provinces  of  Vera  Cruz,  Puebla,  and 
Mexico,  as  this  on  the  banks  of  the  noble  navigable  river  of 
Guasacualco.  The  resources  for  the  payment  of  an  army  are 
also  abundant  in  this  province.  It  is  here  that  the  article  of 
cochineal  is  most  extensively  raised,  to  the  value  of  above  a 
million  of  dollars  per  annum. 

All  the  preceding  suggestions,  respecting  the  facility  of  in- 
vading and  emancipating  Mexico,  are  not  offered  with  a  view 


276    I  J  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

of  inviting  the  attention  of  cU  sperate  adventurers,  but  with  the 
hope  of  their  being  useful,  at  no  distant  day,  to  the  govern- 
ments of  the  republics  of  Colombia^  Buenos  Ayres^  and  Chili. 
Although  the  writer  is  not  fastidious  as  to  the  means  that  may 
be  employed  to  effect  the  emancipation  of  Mexico,  yet  he  has 
no  hesitation  in  saving,  that  if  it  ever  should  be  accomplished 
by  foreigners,  he  would  wish  them  to  be  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  This  view  may  perhaps  be  displeasing  to  many  of  our 
peaceable  citizens ;  but,  as  we  are  living  in  an  age  of  revolu- 
tions, when  the  happiness  of  man  is  the  great  purpose  and  end 
of  society,  it  is  not  only  a  natural  desire  on  the  part  of  a  citizen 
of  the  United  States,  but  would  be  on  that  of  every  liberal  mind 
throughout  the  civilized  world.  The  New  World  may  soon 
have  to  exert  all  its  physical  and  moral  resources  against  the 
ambitious  and  antisocial  schemes  of  the  Old  World,  and  rescue 
the  fairest  portion  of  the  earth  from  the  odious  debasement 
under  which  it  has  so  long  suffered.  It  is  not  extravagant  to 
believe,  if  geographical  position  and  other  circumstances  be 
considered,  that  there  should  arise  a  conviction  among  the  in- 
habitants of  the  United  States  and  those  of  Mexico,  that  it  is 
their  policy  and  interest  to  form  a  political  and  commercial 
alliance. 

In  the  following  chapter,  we  shall  resume  the  detail  of  the 
operations  of  the  royalists  against  Los  Remedies ;  and,  in  its 
sequel,  it  will  be  seen,  that  notwithstanding  all  the  disasters  of 
the  patriots  subsequent  to  Mina's  death,  and  the  flattering 
statements  made  by  the  viceroy  of  the  general  pacification  of 
the  kingdom,  the  revolutionists  maintained  last  year  formida- 
ble parties  in  the  provinces  of  Guanaxuato,  Mexico,  and  Val- 
ladolid,  and  more  especially  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean, 
in  the  last  named  province. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  277 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Assault  of  Los  Remedios^  on  the  16th  of  November^  and  repulse 
of  the  enemy — Sortie  by  the  garrison  07i  the  enemy"^  s  intrench- 
ments — Cause  ruhich  led  to  the  evacuation  of  the  fort — Los 
Reniedios  evacuated^  on  the  night  of  the  \st  of  January^  1818 
—'Barbarities  of  the  royalists  there — Operations  of  the  con- 
tending parties^  after  the  reduction  of  Los  Remedios — Loss 
of  Xauxilla — Detailed  account  of  the  subsequent  events  of  the 
Revolution^  and  its  actual  state  in  the  month  ofjuly^  1819 — 
Reflections. 

THE  royalists,  encouraged  by  the  death  of  Mina,  redoubled 
their  exertions  to  obtain  possession  of  the  fort  of  Los  Reme- 
dios ;  but  they  found  that  the  spirits  of  the  besieged  grew 
sterner  as  necessity  pressed  upon  them.  The  forces  of  the 
enemy,  reliev^ed  from  those  apprehensions  of  Mina  which  had 
before  paralyzed  their  exertions,  now  came  forth  with  confi- 
dence, denouncing  the  severest  vengeance  upon  all  those  places 
which  had  rendered  him  assistance. 

The  patriot  government  appointed  colonel  Don  Miguel  de 
Borja,  a  Mexican  officer,  commander  of  the  troops  in  the  field; 
and  colonel  Arago,  aid  to  the  late  general,  second  in  command. 
But  some  of  the  patriot  chiefs,  jealous  of  being  commanded  by 
one  of  their  own  number,  carried  on  an  independent  partisan 
warfare  against  the  besiegers,  without  paying  much  attention 
to  the  orders  of  the  government  or  its  officers. 

The  enemy,  in  the  interval  since  the  affair  at  Los  Remedios, 
mentioned  in  Chapter  IX.,  had  kept  up  a  brisk  cannonade, 
which  considerably  damaged  the  works  of  the  besieged ;  the 
battery  of  Santa  Rosalia  having  been  thereby  rendered  unte- 
nable. As  soon  as  Mina  was  shot,  they  made  an  exulting  and 
menacing  communication  of  the  event  to  the  garrison,  recom- 
mending them  to  confess  themselves^  as  they  intended  carrying 


278  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  fort  by  storm,  when  every  Individual  within  it  should  be 
put  to  the  sword.  Immediately  afterwards,  as  if  intending  to 
carry  this  threat  into  execution,  they  concentrated  their  fire 
upon  the  curtain  between  the  batteries  of  Santa  Rosalia  and 
La  Libertad;  and,  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  November, 
succeeded  in  making  a  practicable  breach  therein.  In  the  after- 
noon, the  enemy  were  observed  to  be  making  preparations  for 
the  assault.  About  two  o'clock,  their  bugles  sounded  the  ad- 
vance, and  the  columns  moved  up,  at  the  same  time,  to  La 
Cueva,  and  towards  the  breach ;  other  detachments  also  ad- 
vanced upon  Tepeaca  and  Pansacola  :  but  it  was  soon  ascer- 
tained that  the  latter  movements  were  feints,,  and  that  the  real 
attack  would  be  directed  against  the  breach.  Accordingly,  the 
necessary  preparations  to  receive  them  were  made :  the  women, 
and  even  grown  children,  who  on  these  occasions  vied  with 
the  men  in  point  of  daring,  soon  flocked  with  the  peasants  to 
the  threatened  point,  to  bear  their  share  in  the  danger  and 
glory  of  the  day. 

The  enemy  advanced  very  steadily  to  the  breach,  under 
cover  of  a  fire  from  their  works,  bearing  before  them  the  sym- 
bol of  extermination.  They  moved  up  with  great  resolution, 
though  exposed  to  a  galling  fire  of  musketry  and  grape-shot, 
and  showers  of  missile  weapons  discharged  by  the  peasants 
and  women,  the  latter  of  whom,  regardless  of  danger,  mount- 
ed the  ramparts,  with  their  aprons  and  baskets  filled  with 
stones,  and  hurled  them  at  the  astonished  assailants.  The 
enemy,  nevertheless,  preserved  their  order  of  close  column, 
until  within  about  twenty  paces  of  the  breach,  when  they  sud- 
denly halted ;  some  few  determined  men  precipitated  them- 
selves from  the  head  of  the  column,  actually  entered  the 
breach,  and  there  perished:  among  these  intrepid  men  was  the 
oflficer  who  bore  the  black  flag.  But  the  rest  of  the  assailing 
column  remained  as  if  petrified, — their  dismay  had  completely 
mastered  them;  which  being  observed  by  the  defenders  of  the 
breach,  they  sallied  forth,  made  a  vigorous  attack,  and  com- 
pelled the  enemy  to  give  way,  and  fly  in  the  utmost  disorder, 
leaving  the  side  of  the  barranca  covered  with  their  killed  and 
wounded.     An  irregular  fire  was  maintained,  from  different 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  279 

points,  for  some  time  ;  when  the  enemy,  relinquishing  the  at- 
tack, retired  within  their  intrenchments,  having  suffered  se- 
verely.* The  loss  of  the  garrison  was  considerable,  the  sur- 
vivers  of  Mina's  division  bearing  a  large  proportion  of  it. 

Lilian,  after  this  discomfiture,  directed  his  attention  to  the 
reconstruction  of  the  mine  under  the  work  at  Tepeaca ;  and, 
having  succeeded  in  his  approach  by  means  of  a  covered  way, 
effected  the  dislodgement  of  the  besieged  from  a  breastwork 
which  had  been  thrown  up  in  front  of  the  gallery  to  prevent 
any  further  attempts  of  the  enemy  at  mining.  In  this  opera- 
tion, and  in  a  vigorous  cannonade,  the  enemy  dissipated  the 
remainder  of  the  month  of  November,  and  the  whole  of  De- 
cember.    Their  repeated  efforts  failed  to  blow  up  Tepeaca. 

We  have  before  mentioned,  that  considerable  quantities  of 
charcoal,  saltpetre,  and  sulphur,  were  in  the  fort,  from  which 
a  sufficiency  of  powder  should  have  been  made  :  but,  either 
through  the  bad  management  of  the  chiefs,  or  a  dependence 
upon  supplies  from  Xauxilla,  only  one  man  had  been  employed 
in  the  composition  of  this  indispensable  article.  The  operation 
was  perlx)rmed  by  the  patriots  in  a  very  tedious  manner,  by 
means  of  metates.  By  this  stone  the  ingredients  are  ground, 
and  afterwards  grained  in  sieves.  This  process  is  so  slow,  that 
a  man  cannot  manufacture  more  in  a  day  than  an  expert  arti- 
ficer would  make  in  an  hour.  Being  manufactured  without 
art,  or  a  scientific  knowledge  of  the  necessary  proportions  of 
component  materials,  its  grain  is  bad,  it  frequently  hangs  fire, 
and  can  seldom  be  relied  upon.  Bad,  however,  as  would  have 
been  the  quality  of  the  powder,  a  sufficient  quantity  might 
have  been  made  if  proper  measures  had  been  timely  employ- 
ed :  but,  from  the  defects  in  this  point,  and  the  length  of  time 
that  the  garrison  had  maintained  the  cannonade,  it  was  disco- 
vered, in  November,  that  the  magazine  was  nearly  exhausted. 

•  The  official  despatch  of  the  royal  commander  acknowledges  his  loss,  in 
this  affair,  to  be  forty-four  killed,  including  seven  officers;  one  hundred  and 
seventy-seven  wounded,  including  twenty-three  officers ;  and  one  hundred  and 
thirty-six  bruised  by  missile  weapons,  including  eleven  officers : — total,  three 
hundred  and  fifly-seven. 


280  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

To  remedy  the  want  of  ammunition,  which  the  partial  suc- 
cours from  Xauxilla  were  insufficient  to  supply,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  make  a  sortie  on  the  enemy's  intrenchments,  whence 
it  was  hoped  that  a  supply  might  be  obtained.  Accordingly, 
the  enemy's  works  opposite  to  La  Libertad  were  selected  as 
the  point  of  attack,  it  being,  indeed,  the  only  position  fairly 
open  to  such  an  enterprise.  Three  hundred  men  were  detach- 
ed for  this  service,  and  the  command  was  given  to  captains 
Crocker  and  Ramsay,  the  two  intrepid  youths  who  distin- 
guished themselves,  on  a  former  occasion,  against  the  same 
position. 

Preparations  were  made;  at  night,  the  party  sallied;  and, 
gaining  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  first  battery,  stormed  the 
second  line,  under  the  expectation  that  the  enemy  would  aban- 
don the  first,  and  that  possession  would  thus  be  gained  of 
both.  In  this  they  were  deceived  :  the  second  line  was  car- 
ried ;  when  the  enemy  retired  within  their  third  intrench- 
ment,  whence  a  brisk  cannonade  and  fire  of  musketry  prevail- 
ed, which  seriously  annoyed  the  assailants.  The  gallant  party, 
however,  having  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  small  quantity  of 
ammunition,  spiked  the  artillery,  dismantled  and  rolled  the 
guns  down  the  barranca,  and  then  retired;  but  with  the  loss 
of  twenty-seven  killed,  and  several  wounded. 

Towards  the  last  of  December,  the  ammunition  was  entire- 
ly exhausted ;  and,  as  Xauxilla,  whence  the  fort  had  been 
hitherto  supplied,  had  in  the  meantime  been  closely  invested, 
it  was  impossible  to  obtain  further  supplies  from  that  place. 
The  garrison  was  thus  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  either 
evacuating  the  fort,  or  awaiting  another  assault  of  the  enemy. 
This  last  course  would  have  been  highly  imprudent ;  for  the 
want  of  ammunition  would  have  exposed  them  to  the  ultimate 
discretion  of  the  enemy.  The  evacuation  was  therefore  re- 
solved  upon.  The  only  two  points  by  which  this  could  be 
effected  were  La  Cueva  and  Pansacola.  If  made  from  La 
Cueva,  it  would  be  necessary  to  descend  into  the  plain,  and 
encounter  the  main  force  of  the  enemy,  which  would  have 
been  certain  destruction.     The  only  remaining  alternative  was 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  281 

to  proceed  by  Pansacola.  The  enemy  were  weakest  at  that 
point ;  but  great  obstacles  to  the  attempt  also  existed  there, 
arising  from  the  asperities  of  the  route  by  which  it  must  be 
effected ;  for  the  way  ran  through  the  barrancas,  in  which  it 
was  impossible  to  move  in  compact  order ;  besides  that,  they 
were  so  hemmed  in  by  precipices,  as  to  render  it  extremely 
difficult  to  ascend  to  the  elevated  ground;  and  even  there,  the 
enemy  had  thrown  up  a  chain  of  intrenchments.  The  pros- 
pects of  the  garrison  were  therefore  more  discouraging  than 
those  of  that  of  Sombrero  when  reduced  to  a  like  extremity; 
but  a  hope  was  indulged  that  the  mountains  might  be  gained 
before  the  enemy  could  reenforce  their  posts,  or  despatch  par- 
ties from  the  grand  encampment  in  pursuit.  Pansacola,  there- 
fore, was  the  point  determined  upon,  as  affording  the  best  and 
indeed  the  only  possible  means  of  retreat ;  and  the  night  of 
the  1st  of  January,  1818,  was  fixed  upon  for  the  evacuation 
of  the  fort. 

It  had  been  the  custom  in  the  fort  for  the  sentinels  to  pass 
the  watch-word  during  the  night ;  but,  as  soon  as  the  evacua- 
tion was  determined  upon,  colonel  Noboa  ordered  the  discon- 
tinuance of  this  practice.  This,  in  the  event,  was  a  fatal 
measure,  because  it  indicated  to  the  enemy  that  the  garrison 
was  about  to  undertake  some  movement,  which  they  naturally 
supposed  must  be  the  evacuation  of  the  fort.  They  there- 
fore made  every  preparation  to  cut  off  the  retreat,  and  to  in- 
tercept as  many  of  the  fugitives  as  possible.  Within  the  fort, 
the  greatest  secrecy  had  been  observed;  not  even  Mina's  offi- 
cers were  informed  of  the  proposed  evacuation,  until  the  mo- 
ment it  was  about  to  be  carried  into  execution  ;  but  they,  as 
well  as  the  enemy,  had  anticipated  the  plan,  from  the  change 
that  had  taken  place  in  the  practice  of  the  sentries. 

At  the  appointed  hour,  on  the  night  of  the  first  of  January, 
the  whole  of  the  garrison,  the  troops,  peasantry,  women  and 
children,  assembled  at  Pansacola.  Scenes  of  distress  then 
took  place  which  exceeded  even  those  of  Sombrero.  The  aban- 
donment of  the  wounded,  whom  it  was  impossible  to  remove; 
the  certainty  of  their  falling  into  the  power  of  a  remorseless 
«;nemy;  the  recollection  of  tjie  fate  of  those  who  had  remained 
(36) 


282  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

in  a  like  situation  at  Sombrero, — were  circumstances  that  im- 
pressed the  final  parting  of  companions  and  relatives  with  un- 
utterable horror. 

Every  thing  being  arranged,  the  advanced  guard,  with  which 
marched  Padre  Torres,  descended  into  the  barranca.  The  other 
divisions  of  the  troops  followed ;  but,  owing  to  the  peculiar 
difficulties  of  the  pass,  their  progress  was  so  slow,  that  before 
half  the  garrison  was  out  of  the  fort,  the  advanced  guard 
encountered  an  enemy's  post.  The  sharp  skirmishing  that 
took  place  between  the  parties,  breaking  upon  the  dead  still- 
ness of  that  midnight  retreat,  roused  the  enemy,  and  put  them 
on  the  alert.  From  their  head-quarters,  a  column  entered 
the  fort  by  Tepeaca.  Finding  it  deserted,  they  communicated 
the  information  to  their  comrades  in  front  of  Pansacola,  that 
the  garrison  was  sallying  from  that  point.  Immediately 
large  fires  blazed  up  in  every  direction,  which,  throwing  a 
strong  glare  of  light  into  the  barrancas,  and  over  the  summits 
of  the  contiguous  hills,  pointed  out  the  direction  taken  by  the 
fugitives.  The  enemy's  troops,  who  had  entered  by  Tepeaca^ 
now  descended  in  pursuit  of  those  who  were  waiting  to  pass 
out  of  the  fort.  Then,  horror  and  confusion  put  to  flight  the 
death-like  silence  which  had  been  maintained  on  the  part  of 
the  fugitives.  The  air  was  rent  with  the  shouts  of  the  men, 
the  screams  of  the  women  and  children,  and  the  jeers  and 
hallooing  of  the  enemy,  united  with  the  discharges  of  musket- 
ry. Numbers,  attempting  to  fly  from  the  bayonets  which 
threatened  momentary  annihilation  in  the  rear,  rushed  in 
crowds  to  the  fatal  pass,  which  being  too  narrow  to  contain 
them  all,  they  tumbled  over  each  other  down  the  precipices, 
where  they  met  instantaneous  death,  or  had  their  limbs  dread- 
fully fractured  and  mangled.  Those  who  came  last  were  more 
fortunate  than  their  comrades,  for,  rolling  over  the  dead,  dying 
and  wounded  who  had  preceded  them,  and  had  reduced  the 
fall  by  their  number,  many  of  them  escaped  with  life.  Sounds 
of  wo  re-echoed  through  the  barrancas,  and  were  answered 
by  the  scoflTs  of  a  vindictive  enemy.  As  soon  as  the  alarm 
had  been  given,  the  enemy  so  posted  their  infantry  as  com- 
pletely to  guard  every  practicable  pass  to  the  hill-tops;  many, 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  283 

Revertheless,  did  succeed  in  forcing  a  passage  to  them  ;  while 
others  concealed  themselves  in  the  barrancas.  At  length,  the 
dawn  broke  upon  this  night  of  horror,  and  enabled  the  enemy 
to  adopt  new  precautions  to  secure  the  fugitives.  Every  cleft 
and  bush  was  then  explored  by  the  enemy's  infantry ;  and  num- 
bers of  both  sexes,  there  found,  met  with  instant  death.  Don 
Cruz  Arroyo,  dragged  from  his  concealment,  met  his  death  be- 
neath the  bayonets  of  the  soldiers.  Being  recognised  by  them, 
they  inflicted  upon  his  lifeless  body  the  most  shocking  barbari- 
ties, in  revenge  for  the  destruction  which  the  spirit  that  once 
animated  it  had  showered  upon  them.  They  cut  off  his  head, 
tore  out  his  entrails  and  his  heart,  and  satiated  their  worse 
than  savage  eyes  with  the  sight  of  his  yet  quivering  members. 
The  cavalry  scoured  the  plains,  and  took  and  killed  many, 
who,  having  escaped  the  horrors  of  the  night,  had  proceeded 
on  their  way,  rejoicing  that  they  had  so  far,  and,  as  they 
hoped,  altogether,  escaped  the  enemy. 

Among  those  who  escaped  were  Padre  Torres  and  twelve 
of  Mina's  division.  The  rest  were  killed  during  the  siege, 
or  fell  in  the  darkness  of  the  night  in  the  barrancas.  Among 
the  latter  were  the  brave  captain  Crocker  and  doctor  Hennesr 
sey.  Among  the  prisoners  were  colonel  Noboa,  the  only  one 
of  the  division  who  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands,  and  the  two 
brothers  of  Padre  Torres.  Numbers  of  women  were  made 
prisoners,  with  the  details  of  whose  treatment  delicacy  forbids 
us  to  pollute  our  pages.  It  is  impossible  to  depict  all  the  bar- 
barous excesses  of  the  brutal  soldiery  :  the  acts  committed  at 
Sombrero,  though  melancholy  in  the  extreme,  cannot  approx- 
imate those  at  Los  Remedios.  The  sick  and  wounded  in  the 
hospital  calmly  anticipated  death,  but  not  in  the  dreadful  shape 
in  which  they  were  destined  to  meet  him.  The  building 
in  which  these  hapless  victims  were  huddled  was  fired,  and 
when  any  of  the  unfortunate  wretches,  who  had  strength  enough 
left  to  attempt  crawling  out  of  the  flames,  made  their  appear- 
ance, they  were  thrust  back  or  bayoneted,  and  in  less  than 
an  hour  their  cries  were  succeeded  by  the  silence  of  death 
— their  ashes  alone  remained.  This  is  one  of  those  savage 
exploits,  any  notice  of  which  would  of  course  be  excluded 


284  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

from  the  columns  of  the  Mexican  Gazette;  but  its  authenti- 
city does  not  depend  on  such  uuthority ;  it  has  been  related 
by  those  who  were  at  that  moment  prisoners  of  Linan,  and  by 
Spanish  officers,  who  shuddered  while  they  told  the  melan- 
choly tale.  Denials  of  these  acts  of  savage  barbarity  might 
be  listened  to,  or  excuses  for  their  commission  might  be  of 
some  avail,  upon  the  plea  of  the  uncontrouled  frenzy  of  a  few 
individuals,  had  not  a  frightful  catalogue  of  similar  horrors, 
practised  by  the  royalists  during  this  revolution,  stained  the 
annals  of  the  Spanish  arms.  A  few  of  them  we  have  already 
noticed,  and  the  black  list  will  be  swelled  by  a  detail  of  others 
in  the  following  chapter. 

The  majority  of  the  combatants,  who  were  taken  prisoners, 
did  not  long  remain  in  doubt  as  to  their  fate.  Linan,  ever 
anxious  to  render  more  distressing  the  situation  of  his  unfor- 
tunate prisoners,  not  content  with  the  prospect  of  the  fate  which 
awaited  them,  was  unceasing  in  heaping  acts  of  indignity  up- 
on them.  He  compelled  them  to  labour  in  the  demolition  of 
the  works,  and  immediately  afterwards  shot  them.  Among 
those  who  thus  suffered  death  was  colonel  Noboa,  who,  in  his 
last  moments,  displayed  great  fortitude,  and  died  exclaiming 
*'  Viva  la  republica." 

Of  the  females  who  were  made  prisoners,  those  belonging 
to  the  families  of  the  chiefs  were  sent  to  the  enemy's  towns. 
In  this  number  were  two  sisters  of  Padre  Torres,  one  a  most 
amiable  and  interesting  young  lady,  and  the  whole  of  the  fe- 
male part  of  the  family  of  Don  Miguel  de  Borja.  The  wo- 
men of  the  lower  orders  were  set  at  liberty,  after  having  their 
heads  shaved  bare. 

The  enemy  found  a  considerable  supply  of  grain  in  the  ma- 
gazine of  the  fort,  but  nothing  else ;  although  Lilian  boasts, 
in  his  despatch,  of  having  found  a  quantity  of  ammunition — 
a  pitiful  fabrication,  the  like  of  which  has  often  characterized 
the  official  accounts  of  the  royal  commandants. 

Thus  fell  the  fort  of  Los  Remedios,  having  withstood,  for 
four  months,  the  attempts  of  an  enemy  vastly  superior  in  nu- 
merical force,  in  artillery,  in  ammunition,  and  in  the  superior 
experience  and  discipline  of  their  troops,  a  large  proportion  of 


MEXICAN  REV^GLUTION.  285 

them  having  belonged  to  the  royal  armies  in  the  campaign  in 
the  Peninsula. 

The  death  of  Mina,  and  the  fall  of  Los  Remedios,  enabled 
the  royalists  to  take  active  measures  to  dispossess  the  patriots 
of  their  remaining  strong  hold.  They  flattered  themselves, 
that,  when  this  was  effected,  the  long  protracted  insurrection 
would  soon  be  terminated.  They  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
fully  aware  of  the  fact,  that  the  patriots  were  animated  by  a 
spirit  of  hatred  which  could  not  be  subdued,  and  that  if  driven 
out  of  forts,  they  would  retire  to  the  mountains  and  barrancas, 
and  instead  of  acceding  to  terms,  would  suffer  every  possible 
privation,  and  eventually  become,  (what  they  are  generally 
called,)  a  body  of  banditti. 

In  the  brief  view  we  have  taken  in  the  course  of  this  work, 
of  the  military  operations  of  the  patriots,  we  have  exhibited 
their  alternate  successes  and  defeats,  and  have  shown  that  the 
latter  arose  from  ignorance,  want  of  organization  and  disci- 
pline, a  deficiency  of  muskets,  and  especially  from  the  want  of 
combination  among  the  patriot  chiefs.  To  the  two  last  men- 
tioned circumstances,  more  than  to  any  others,  may  be  ascrib- 
ed the  success  of  the  rovalists  ;  for  there  does  not  exist  the 
least  doubt  in  our  minds,  that  during  the  years  1814,  1815, 
1816,  and  1817,  a  union  of  the  patriot  forces,  and  a  supply  of 
eight  or  ten  thousand  foreign  muskets,  would  have  decided  the 
struggle  in  favour  of  the  revolutionists  in  a  very  few  months. 
It  is  not  now  necessary  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  scene  of 
disasters  and  confusion  which  took  place  among  the  patriots 
subsequent  to  the  death  of  Mina,  except  so  far  as  may  tend  to 
show  the  unconquerable  spirit  of  hostility  to  the  Spanish  go- 
vernment, which  predominates  in  the  people  in  arms  in  the  in- 
tendancies  of  Guanaxuato,  Valladolid,  and  Mexico. 

We  have  made  mention  of  the  little  fortress  of  Xauxilla,  as 
being  the  place  where  the  members  of  the  patriot  government 
held  their  sittings.  During  the  month  of  December,  the  roy- 
alists of  the  intendancy  of  Valladolid  had  raised  a  force  of  one 
thousand  men,  for  the  reduction  of  Xauxilla.  The  direction 
of  this  operation  was  given  to  Don  Matias  Martin  y  Aguirre, 


286  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

commandant  general  of  the  province  of  Valladolid,  in  which 
province  Xauxilla  was  situated.     Don  Matias,  a  distant  rela- 
tion of  the  unfortunate  Mina,  was  a  most  able  and  active  offi- 
cer.  His  exertions  contributed  much  to  preserve  the  jewel  of 
Mexico,  in  the  diadem  of  Spain.     Unlike  his  contemporaries, 
he  never  wantonly  died  his  hands  with  blood.     He  obeyed 
with  reluctance  many  of  the  cruel  mandates  of  his  govern- 
ment ;  but  at  the  same  time  mercy  influenced  all  his  conduct, 
and  tempered  his  sword  with  clemency.     On  account  of  his 
distinguished  services,  he  was  appointed  commander  of  the 
regiment  of  dragoons,  called  the  Fieles  de  San  Luis^  which,  al- 
though composed  of  wretched  troops,  was  among  the  best  ap- 
pointed, best  organized,  and  finest  cavalry  in  the  royal  ser- 
vice.    He  enjoyed,  at  the  period  we  are  now  speaking  of,  the 
confidence  of  the  viceroy  ;  and  warmly  seconded  his  exertions 
to  attain  the  object  of  their  government  with  as  little  effusion 
of  blood  as  circumstances  would  permit.     He  enjoined  it  up- 
on all  the  officers  within  the  sphere  of  his  command,  to  act 
with  mercy;  an  injunction  obeyed  by  some  of  them,  while 
others,  freed  from  his  immediate  control,  continued  to  give 
loose  to  their  long  indulged  spirit  of  cruelty.     His  conduct  to 
the  prisoners  that  fell  into  his  hands,  was  not  merely  merciful, 
but  generous ;  and  on  several  occasions  he  took  upon  himself 
the  responsibility  of  disobeying  superior  orders,  rather  than 
deprive  them  of  their  lives.     We  feel  great  pleasure  in  thus 
offering  our  faint  tribute  of  respect  to  one  whose  sentiments 
present  so  great  a  contrast  to  those  of  the  major  part  of  the 
Spanish  chiefs.     Some  of  the  officers  of  Mina's  expedition, 
who  fell  into  the  hands  of  Don  Matias,  were  most  humanely 
treated  ;  and  the  soldiers  who  were  made  captives,  were  libe- 
rated on  condition  that  they  should  serve  two  years  in  the 
royal  armies.     One  of  them,  an  American,  through  his  inter- 
cession was  pardoned,  liberated,  and  sent  to  the  United  States. 
Not  one  of  Mina's  associates  suffered  death  at  his  hands,  and 
although  some  of  them  were  sent  to  Europe  by  orders  of  the 
government,  it  was  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Don  Matias, 
Some  of  Mina's  officers,  now  in  the  United  States,  owe  thcjr 
lives  to  the  humane  Aguirre. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  287 

Don  Matias,  on  investing  Xauxilla,  found,  that  from  its 
strength,  and  its  peculiar  situation,  it  was  capable  of  making 
a  formidable  resistance.  The  fort  was  commanded  by  a  man 
of  the  name  of  Lopez  de  Lara,  supported  by  two  officers  of 
Mina's  division,  captains  Laivrence  Christie  and  James  De- 
vers^  both  Americans.  A  few  days  after  the  siege  commenc- 
ed, the  members  of  the  government  retired  to  the  Tierra  Ca- 
liente  of  Valladolid. 

Don  Matias,  prior  to  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  sent 
a  flag  of  truce,  oifering  terms  of  capitulation  to  the  garrison, 
which  were  immediately  rejected.  Approaches  were  then  made, 
and  after  several  ineffectual  attempts  to  carry  it  by  storm,  the 
enemy  were  compelled  to  await  its  reduction  by  famine. 

While  these  operations  were  going  on  at  Xauxilla,  Padre 
Torres  escaped  from  Los  Remedios,  and  retired  to  the  pue- 
blo of  Penjamo.  The  plains  and  mountains  in  its  vicinity 
afforded  him  a  temporary  refuge.  The  pueblo  of  Penjamo  is 
located,  as  has  been  before  observed,  about  four  leagues  from 
the  fort  of  Los  Remedios,  upon  a  declivity  near  the  foot  of 
the  range  of  hills  in  which  the  fort  was  situated,  overlooking 
a  fine  plain,  highly  cultivated  with  Indian  corn,  and  forming 
an  amphitheatre  with  the  suri'ounding  hills.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  plain  of  Penjamo  were,  generally  speaking,  in  easy  cir- 
cumstances, and  many  of  them,  prior  to  the  revolution,  had 
possessed  considerable  wealth.  The  pueblo  of  Penjamo  was 
the  general  residence  of  those  farmers,  who  were  distinguished 
for  urbanity  and  hospitality.  Exclusive  of  their  agricultural 
pursuits,  they  carried  on  an  extensive  trade  in  provisions, 
particularly  in  live  hogs,  which  were  sent  to  the  city  of  Gua- 
naxuato. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  pueblo,  and  indeed  of  all  the  plain, 
had  been  conspicuous,  during  the  whole  of  the  revolution,  for 
their  enthusiasm  in  favour  of  the  patriots  ;  and  it  was  in  this 
place  that  Torres  had  commenced  his  military  career.  He  was 
at  that  time  the  curate  of  a  little  village  near  Penjamo,  called 
Cuitzeo  de  las  Naranjas.  Subsequently  becoming  command- 
ant of  the  place,  at  the  time  when  Mina  penetrated  into  the 
province  of  Guanaxuato,    Penjamo   formed   his    immediate 


288  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

comanclancia.  Notwithstanding  the  despotic  sway  which  he 
exercised  over  his  friends  from  his  head-quarters  at  Los  Re- 
medies, a  great  portion  of  the  people  still  remained  attached 
to  him.  Amidst  the  general  destruction  of  towns  and  villages, 
Penjamo  had  not  escaped.  Its  handsome  buildings  had  all 
been  razed  to  the  ground,  and  on  their  sites  had  been  erected 
a  few  huts.  It  was  here  that  Padre  Torres  established  his 
nominal  head-quarters,  after  the  evacuation  of  Los  Remedios : 
we  say  his  nominal  head-quarters,  because  the  circumstances 
of  his  situation  effectually  prevented  him  from  remaining  per- 
manendy  in  any  one  spot,  even  had  his  coward  nature  permit- 
ted him ;  for  the  enemy  covered  the  plain  with  their  troops  in 
pursuit  of  him,  and  strained  every  nerve  to  overtake  him. 
But  his  activity  being  excited  by  his  fears,  he  never  slept  two 
successive  nights  in  the  same  place  or  on  the  same  mountain. 
During  this  period  of  pursuit  and  danger,  which  continued 
nearly  a  month,  Torres  retained  with  him  a  small  escort  of  ca- 
valry; and,  without  leaving  the  plain  and  mountains  of  Penja- 
mo, was  enabled  to  elude  the  vigilance  of  his  pursuers.  Had  he 
displayed  the  same  activity,  when  it  would  have  preserved  the 
troops  under  his  orders,  or  infested  the  enemy,  he  would  have 
deserved  and  received  commendation.  Aware  of  his  inability 
to  cope  with  his  pursuers,  he  was  compelled  to  use  unremitting 
personal  exertions  to  guard  against  a  surprise.  Whenever  it 
became  dark,  he  invariably  conducted  his  escort,  through  by- 
paths and  circuitous  routes,  to  secret  places  in  the  mountains, 
always  distant  from  the  place  where  he  had  passed  the  pre- 
ceding night.  He  laid  down  with  fear  and  trembling,  with  a 
servant  near  him  to  give  the  alarm  in  case  of  danger,  and  a 
horse  ready  saddled  and  bridled,  not  with  the  view  of  acting 
on  the  defensive  with  his  troops,  but  of  securing  his  personal 
safety  by  instant  flight.  He  possessed  some  of  the  fleetest 
horses  in  the  kingdom,  was  an  expert  rider,  and  always  kept 
near  him  three  or  four  horses  ready  to  be  mounted.  In  the 
occasional  actions  which  his  troops  had  with  the  enemy,  he 
invariably  acted  in  a  manner  ill  becoming  a  soldier  and  a  com- 
mander, always  taking  post  in  a  commanding  situation  in  the 
rear,  instead  of  animating  his  soldiers  by  his  presence  in  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  289 

fight;  and,  on  discovering  among  his  men  the  least  appearance 
of  confusion  or  dismay,  he  would  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and 
leave  them  to  shift  for  themselves. 

The  enemy,  in  the  meantime,  were  not  idle :  their  light 
divisions  scoured  the  country  in  every  direction.  Neither 
Torres  nor  his  subaltern  officers  opposed  any  resistance  to 
their  progress,  each  individual  being  occupied  in  providing 
for  his  own  safety.  They  passed  the  night  in  the  mountains, 
subdio^  regardless  of' the  inclemency  of  the  M^eather;  and  in 
the  day  time,  a  watch  was  kept  from  the  steeple  of  a  church, 
or  some  commanding  height^  to  guard  against  a  surprise  from 
the  enemy.  Such  was  then,  and  is  now,  the  manner  of  life  of 
these  unfortunate  people;  and  nothing  can  more  forcibly  illus- 
trate their  abhorrence  of  the  royal  government,  than  that  they 
should  thus  submit  to  such  privations,  rather  than  accept  the 
protection  of  the  royal  amnesty. 

The  enemy  soon  fortified  themselves  in  the  Valle  de  Santi- 
ago, thereby  depriving  the  patriots  of  the  resources  of  that 
district.  They  also  occupied  the  hacienda  of  Queramaro, 
about  a  league  from  the  foot  of  the  hill  which  ascended  to  the 
late  fort,  which  prevented  its  being  reoccupied  by  the  patriots, 
and  deprived  Torres  of  a  valuable  portion  of  his  comandan- 
cia.  In  the  Tierra  Caliente  of  Valladolid,  they  were  equally 
active.  Over  the  whole  country,  the  patriots  seemed  panic- 
struck  ;  and  such  was  the  want  of  unity  in  their  operations, 
that  even  skirmishes  with  the  enemy  at  length  became  of  rare 
occurrence. 

Torres,  finding  that  the  enemy  relaxed  the  vigour  of  their 
pursuit,  made  a  faint  exertion  to  relieve  the  garrison  of  Xau- 
xilla,  the  siege  of  which  place  had  been  vigorously  prosecuted 
by  Aguirre.  When  arrived  within  a  league  and  a  half  of  the 
enemy,  he  despatched  Don  Pablo  Erdozain,  an  excellent  caval- 
ry officer,  (of  whom  we  have  before  made  mention)  with  a 
party  of  three  hundred  men,  to  lay  in  wait  for  a  party  of  the 
enemy,  of  about  the  same  number,  who  left  their  camp  every 
moi'ning  for  the  purpose  of  foraging.  The  measures  of  Don 
Pablo  were  judiciouslv  taken.  Placing  his  troops  in  ambush, 
(37) 


290  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

he  anxiously  awaited  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  They  were 
soon  descried  advancing;  and  every  thing  promised  a  suc- 
cessful result.  They  entered  the  ambush  unsuspectingly,  and 
without  order.  At  that  favourable  moment,  Don  Pablo  or- 
dered the  charge ;  but,  to  his  inexpressible  mortification  and 
astonishment,  his  troops,  instead  of  obeying  his  orders,  after 
wavering  for  a  moment,  turned  their  backs  upon  the  enemy, 
and  fled.  They  were  immediately  pursued ;  and  the  gallant 
Erdozain  with  difficulty  effected  his  escape. 

A  rencounter  with  a  party  of  the  enemy  occurred,  about  the 
same  time,  at  an  hacienda  called  Surumuato.  situated  a  few 
leagues  from  Penjamo,  which  terminated  as  fruitlessly  as  the 
action  we  have  just  narrated:  for,  although  the  royalists  were 
actually  defeated,  and  might  have  been  totally  destroyed,  yet 
they  finally  came  off  victorious,  in  consequence  of  the  flight  of 
the  patriots  at  a  critical  moment. 

Padre  Torres,  instead  of  being  humbled  by  his  recent  mis- 
fortunes, became  every  day  more  capricious  and  despotic ; 
and  at  length  committed  an  act  which  caused  his  subalterns  to 
tremble  for  their  personal  safety,  and  drew  down  upon  him 
their  odium.  Don  Lucas  Flores,  the  commandant  of  the  Valle 
de  Santiago,  who  had  been  one  of  the  firmest  and  most  useful 
friends  of  Torres,  was,  upon  some  frivolous  pretext,  arrested; 
and,  without  a  trial  or  a  hearing  being  allowed  him,  was  con- 
ducted to  the  mountains,  and  there  privately  shot.  The  man- 
ner of  his  arrest  displays  the  treacherous  and  barbarous  cha- 
racter of  Torres.  He  sent  an  order  to  Don  Lucas  to  meet 
him  at  a  certain  place  :  the  order  was  obeyed ;  and  Torres, 
with  his  staff",  there  met  him.  The  customary  embraces  passed 
between  them;  a  social  intercourse  followed;  and  cards  were 
introduced.  Don  Lucas  lost  all  his  money,  of  which  the  padre 
won  a  considerable  proportion ;  they  dined,  with  their  usual 
cordiality.  After  dinner,  Flores  was  arrested,  without  the 
least  previous  explanation.  His  personal  effects  were  imme- 
diately shared  by  the  staff,  Torres  himself  taking  the  best 
horse.  With  savage  indifference,  Torres  turned  to  Flores,  and 
ordered  him  to  retire.   The  unfortunate  officer  was  conducted. 


r 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  291 

as  before  observed,  to  some  secret  place  in  the  mountains, 
above  Penjamo,  and  shot. 

While  Torres  was  committing  these  excesses,  and  flying 
about  the  country  to  elude  the  enemy,  the  siege  of  Xauxilla 
was  steadily  persevered  in  by  Aguirre.  It  had  held  out  three 
months ;  but  the  commandant,  Lopez  de  Lara,  and  some  of  his 
officers,  became  alarmed.  Foreseeing  that  the  fort  would  be 
eventually  reduced  by  starvation,  and  presuming  that  the  same 
fate  would  attend  the  garrison  that  had  befallen  the  patriots  at 
the  other  forts,  Lara  thought  it  best  to  take  measures  in  due 
season  for  the  safety  of  himself  and  his  part3%  He  concealed 
his  intentions  from  captains  Christie  and  Devers,  as  he  well 
knew  that  they  would  never  consent  to  surrender  the  fort  as 
long  as  it  was  tenable.  Accordingly,  he  sent  a  secret  overture 
to  Aguirre,  offering  to  deliver  up  the  fort  and  the  txvo  Aiiglo- 
Amei-'icMis.  The  overture  Avas  of  course  readily  accepted. 
Lara  and  his  associates  then  seized  the  persons  of  Mina's  offi- 
cers, and  delivered  them  with  the  fort  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  Aguirre  displayed  the  magnanimity  of  his  character, 
by  adopting  a  line  of  conduct  directly  the  reverse  of  that  pur- 
sued by  the  barbarous  Linan  and  other  Spanish  chiefs.  Dis- 
gusted with  the  perfidy  of  Lara,  he  upbraided  him  in  the  se- 
verest terms  for  his  unmanly  and  dishonourable  conduct  to  his 
allies  the  two  Anglo-Americans,  whom  he  immediately  oi'der- 
ed  to  be  treated  with  as  much  indulgence  as  was  consistent  with 
their  safe  keeping,  and  instead  of  shooting  the  troops  that  thus 
fell  into  his  hands,  he  disarmed  and  set  them  at  liberty. 

Aguirre,  after  destroying  the  fort,  and  leaving  a  garrison  in 
the  village  of  Zacapo,  to  prevent  its  being  reoccupied,  return- 
ed to  Valladolid,  taking  with  him  his  two  American  prisoners. 
They  were  put  into  close  confinement,  and  orders  from  the 
viceroy  were  receiv^ed  to  put  them  to  death.  The  generous 
Aguirre  resisted  the  repeated  orders  of  the  viceroy  to  that 
effect;  and  finally,  by  persevering  in  their  behalf,  prevailed 
on  the  government  to  spare  their  lives.  But,  notwithstanding 
all  his  exertions  to  have  them  liberated  and  sent  to  the  United 
States,  they  were  removed  to  the  capital,  and  subsequently 
transported  to  Europe. 


292  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

The  infuriated  Torres  was  still  pursuing  his  mad  career, 
wandering  about  the  country,  ai'bitrarily  seizing  on  every 
man's  property,  and  burning  towns  and  haciendas,  under  the 
pretext  of  depriving  the  enemy  of  the  means  of  fortifying 
themselves  in  their  progress  through  the  country.  The  unfor- 
tunate town  of  Puruandiro  underwent  a  second  conflagration. 
Penjamo  shared  the  same  fate.  Only  one  church  was  spared ; 
and  the  inhabitants  were  forbidden  to  live  among  the  ruins. 
In  fine,  this  man's  tyranny  and  excesses  became  so  great,  that 
the  people  in  his  comandancia  at  length  hated  and  feared  him 
more  than  they  did  the  enemy. 

The  revolutionary  government,  in  the  meantime,  had  ex- 
perienced several  vicissitudes.  After  its  seat  had  been  re- 
moved from  Xauxilla,  it  was  established  in  the  TieiTa  Caliente 
of  Valladolid,  where  the  enemy  were  not  quite  so  numerous 
as  in  the  Baxio,  and  where,  from  the  natural  advantages  of 
the  country,  it  could  occupy  positions  that  would  be  secure, 
or  at  least  favourable  for  escape  in  the  event  of  a  surprise. 
Three  of  its  members,  either  from  disgust,  or  a  conviction 
that  their  services  could  no  longer  be  of  any  use  to  their  coun- 
try, signed  and  sent  in  an  instrument  of  their  resignation. 
Their  names  were, — Ai/ala,  the  president;  Loxero^  the  secre- 
tary; and  Tcrcera.  Doctor  San  Martin  proceeded  to  a  small 
place  called  Zarate,  where  Don  Antonio  Cumplido^  Don  Pedro 
Villasenor^  and  Don  Pedro  Bermeo^  were  appointed  gover- 
nantes^  in  lieu  of  the  others;  and  San  Martin  became  president 
by  reason  of  seniority. 

The  new  government  was  encompassed  with  difficulties, 
which  it  was  almost  impossible  to  overcome ;  and,  however 
great  may  have  been  its  zeal  to  restore  order,  and  give  a  new 
impulse  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution,  an  event  occurred  that 
prevented  it  from  displaying  its  exertions;  for,  in  the  month 
of  February,  1818,  its  members  were  surprised  by  a  party  of 
the  enemy,  who  entered  Zarate,  and  took  prisoner  the  presi- 
dent, San  Martin;  the  infirmities  of  the  old  gentleman  prevent- 
ing him  from  escaping  with  his  coadjutors.  Cumplido  resigned 
his  place,  under  the  impression  that  matters  were  in  so  despe- 
rate a  state,  as  to  render  nugatory  the  establishment,  of  any 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  2&3 

regular  government.  Nevertheless,  a  form  of  civil  authority 
was  still  kept  up ;  and  Don  Jose  Pagola^  a  worthy  and  intelli- 
gent patriot,  and  Don  Mariano  Sanchez  de  Ariola.,  were  ap- 
pointed to  fill  the  places  of  San  Martin  and  Cumplido.  The 
two  new  members,  with  Don  Pedro  Villasefior  and  Bermeo, 
therefore  constituted  the  government ;  and  Villasefior  was 
elected  president. 

The  first  subject  that  occupied  the  attention  of  the  new  go- 
vernment, was  a  dissension  between  Padre  Torres  and  two  of 
his  officers,  Don  Andres  Delgado  and  the  brigadier  Huerta. 
Both  these  officers  commanded  strong  bodies  of  patriots.  Del- 
gado was  at  the  head  of  the  troops  lately  under  the  command  of 
the  murdered  chief  Flores.  The  conduct  of  Torres  had  become 
so  insupportably  outrageous  and  tyrannical,  that  Delgado  and 
Huerta  refused  longer  to  submit  to  his  authority,  and  called  a 
meeting  of  the  patriot  chiefs,  in  the  month  of  April,  at  Puru- 
andiro,  (at  which  Torres  attended)  for  the  purpose  of  nomi- 
nating a  new  commander  in  chief.  Colonel  Don  Juan  Arago 
was  named  to  fill  the  place  of  Torres.  The  padre  sullenly 
retired  from  the  meeting,  accompanied  by  a  few  of  the  least 
respectable  of  the  chiefs.  He  had  the  address  to  induce  them 
to  sign  a  petition  to  the  government  in  his  behalf,  in  which 
they  declared  their  satisfaction  with  his  conduct,  and  prayed 
that  he  might  retain  his  station.  The  government,  however, 
ratified  the  nomination  of  Arago,  and  appointed  him  com- 
mandant general  of  the  province  of  Guanaxuato  ',  permitting 
Torres  to  retire  with  all  his  honours,  and  to  draw  the  pay 
corresponding  with  his  rank.  The  appointment  of  colonel 
Arago  was  a  most  mortifying  circumstance  to  the  padre,  who 
had  always  regarded  him  with  envy. 

The  restless  and  ambitious  priest  was  not,  however,  dispos- 
ed to  submit,  without  an  eifort  to  re-establish  himself  in  the 
supreme  command.  On  the  28th  of  April,  having  with  him 
nearly  fifteen  hundred  troops,  including  infantry,  he  received 
intelligence  that  a  light  division  of  the  enemy,  four  hundred 
strong,  under  colonel  Bustamante,  was  in  the  rancho  de  los 
Frijoles.  As  a  means  of  regaining  his  popularity,  he  deter- 
mined to  attack  the  enemy.     He  took  them  completely  bv 


294  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

surprise ;  but,  notwithstanding,  the  action  was  most  disgrace- 
fully lost,  in  consequence  of  his  injudicious  dispositions,  and 
his  own  personally  bad  conduct.  Scarcely  had  the  engage- 
ment commenced,  when  the  cavalry,  from  one  of  those  unac- 
countable terrors  with  which  they  were  occasionally  seized, 
without  entering  into  the  action,  fled.  Torres,  who  was  some 
distance  in  the  rear,  seeing  the  confusion,  instead  of  attempt- 
ing to  rally,  outstripped  them  in  the  flight.  The  infantry,  thus 
abandoned,  and  left  to  contend,  without  even  a  hope  of  suc- 
cess, against  overpowering  odds,  regarding  their  situation  as 
desperate,  formed  under  some  trees,  and,  with  determined 
valour,  defended  themselves  until  every  individual,  but  one, 
was  killed.  The  head  of  their  commander,  lieutenant  Wolfe, 
was  struck  off,  carried  to  Irapuato,  and  there  elevated  upon 
a  pole. 

As  soon  as  Arago  received  his  appointment  from  the  go- 
vernment, he  communicated  the  information  to  Torres ;  who 
answered,  that  the  appointment  was  illegal,  and  would  be  re- 
sisted. Among  the  chiefs  who  had  been  instrumental  in  de- 
priving Torres  of  his  command,  was  Don  Andres  Delgado, 
well  known  to  the  Gachupins  by  the  name  of  "  El  Giro."  He 
was  an  Indian;  and,  though  destitute  of  education,  was  parti- 
cularly acute,  and  admirably  calculated  for  partisan  warfare. 
His  courage  was  impetuous,  and  his  activity  astonished  the 
enemy.  He  was  only  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  in  his 
short  military  career  had  received  twenty-two  wounds.  The 
dragoons  of  the  Valle  de  Santiago,  the  finest  and  most  efficient 
body  of  patriots  in  Mexico,  were  under  his  command.  Few 
of  the  royal  troops  were  equal  to  them  in  the  field,' — none  ex- 
ceeded them  in  courage.  They  were  mounted  on  the  finest 
horses  the  country  could  afford ;  and,  unlike  other  bodies  of 
patriots,  were  constantly  in  operation  against  the  enemy,  keep- 
ing that  part  of  the  Baxio  about  Salamanca  and  Zelaya  in  a  state 
of  continual  alarm.  El  Giro,  and  his  whole  troop,  hated  and 
despised  Torres;  and  they  anxiously  awaited  an  order  to  force 
him  into  obedience  :  but  Arago  was  aware  of  the  evil  conse- 
quences attendant  upon  dissension,  and  therefore  determined 
to  tiy  pacific  measures,  before  he  resorted  to  force. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  295 

Torres  was  attended  by  the  ex-president,  Don  Ignacio 
Ayala,  a  man  full  of  duplicity  and  cunning,  by  whose  advice 
he  had  opposed  the  recent  changes.  The  force  that  Torres 
had  under  his  immediate  command  was  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men ;  but  he  was  privately  upheld  by  Don  Encarna- 
cion  Ortiz  and  Don  Miguel  de  Borja. 

Mina's  division  was  now  nearly  annihilated,  nine  officers 
and  four  soldiers  only  surviving.  Those  who  had  been  with 
Torres,  neglected  and  ill-treated,  had,  with  one  exception,  left 
him  :  and  that  solitary  individual,  as  soon  as  Arago  received 
his  preferment,  abandoned  the  padre,  and  rejoined  his  com- 
rades. 

Arago,  finding  that  all  his  attempts  to  bring  Torres  to  an 
acknowledgment  of  his  authority  proved  abortive,  reluctantly 
had  recourse  to  arms.  Torres,  unable  to  cope  with  the  forces 
of  Arago,  fled  to  his  friends,  Borja  and  Ortiz.  Conceiving 
that  with  their  aid  it  was  still  possible  for  him  to  regain  his 
lost  power,  he  issued  an  arrogant  and  absurd  proclamation, 
declaring  the  establishment  of  the  government  in  the  Tierra 
Caliente  to  be  illegal,  commanding  obedience  to  Don  Ignacio 
Ayala  as  the  only  legitimate  head  of  the  civil  authority,  and 
calling  on  all  true  Americans  to  aid  him  in  the  vindication  of 
his  title.  From  Burras,  the  padre  set  out,  with  about  three 
hundred  men,  furnished  him  by  Borja  and  Ortiz,  for  Penjamo, 
of  which  place,  Arago,  as  successor  to  the  comandancia,  had 
taken  possession,  in  the  month  of  July.  Arago  soon  received 
a  communication  from  these  friends  of  Torres,  stating,  that  a 
desire  to  arrange  matters  amicably,  and  not  an  intention  of 
acting  with  hostility,  had  induced  them  to  afford  the  padre  an 
escort,  and  to  accompany  him  themselves.  After  some  cor- 
respondence, it  was  agreed,  that  at  Surumuato,  on  the  bank  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  with  the  river  between  the  parties,  the  differ- 
ences should  be  discussed.  Arago,  as  well  to  avoid  the  effu- 
sion of  blood,  as  to  avert  the  fatal  consequences  which  must 
arise  to  the  cause  of  their  country  from  these  dissensions,  and 
which  had  hitherto  been  its  destruction,  deemed  it  expedient 
to  assent  to  the  conference,  although  he  was  perfectly  aware  of 
the  perfidious  intentions  of  Torres  and  his  partisans. 


296  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

With  two  hundred  men,  he  therefore  repaired  to  Surumuato : 
but,  soon  after  the  discussion  was  opened,  it  became  obvious 
that  nothing  short  of  reinstating  the  padre  in  his  former  power, 
and  acknowledging  the  acts  of  the  government  to  be  illegal, 
would  settle  the  dispute.  Arago,  after  spending  two  days  in 
fruitless  attempts  at  pacification,  peixeiving  that  his  opponents 
were  only  amusing  him  in  order  to  gain  time  and  receive  reen- 
forcements  of  troops,  broke  up  the  conference,  by  giving  them 
a  certain  number  of  hours  finally  to  make  up  their  minds 
whether  they  would  or  would  not  obey  the  orders  of  the  go- 
vernment. No  answer  being  returned  within  the  time,  Arago 
immediately  adopted  measures  to  reduce  the  refractory  padre 
and  his  partisans  by  force  of  arms.  Accordingly,  El  Giro, 
with  only  a  few  of  his  brave  Santiago  dragoons,  soon  decided 
the  matter.  Gallantly  swimming  the  river,  about  twenty  of  his 
men  attacked  their  opponents,  and  routed  them.  Torres  was 
saved  from  capture  only  by  the  speed  of  his  horse.  He  fled 
to  the  mountains  of  Penjamo,  where  he  collected  some  of  the 
fugitives.  His  friends,  finding  that  disaster  only  would  attend 
the  struggle,  finally  sent  in  their  adherence  to  the  government. 
Various  skirmishes  took  place  between  the  contending  parties, 
in  which  Torres  invariably  came  off  with  disgrace  ;  but,  not- 
withstanding all  the  exertions  of  Arago  to  obtain  possession  of 
his  person,  the  wily  priest  eluded  him,  as  he  had  formerly  done 
the  royalists.  This  contest  between  Arago  and  Torres  was  ter- 
minated by  the  advance  of  a  division  of  royalists,  in  September, 
under  the  command  of  colonel  Marquez  Donallo,  to  Penjamo. 
A  post  was  established  in  that  pueblo,  which  cut  off  Torres 
from  his  places  of  retreat  in  the  mountains  and  plains.  The 
padre  thenceforth  found  his  situation  daily  becoming  more 
desperate ;  and  at  length,  in  utter  despair,  he  disbanded  his 
few  remaining  troops,  and,  with  his  adviser  Ayala  and  a  few 
domestics,  threw  himself  on  the  protection  of  the  brothers 
Ortiz.  They  interceded  with  the  government  in  his  behalf; 
and,  notwithstanding  his  previous  infamous  and  treacherous 
conduct  merited  severe  punishment,  yet  he  was  allowed  to 
remain  unmolested  in  that  part  of  the  country,  on  the  express 
condition  that  he  should  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  interfere 


t 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  297 

in  the  public  affairs.  This  condition  was  guarantied  by  Ortiz; 
and  thus  terminated  the  disgraceful  career  of  this  ambitious 
priest.  In  the  month  of  June,  last  year,  he  was  wandering 
among  the  mountains  within  the  range  of  Don  Encarnacion 
Ortiz,  in  the  vicinity  of  San  Felipe,  eluding  the  pursuit  of  the 
royalists,  and  trembling  for  his  safety  even  among  his  former 
friends.  It  was  fortunate  for  him  that  he  did  not  fall  into  the 
hands  of  El  Giro  :  for  such  was  the  conviction  of  Mina's  offi- 
cers of  his  treachery  towards  their  deceased  general,  and  so 
exasperated  were  they  at  his  shameful  conduct  with  regard  to 
themselves,  that  they  certainly  would  have  permitted  him  to 
have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the  vengeance  of  that  chieftain  and 
his  men. 

The  situation  of  the  patriots  in  the  province  of  Guanaxuato 
was  daily  becoming  more  critical;  but,  although  every  pueblo 
of  any  importance  was  occupied  by  the  royalists,  still  the  pa- 
triots carried  on  an  irregular  warfare.  They  roamed  among 
the  mountains  and  through  the  plains,  occasionally  skirmishing 
with  the  enemy ;  but  neither  observing  order  among  them- 
selves, nor  aiming  at  a  combined  plan  of  operations.  With 
the  exception  of  El  Giro  and  his  troop,  they  at  length  merited 
an  appellation  little  better  than  that  of  banditti,  so  often  ap- 
plied to  them  by  the  royalists. 

In  the  western  Tierra  Caliente,  the  cause  of  the  patriots 
assumed  a  brighter  aspect.  The  enemy  had  there  steadily 
pursued  the  system  adopted  in  Guanaxuato,  of  throwing  bo- 
dies of  troops  into  every  pueblo  :  by  which  means,  they  had 
so  far  subdued  opposition,  as  to  flatter  themselves  that  the 
pacification  of  the  western  part  of  the  province  of  Valladolid 
would  soon  be  accomplished,  the  more  especially  as  they  had 
compelled  the  patriots  under  the  command  of  lieutenant  general 
Don  Vice7ite  Guerrero  to  retire  into  the  mountains  near  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific  ocean.  This  officer  is  one  of  those  ex- 
traordinary men  whom  revolutions  bring  into  notice.  During 
the  life,  and  after  the  death,  of  general  Morelos,  Guerrero  had 
distinguished  himself  by  his  intrepidity  and  activity.  On  one 
occasion,  in  the  mountains  of  the  Misteca,  with  only  about  one 
hundred  and  forty  Misteca  Indians  vmder  his  orders,  whose 
(38) 


298  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

only  weapons  consisted  of  clubs  and  slings,  he  greatly  elevated 
himself  by  brilliant  exploits. 

The  royalists  were  frequently  careless  in  their  encamp- 
ments at  night,  and  particularly  in  the  Misteca,  where  they 
knew  that  Guerrero  had  not  an  armed  force  to  attack  them. 
A  party  of  three  hundred  royalists  having  encamped  a  few 
miles  from  where  Guerrero  was  stationed  with  his  Indians, 
he  proposed  to  his  men  to  make  an  attack  on  the  enemy  dur- 
ing a  rainy  and  stormy  night.  The  plan  was  agreed  on,  and 
executed  with  such  silence  and  celeritv,  that  Guerrero  was  in 
the  midst  of  the  encampment  before  the  enemy  were  aware  of 
his  approach.  The  royalists  were  panic-struck,  and  attempted 
to  fly :  many  of  them  were  killed,  and  the  whole  of  their  arms, 
baggage,  &:c.  &c.  fell  into  the  hands  of  Guerrero.  This,  and 
other  similar  exploits,  had  made  him  renowned  among  the 
patriots  of  the  Misteca,  but  towards  the  latter  part  of  1817, 
he  had  been  so  severely  pressed  by  superior  numbers  of  the 
royalists,  that  he  was  obliged  to  retire  from  the  Misteca,  and, 
with  a  servant,  passing  through  the  lines  of  the  enemy,  reach- 
ed the  Tierra  Caliente  of  Valladolid ;  where,  after  encounter- 
ing various  vicissitudes  in  the  fall  of  the  following  year,  with 
eighty  men  he  surprised  a  strong  party  of  four  hundred  of  the 
enemy,  destroying  nearly  the  whole  of  them.  This  exploit 
threw  some  arms  into  his  power,  with  which  he  lighted  up  a 
flame  that  rapidly  spread  over  the  Tierra  Caliente;  and,  before 
the  enemy  could  recover  from  the  surprise  which  this  new 
antagonist  created,  he  attacked  their  different  posts,  beat  them 
in  detail,  and  roused  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  patriots  in 
the  western  parts  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  of  Valladolid.  The 
viceroy,  alarmed  at  this  rapid  and  unexpected  progress  of 
the  patriots,  transmitted  orders  to  adopt  the  most  vigorous 
measures  against  Guerrero  :  accordingly,  brigadier  Negrete 
was  ordered  to  advance  with  a  strong  division  to  the  Tierra 
Caliente,  threatening  at  once  to  annihilate  Guerrero  and  his 
party.  In  conformity  with  his  orders,  Negrete  proceeded  to 
the  village  of  Chitnnmicoo^  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  a  river 
which  flows  from  the  east,  and  unites  with  the  Marquez  near 
the  village;  the  junction  of  these  rivers  forming  the  Zacatula. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  299 

He  found  the  patriot  chief  posted  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river;  but,  not  deeming  it  prudent  to  attack  him,  and  finding 
that  he  could  not  long  maintain  his  position  for  the  want  of 
provisions  and  the  destructive  influence  of  the  climate,  he 
made  a  retrograde  movement,  and,  much  to  the  annoyance  of 
the  royalist  subjects,  returned  to  Valladolid  without  achieving 
any  thing. 

At  this  period,  Don  Miguel  de  Borja  was  chosen  by  some 
part  of  the  troops  of  Xalpa,  for  their  commander  in  chief;  to 
accept  of  which  station  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  give  up  his 
comandancia  of  Burras. 

The  occupation  of  Penjamo  by  the  enemy  had  deprived 
Arago  of  those  pecuniary  resources  on  which  he  had  calculat- 
ed to  raise  and  equip  forces ;  and,  believing  that  by  good 
management  ample  resources  might  be  obtained  at  Burras, 
and  that  great  advantages  would  result  from  the  communica- 
tion he  could  establish  with  the  patriotic  inhabitants  of  Gua- 
naxuato,  from  the  vicinity  of  that  city  to  Burras,  he  took  the 
command  of  that  district.  His  expectations,  however,  were  at 
the  outset  frustrated  ;  for,  on  investigation,  he  found  that  his 
predecessor  had  levied  so  many  contributions  on  the  unfortu- 
nate farmers,  that  they  had  little  left,  and  as  he  was  averse  to 
the  system  of  exactions  which  Torres,  Borja,  and  others,  had 
pursued,  he  was  compelled  to  depend  on  a  few  individuals  for 
the  urgent  supplies  of  his  few  troops.  A  short  time  before 
Borja  gave  up  the  command  of  Burras,  he  had  received  from 
the  inhabitants  twelve  months'  revenue  in  anticipation;  which 
circumstance,  united  with  those  already  mentioned,  rendered 
it  absolutely  impracticable  for  Arago  to  realize  any  of  the 
plans  he  had  previously  contemplated. 

Before  Borja  left  Burras,  an  event  occurred  which  filled 
with  sorrow  the  breast  of  every  true  patriot.  Don  Jose  Ma- 
ria Liceaga,  whom  we  have  before  mentioned  as  a  distinguish- 
ed and  stanch  defender  of  his  country's  rights,  was  treach- 
erously murdered.  Strong  grounds  exist  for  believing  that 
Borja  was  the  principal  instigator  of  this  murder.  Liceaga 
had  retired  from  public  life,  and  resided  on  his  hacienda  in 


300  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  district  of  Burras.  Journeying  along  the  high  road,  he 
met  a  party  of  Borja's  men,  headed  by  one  of  his  captains. 
Without  any  previous  explanation,  they  furiously  attacked 
him  :  he  attempted  to  save  himself  by  flight,  but  a  shot  from 
Borja's  officer  brought  him  to  the  ground,  when  he  was  in- 
stantly put  to  death.  Borja  has  endeavoured  to  vindicate  this 
horrid  deed,  by  alleging  that  Liceaga  was  proceeding  to  the 
town  of  Irapuato,  to  deliver  himself  up  to  the  enemy,  and  to 
accept  the  roval  pardon. 

All  who  knew  Liceaga  pronounced  this  to  be  a  calumnious 
accusation.  His  undeviating  adherence  to  the  cause  of  the 
revolution,  through  all  its  vicissitudes,  his  refusal  of  the  re- 
peated overtures  of  the  enemy  for  reconciliation,  and  the  firm- 
ness of  his  character,  displayed  on  numerous  trying  occasions, 
made  the  accusation  of  Borja  appear  as  absurd  as  it  was  un- 
founded. The  fact,  however,  we  understood  to  be,  that  Borja 
had,  some  weeks  before  this  event,  demanded  one  thousand 
dollars  from  Liceaga,  which  was  accordingly  furnished  him  ; 
and,  in  order  to  avoid  its  repayment,  as  well  as  to  get  rid  of 
a  man  who  constantly  expressed  himself  hostile  to  such  law- 
less proceedings,  he  resolved  on  his  destruction,  and  effected 
it  in  the  manner  we  have  related. 

The  patriots  shuddered  at  the  tale  ;  for,  although  Liceaga, 
by  his  love  of  order  and  strength  of  character,  had  become  ob- 
noxious to  the  military  chiefs,  yet  by  the  people  in  general  he 
was  respected. 

About  the  time  this  melancholy  circumstance  took  place," 
the  forces  under  Guerrero  were  daily  augmenting,  and  the  po- 
litical horizon  in  that  part  of  the  theatre  of  the  revolution  once 
more  assumed  an  aspect  favourable  to  the  patriots.  Three  of 
Mina's  officers,  who  had  retired  to  the  Cahadas  de  Huango^ 
eleven  leagues  north  of  the  city  of  Valladolid,  placing  them- 
selves under  the  orders  of  brigadier  Huerta,  v/ere  author- 
ized by  him  to  organize  a  body  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  Hu- 
erta, like  most  of  the  chiefs  we  have  before  described,  had 
been  raised,  by  the  vicissitudes  of  the  revolution,  to  a  situa- 
tion which  he  was  totally  unqualified  to  fill.   He  was  illiterate, 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  301 

vicious,  and  jealous  of  his  superiors  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he 
was  daringly  brave,  and  ready  to  undertake  any  project,  how- 
ever hazardous.  He  assumed  the  title  of  commandant  gene- 
ral of  the  province  of  Valladolid.  We  believe  that  he  meant 
well  to  his  country,  but  his  extreme  ignorance  prevented  him 
from  being  of  much  service ;  and,  like  Torres,  he  could  not 
bear  the  sight  of  any  man  whom  he  thought  likely  to  interfere 
with  his  ambition.  He  viewed  the  brilliant  successes  of  Guer- 
rero with  a  jealous  eye  ;  and  although  the  latter  was  extreme- 
ly anxious  to  obtain  the  co-operation  of  all  the  patriot  chiefs, 
he  could  not  accomplish  it  with  Haerta. 

Colonel  Bradburn  (one  of  the  three  officers  who  had  retired 
to  the  Canadas  de  Huango)  was  assiduously  engaged  in  rais- 
ing and  organizing  a  body  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  relying  on 
the  promises  which  had  been  made  him  by  Huerta,  of  being 
furnished  with  every  thing  he  wanted.  Bradburn  and  his  two 
comrades  found  recruits  flocking  in  to  them  from  all  direc- 
tions ;  barracks  were  erected ;  an  armoury  and  powder  manu- 
factory were  established  ;  arrangements  were  made  to  procure 
clothing  from  the  enemy's  towns ;  and  every  thing  went  on 
prosperously,  until  the  moment  arrived  when  the  new  troops 
were  to  receive  arms.  Huerta,  under  various  pretexts,  with- 
held them.  Bradburn  was  some  time  before  he  could  pene- 
trate the  cause  of  Huerta's  strange  conduct ;  but  at  length  he 
discovered  that  it  arose  from  jealousy.  Huerta,  on  seeing 
what  he  thought  a  body  of  well  trained  troops  under  the  com- 
mand of  Bradburn,  conceived  it  possible  that  the  latter  would 
co-operate  with,  or  enter  into  the  views  of,  Guerrero,  and 
thereby  diminish  the  authoi'ity  which  he  himself  was  aiming 
to  obtain.  This  was  the  real  cause  of  his  refusing  Bradburn 
the  necessary  supplies. 

Matters  continued  in  this  state  for  upwards  of  two  months, 
in  the  Canadas,  and  although  the  enemy  were  within  a  f^ew 
leagues,  and  four  times  superior  in  numbers,  yet  Bradburn, 
with  a  hundred  men  wretchedly  armed,  held  them  in  check. 
At  length  the  enemy  determined  to  destroy  him,  and  in  March, 
1819,  advanced  with  fifteen  hundred  men,  under  the  command 


302  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

of  Don  Vicente  Lara.  Against  this  formidable  force  resist- 
ance was  useless.  Bradburn  retreated  for  two  days  ;  but, 
being  closely  pursued  in  the  mountains,  his  party  was  de- 
stroyed, with  the  exception  of  about  thirty  who  made  their 
escape.  The  prisoners  were  conducted  to  the  neighbouring 
pueblo  of  Chucandiro,  and  there  instantly  shot. 

Huerta  could  at  that  time  have  mustered  four  hundred  ca- 
valry ;  and  as  he  had  received  timely  advice  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy,  could  have  reenforced  the  little  party ; 
instead  of  which,  he  quietly  permitted  it  to  be  completely  bro- 
ken up.  His  subsequent  conduct  to  Mina's  officers  was  dis- 
graceful, and  serves  to  confirm  what  we  have  before  stated, 
that  during  the  last  three  years,  the  patriot  chiefs  were  gene- 
rally ignorant,  incapable,  and  licentious  men,  who  studied  only 
their  separate  interests,  to  the  ruin  of  their  country.  Under 
such  unfortunate  circumstances,  it  is  almost  incredible  that  the 
royalists  did  not  completely  quell  the  insurrection ;  and  that 
they  have  not  been  able  so  to  do,  arises  from  the  general  hos- 
tile feeling  of  the  people,  and  the  occasional  appearance  of  such 
men  as  Don  Vicente  Guerrero. 

The  conduct  of  Huerta,  and  the  distracted  state  of  the  pa- 
triots in  Valladolid,  prevented  the  patriot  government  from 
possessing  a  place  of  security  in  which  to  hold  their  sessions. 
The  late  president,  Don  Jose  Pagola,  and  his  secretary,  were 
taken  prisoners  by  surprise,  and  shot.  Don  Jose  Castaiieda 
was  appointed  in  the  place  of  Pagola,  and  the  presidency  de- 
volved on  Don  Pedro  Villasenor.  The  government  removed 
to  a  place  called  Las  Valzas^  near  the  village  of  Churumucoo, 
adjacent  to  the  conflux  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Marquez. 
Here  it  considered  itself  secure  from  surprise ;  and  confided 
in  the  vigilance  and  abilities  of  general  Guerrero,  with  whom 
they  now  resolved  to  co-operate  in  exertions  to  give  to  the 
cause  of  the  revolution  a  new  aspect. 

The  enemy,  in  the  upper  parts  of  Valladolid,  had  fortified 
themselves  at  Puruandiro,  at  Chucandiro,  and  at  several  other 
places.  Huerta's  troops  were  daily  abandoning  him,  and  some 
of  them  had  accepted  the  royal  pardon.    The  famous  El  Giro 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  303 

had  been  surprised,  taken  prisoner,  and  shot.  The  royalists 
were  therefore  less  annoyed,  in  that  part  of  the  country,  than 
they  had  been  for  a  long  time  previous. 

The  revolutionists  were  in  no  condition  to  carry  on  a  series 
of  harassing  operations.  Their  system  of  defence,  however, 
was  such,  that  they  suffered  little  loss  :  their  guerilla  parties 
were  still  numerous  :  in  the  rainy  season,  they  retired  to  the 
mountains,  and  there  recruited  their  horses  and  repaired  their 
arms ;  on  the  return  of  the  dry  season,  they  descended  into 
the  plains,  and  attacked  the  enemy  with  renewed  vigour. 

In  the  month  of  July  of  last  year,  the  revolution  may  be 
considered  as  having  reached  a  lower  ebb  than  at  any  previ- 
ous period  since  the  commencement  of  the  struggle.  But  the 
royalists  were  very  far  from  being  in  an  unmolested  state  : 
they  were  still  obliged  to  keep  within  their  fortified  places. 
The  patriots  still  continued  to  possess  the  plains  in  the  under- 
mentioned parts  of  the  country,  and  in  fact  were  masters  of 
the  country  up  to  the  very  walls  of  the  fortified  towns. 
In  the  intendancy  of  Guanaxuato,  there  were  still, 

under  various  patriot  chiefs,  at  least,  men  1,000 

In  the  Tierra  Fria  and  Caliente  of  Valladolid,  1,500 

Over  an  extensive  surface  in  the  intendancy  of 

Mexico, 2,000 

Bordering  on   Guadalaxara  and  Valladolid,  near 

the  lake  of  Chapala,     -----         500 
On  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  in  the  province 
of  Mexico,  vmder  the  orders  of  general  Guer- 
rero and  the  brigadier  Mondesdeoca,  all  de- 
termined troops,  and  principally  infantry,  1,400 

6,400 


In  the  foregoing  statement,  we  conceive  that  the  numbers 
are  within  the  actual  force  of  the  patriots  bearing  arms  ;  and, 
in  the  estimation,  we  do  not  include  that  portion  of  the  pea- 
santry whom  circumstances  have  compelled  to  a  pretended 
neutrality,  but  who  are  ripe  for  revolt,  whenever  they  again 
behold  the  patriot  cause  assume  a  favourable  aspect. 


^04  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

We  omit  making  any  observations  relative  to  the  state  of  the 
other  intendancies,  because  there  the  royalists  have  succeed-* 
ed,  by  military  presence,  in  causing  a  momentary  pacification. 
By  referring  the  reader  to  what  Ave  have  previously  remarked 
on  the  character  and  feelings  of  the  population  of  the  great 
intendancies  of  Vera  Cruz,  Puebla,  and  Oaxaca,  it  is  obvious 
that  the  present  tranquillity  is  a  mere  temporary  calm,  liable 
at  any  moment  to  be  succeeded  by  a  revolutionary  tempest. 

Various  writers,  within  the  last  seven  years,  have  published 
the  most  gloomy  and  absurd  stories  relative  to  the  revolutions 
of  Mexico  and  South  America;  and  on  no  other  subject  have 
the  public  been  more  egregiously  misled.  Among  the  books 
abounding  in  false  statements,  none  is  more  conspicuous  than 
a  work  which  was  republished  in  Philadelphia,  in  1819,  enti- 
tled "  A  Descriptive,  Historical,  and  Geographical  Account 
of  Spanish  America,  &c.  &c.  By  R.  H.  Bonnycastle,  Captain 
in  the  Corps  of  Royal  Engineers."  So  long  as  captain  Bonny- 
castle exercises  the  office  oi  ^  plagiarist^  in  faithfully  copying 
from  Humboldt,  Clavigero,  and  other  celebrated  authors,  he 
is  excusable  for  the  errors  of  his  statements  :  but  when  he 
undertakes  to  give  us  a  detail  of  the  present  contest  in  Spanish 
America,  with  his  speculations  and  predictions,  and  sentiments 
upon  political  subjects,  he  must  bear  upon  his  own  shoulders 
the  charge  of  writing  with  the  servility  of  a  Spanish  stipendi- 
ary, instead  of  the  impartiality  and  manliness  which  ought  to 
characterize  a  British  officer ;  and  of  displaying  the  grossest 
ignorance  of  facts  which  would  scarcely  have  escaped  the  ob- 
servation of  any  one  who  had  paid  the  least  attention  to  the 
affairs  of  Spanish  America.     For  instance, — 

In  page  316,  he  informs  us,  that  "  Mina,  xvho  had  hee?i  con- 
cerned in  the  Caracas  revolution^  undertook  an  expedition 
against  New  Spain,  where  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  beheaded^ 
in  Mexico.'''' 

In  page  243,  after  having  given  a  confused  account  of  the 
insurrection  at  Caracas,  he  states,  that  Miranda;  was  taken, 
and  beheaded. 

In  page  315,  he  eulogizes  the  ferocious  Boves,  a  man  whose 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  S05 

career  of  horrid  cruelties  in  Caracas  causes  even  the  royalists 
to  blush  that  he  was  a  Spaniard. 

In  page  317,  speaking  of  the  state  of  the  revolution  in  1816 
and  1817,  he  tells  us,  that  "  In  New  Grenada^  Florida,  ^ito, 
Peru,  and  Mexico,  the  insurgents  have  very  little  sway.'''' 

In  page  57,  he  gives  the  most  ludicrous  and  false  account 
of  the  situation  of  the  insurgents  in  New  Spain;  and  gravely 
states,  that  "  Neither  the  Indians  nor  people  of  the  interior 
take  any  part  of  the  struggle.'''' 

In  page  348,  speaking  of  Buenos  Ayres  and  Chili,  he  states 
that  "  the  insurgent  privateers  still  dare  to  show  their  fag  in 
the  Pacific:' 

In  several  parts  of  his  book,  he  asserts  that  the  royal  autho- 
rity is  generally  restored  throughout  Spanish  America,  and 
that  he  has  not  the  least  doubt  of  the  ability  of  Spain  to  pre- 
serve her  sovereignty  over  all  those  dominions. 

Should  his  book  ever  pass  to  a  second  edition,  we  advise 
the  captain  to  correct  the  errors  we  have  noticed,  and  candidly 
to  confess  that  events  have  occurred  totally  at  variance  with 
his  confident  predictions. 

We  have  thus  conducted  our  reader  through  some  of  the 
prominent  scenes  of  the  Mexican  revolution,  up  to  July,  1819: 
we  have  given  a  faithful  detail  of  the  daring  achievements  and 
inisfortunes  of  the  gallant  Mina  and  his  little  band  :*  we  have 
shown  what  a  few  foreigners  did  actually  accomplish  in  Mexi- 
co: and,  finally,  we  have  endeavoured  to  convey  a  correct  idea 
of  the  state  of  society  in  that  kingdom,  and  to  exhibit  the  very 
precarious  tenure  by  which  Spain  there  maintains  her  authority. 
The  picture  we  have  drawn  of  Padre  Torres  and  other  of  the 
patriot  chiefs  may  possibly  induce  a  belief  that  it  is  difiicult  for 
the  patriots  to  obtain  proper  leaders  to  guide  them  to  victory: 
but  the  reader  should  bear  in  mind,  that  the  men  with  whom 
Mina  was  unfortunately  obliged  to  co-operate  rose  to  their  sta- 
tions during  seasons  of  anarchy  and  confusion :  they  had  been 
heaved  to  the  surface  of  the  revolution  by  its  currents  and 

*  The  survivers  of  Mina's  division,  still  in  Mexico,  are,  colonels  Bradburn, 
Arago,  and  Don  Pablo  Erdozain,  captain  Don  Antonio  Mandietta,  Mr.  Ger- 
hard Honhorst,  two  soldiers,  and  two  coloured  boys. 

(39) 


306  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

agitated  waters,  and  wei'e  no  way  else  distinguished  than  by 
their  ambition,  licentiousness,  and  ignorance.  Should  Mexico 
ever  be  invaded  by  a  respectable  foreign  force,  with  a  view  ot 
co-operating  with  the  people  in  the  establishment  of  their  inde- 
pendence, there  will  not  be  found  any  deficiency  of  worthy  and 
able  Creole  officers,  willing  to  lend  their  exertions  to  the  cause 
of  their  country,  as  well  from  among  those  who  have  formerly 
headed  the  insurgents,  as  from  those  who  have  hitherto  been 
in  the  royal  service ;  and,  with  respect  to  the  population  in 
general,  legions  of  friends  to  independence  will  be  found  in 
every  province  of  Old  Mexico. 

The  royalists,  in  the  intendancies  of  Guanaxuato,  Vallado- 
iid,  Mexico,  La  Puebla,  and  Vera  Cruz,  are  walking  among 
ashes  still  warm  from  the  recent  eruptions; — they  are  passing 
a  precarious  existence,  surrounded  by  volcanoes.  The  spirit 
of  hostility  to  the  Spanish  government  is  smothered  but  for  a 
season;  and  when  the  flames  of  resistance  shall  again  burst 
forth  in  those  provinces,  an  ocean  of  blood  will  not  extinguish 
them.  It  will  moreover  be  difficult  to  prevent  the  revolution- 
ary fire  that  is  now  burning  along  the  shores  of  the  Pacific 
ocean  from  spreading  into  the  interior.  The  patriot  general 
Guerrero  and  his  partisans  occupy  a  part  of  New  Spain  from 
which  it  will  be  almost  impossible  for  the  royalists  to  dislodge 
them.  This  chieftain  has  his  principal  establishment  at  the 
Orilla  de  Zacatula^  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  of 
that  name,  about  a  league  and  a  half  from  its  mouth.  The 
river  Zacatula  discharges  itself  into  the  Pacific  ocean,  about 
the  latitude  of  eighteen  degrees  north  :  it  has  two  mouths, 
about  a  league  distant  from  each  other;  both  these  are  ob- 
structed by  bars,  but  the  northernmost  one  aflTords  an  entrance 
for  boats.  About  sixty  miles  east-south-east  from  this  river, 
is  the  harbour  of  Siguatanejo,  which,  for  beauty,  spacious- 
ness, and  security,  is  exceeded  by  none  on  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific  ocean.  The  Spaniards,  fearful  that  it  should  become 
known  to  foreigners,  have  rigorously  prohibited  all  traffic 
whatever  at  this  port.  Lord  Anson,  we  believe,  was  the  first 
and  has  been  the  only  foreigner  that  ever  entered  it.  About 
fifteen  miles  north  fiom  Zacatula,  there  is  likewise  an  excel- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  307 

lent  bay  (ensanada)  called  Petacalco.    The  anchorage  thereinf 
is  convenient  and  secure,  and  the  water  is  smooth  through- 
out the  greater  part  of  the   year.     The   sea  breeze   sets   in 
regularly    at   eight  o'clock    in    the    morning,   and    continues 
until   sun-set,  when  it  is  succeeded  by  a  land  breeze,  which 
usually  blows  until  six  or  seven  o'clock  next  morning-     The 
whole  line  of  this  coast,  from   Zacatula  down  to  SiguatanejOj 
is  at  present  under  the  control  of  Guerrero.    The  positions  he 
has  chosen  are  not  only  secure  from  surprise   by  the  enemy^ 
but  that  at  Orilla  is  even  capable  of  sustaining  a  formidable 
siege.     It  is  defended  on  the  south-east  by  a  deep,  wide,  and 
rapid  river;  and  between  it  and  a  place  called  Colima^  is  a  wil- 
derness impassable  by  an  army.    From  Tierra  Fria,  it  can  only 
be  approached  by  a  road  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  which 
road  passes  over  mountains  for  nearly  thirty  leagues,   every 
mile  of  which  offers  defiles  where  one  hundred  resolute  men 
could  arrest  the  march  of  one  thousand.     In  fact,  the  country 
occupied  by  Guerrero  is  the  most  favourable  part  of  New 
Spain  for  defensive  operations;  and  so  long  as  this  experienced 
chief  remains  on  the  defensive,  it  will  be  almost  impracticable 
for  his  enemies  to  subdue  him.    His  advanced  posts  extend  to 
Las  Valzas.   The  country,  being  thinly  settled,  affords  not  the 
means  of  subsistence  for  an  army  of  royalists  ;  while  the   pa- 
triots, to  whom   privations  are  common,  have  a  sufficiency, 
Guerrero  has  adopted  the  plan  of  collecting  the  cattle  into  a 
herd,  so  that,  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  he  has  only  to 
drive  them  to  the  rear,  thus  cutting  off  the  means  of  subsist- 
ence from  his  opponents.    The  latter  must  therefore  receive 
their  supplies  from  a  great  distance,  which  alinost  precludes 
the  possibility  of  attempting  a  formal   siege  of  Guerrero's 
strong  hold,  the  only  manner  in  which  he  can  be  dislodged. 

The  people  of  all  that  part  of  the  province  of  Mexico  are 
remarkable  for  their  hatred  to  the  Spaniards ;  and  in  the  ad- 
joining provinces  of  La  Puebla  and  Oaxaca,  the  whole  of  the 
population  along  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean  are  ready  to 
co-operate  with  Guerrero.  The  inhabitants  of  the  mountains 
of  the  Misteca  are  particularly  attached  to  him  ;  and,  should 
he  make  his  future  advances   in  that  direction,  he  would  be 


308  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

cordiall}''  supported.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  Guerrero 
will  remain  at  his  present  position  on  the  river  Zacatula,  until 
some  favourable  circumstances  occur  in  the  other  provinces, 
or  until  he  receive  a  supply  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war. 

Should  the  cruizers  of  Buenos  Ayres  and  Chili  direct  their 
attention  to  that  part  of  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  Guerrero's  command,  they  could,  with  the 
aid  of  the  latter,  fortify  Siguatanejo,  and  make  it  a  place  of 
rendezvous,  of  high  importance  to  themselves,  and  of  very 
serious  annoyance  to  the  enemy.  By  the  adoption  of  such  a 
measure,  the  whole  commerce  of  the  coast  from  Guaquil  to 
A'capulco  and  San  Bias  could  be  annihilated,  and  the  trade 
between  Manilla  and  Acapulco  obstructed  or  destroyed.  We 
presume  the  reason  why  such  an  attempt  has  not  yet  been 
made,  must  arise  from  the  want  of  information  in  the  govern- 
ments of  Buenos  Ayres  and  Chili,  with  regard  to  the  position 
occupied  by  Guerrero,  and  the  character  of  the  population  of 
the  whole  range  of  the  coast. 

Two  thousand  troops,  with  an  extra  supply  of  ten  thousand 
muskets,  landing  on  the  coast  near  Guerrero's  position,  and 
uniting  with  that  chieftain,  would  decide  the  fate  of  Mexico  in 
less  than  six  months  ;  and  should  those  troops  be  Creoles  of 
Chilly  of  Buenos  Ayres^  or  of  the  republic  of  Colombia^  they 
would  be  received  with  joy  and  gratitude  by  the  Mexicans, 
and  would  moreover  be  their  fittest  auxiliaries. 

These  observations,  coinbined  with  the  facts  which  we  have 
related  in  the  preceding  chapters,  will  make  it  obvious  to  the 
reader  that  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  over  Mexico  is  suspend- 
ed to  a  fragile  thread,  and  that  the  emancipation  of  the  latter 
from  Spanish  thraldom  is  an  event  that  must  take  place  at  no 
distant  day. 

We  shall  close  our  Memoirs  of  the  Revolution,  in  the  fol- 
loAving  chapter,  by  briefly  noticing  the  cruelties  committed  by 
the  Spanish  authorities  in  Mexico  and  South  America  during 
the  last  nine  years. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  309 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Cruelty  a  predominant  feature  in  Spanish  history ;  exemplified 
by  a  brief  view  of  the  conduct  of  Spain  in  Europe^  and  by 
the  horrors  committed^  by  her  authorities^  in  Mexico  and 
South  America^  since  the  year  1810 — Reflections, 

THE  scenes  of  cruelty  which  we  have  related  in  the  course 
ef  our  Memoirs  of  the  Mexican  revolution,  may  startle  some 
of  our  readers,  and  incline  them  to  doubt  the  correctness  of 
our  statements.  We  therefore  deem  it  necessary  to  state,  that 
in  almost  every  instance  which  we  have  noticed  of  the  atroci- 
ties perpetrated  by  the  royalists,  we  have  derived  our  informa- 
tion from  the  records  of  facts,  either  acknowledged  or  never 
denied  by  the  Spanish  government,  and  generally  obtained 
from  Spanish  official  documents,  published  in  Spanish  Ame- 
rica, and  in  the  Madrid  Gazette.  In  the  early  years  of  the 
present  revolutions  in  Spanish  America,  the  viceroys,  cap- 
tains general,  and  nearly  all  the  royal  officers,  appear  to  have 
emulated  each  other  in  vituperating  the  American  character, 
and  in  boasting  of  the  inhuman  deeds  they  had  performed. 
They  appear  to  have  been  regardless  of  the  opinions  of  the 
civilized  world,  and  exulting  in  that  which  should  have  caused 
the  deepest  shame,  have  placed  on  record  the  bloody  deeds 
performed  by  their  orders.  But  while  they  have  thus  set  at 
defiance  the  judgments  of  the  present  generation,  they  have 
created  a  tribunal  in  the  posterity  of  America,  that  will  pass 
upon  them  a  severe  but  righteous  condemnation. 

An  inquiry  into  the  causes  which  have  distinguished  Spain 
among  the  nations  of  Europe  for  deeds  of  horror,  may  de- 
serve the  attention  of  the  future  philosopher  and  statesman. 
The  chivalrous  exploits  of  the  ancient  Castilians,  the  gene- 
rosity and  nobleness  which  characterized  the  Spaniard  of  the 
olden  time,  have  been  the  theme  of  admiration  for  many 


310  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

centuries  ;  but  an  attentive  examination  of  their  history  will 
convince  us,  that  even  in  the  era  of  their  brightest  glory, 
cruelty  was  a  prominent  trait  in  their  character.  In  vain  have 
they  styled  themselves  the  most  Christian  nation  on  earth, — in 
vain  have  they  called  themselves  the  favoured  people  of  God, 
i — in  vain  have  they  crowded  their  cities,  towns,  and  villages, 
with  temples  dedicated  to  religion,  and  spread  legions  of 
priests  over  their  territories, — in  vain  do  they  perpetually 
ring  in  our  ears  their  pre-eminent  piety,  when  all  these  advan- 
tages have  been  insufficient  to  check  their  propensities  to  the 
odious  vice  of  cruelty,  which,  even  among  savages  and  Pagans, 
excites  our  abhorrence  and  reprobation.  Does  this  arise  from 
physical  causes,  or  does  it  originate  in  that  vindictive  and  re- 
lentless spirit  which  has  ever  characterized  ecclesiastical  des- 
potism, whether  existing  among  Christians  or  Pagans  ? 

In  all  the  wars  on  the  European  continent  in  which  Spain 
has  taken  a  part,  her  officers  and  soldiers  have  been  distin- 
guished for  their  ferocity  and  cruelty,  and  particularly  in  those 
of  the  reign  of  Philip  III.  It  was  in  that  monarch's  reign, 
that  Spain  prosecuted  a  war  in  the  Netherlands,  accompanied 
by  scenes  of  licentiousness  and  barbarity  which  cause  her  name, 
even  to  this  day,  to  be  execrated  by  the  Dutch  people;  and  it 
was  during  his  reign,  about  the  year  1609,  that  unparalleled 
scenes  of  horror  were  committed,  in  the  expulsion  of  the 
Moors  from  Spain.  These  people  had  lived  in  the  country 
eight  hundred  years ;  and  were  distinguished  from  the  Span- 
iards by  their  language,  religion,  character,  and  manners. 
After  a  series  of  bloody  wars,  the  Spaniards  at  length  over- 
came and  reduced  them  to  a  state  of  vassalage,  when  the 
greater  part  of  them  submitted  to  receive  Christian  baptism. 
They  were  an  industrious  and  frugal  people ;  and,  while  the 
Spanish  villages  all  over  Castile  and  Andalusia  were  falling 
into  decay,  those  of  the  Moors  increased  and  flourished.  In 
consequence  of  this,  their  numbers  rapidly  augmented ;  and 
the  Spaniards  entertained  fears,  that  if  some  remedy  was  not 
speedily  applied,  the  Moors  might  regain  the  ascendency  they 
had  formerly  possessed.  The  two  schemes  that  presented 
themselves  to  the  Christian  cabinet  of  Philip  III.,  were,  to 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  311 

put  the  whole  of  them  to  the  sxuord,  or  to  trcnisport  them  to 
foreign  parts.  There  were  numerous  advocates  for  the  indis- 
criminate slaughter  of  these  unfortunate  people  :  but  it  was 
apprehended  that  such  a  deed  would  fill  all  Europe  with  in- 
dignation, and  therefore  it  was  resolved  to  expel  the  Moors 
from  the  kingdom. 

Among  the  ecclesiastics  of  those  days,  who  bore  a  distin- 
guished part  in  this  act  of  violence  and  injustice,  was  Don 
yuan  de  Ribera^  patriarch  of  Antioch  and  archbishop  of  Va- 
lentia,  an  aged  prelate,  highly  venerated  for  his  p'letij  and 
learning,  and  eulogized  by  the  Spanish  and  Italian  historians 
as  one  of  the  brightest  ornaments  that  ever  adorned  the  Chris- 
tian church.  The  memorial  addressed  to  the  king,  on  this 
occasion,  by  this  so  much  lauded  patriarch,  breathes  in  every 
line  the  darkest  spirit  of  fanaticism,  and  is  the  most  outrageous 
violation  of  the  principles  of  humanity  and  Christianity  that 
was  ever  penned.  According  to  the  bishop's  doctrine,  even 
th(e  Moors  who  had  been  baptized  and  converted  to  Chris- 
tianity, were  still  to  be  considered  as  "  dangerous  heretics." 
He  carried  his  intolerance  and  blasphemy  to  such  an  extrava- 
gant length,  as  to  state,  in  his  memorial ;  "■  In  baptizing  the 
Moresco  "children,  therefore,  our  consciences  are  greatly  dis- 
turbed with  the  apprehension  that  we  are  guilty  of  violating 
the  commandment  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  has  pro- 
hibited the  giving  of  holy  things  to  dogs,  and  the  casting  of 
pearls  before  swine." 

It  was  finally  determined  by  Philip,  with  the  advice  of  all 
his  counsellors  spiritual  and  temporal,  that  the  Moors  were  to 
be  considered  as  obstinate  heretics,  and  apostates  from  the 
faith,  whom  the  king,  if  he  thought  fit,  might  justly  punish 
with  death;  that  therefore  there  could  be  no  room  to  doubt 
the  lawfulness  of  the  milder  punishment  of  Ziw^W/^wze/zZ;  and 
accordingly  it  was  resolved  that  they  should  be  immediately 
expelled  the  kingdom. 

The  manner  in  which  this  unfeeling  sentence  was  carried 
into  execution,  is  calculated  to  thrill  the  heart  with  horror. 
We  shall  content  ourselves  with  exhibiting  a  brief  outline  of 
the  horrid  enormities  vvhich  ensued. 


312  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

By  the  edict  of  expulsion,  all  the  men,  women,  and  children, 
were  commanded,  under  pain  of  death,  to  be  ready,  within 
three  days^  to  repair  to  the  sea-ports  for  embarkation.  All 
their  effects  were  confiscated ;  and  death  was  pronounced 
agiiinst  those  who  should  attempt  to  conceal  any  part  thereof. 
The  numbers  that  were  massacred  on  their  route  to  the  coast, 
and  that  perished  on  their  voyage  to  Barbary,  have  been  vari- 
ously represented  by  different  historians,  not  one  of  whom 
makes  the  number  less  than  one  hundred  thousand  vnew^  women, 
and  children.  They  were  barbarously  murdered  at  sea,  by  the 
officers  and  crews  of  the  ships  which  they  had  freighted.  There 
are  instances  recorded  of  inhuman  cruelties  exercised  on  this 
injured  and  defenceless  people,  surpassing  in  atrocity  what- 
ever is  related  in  sacred  or  profane  history.  Men  were  but- 
chered in  presence  of  their  wives  and  children,  and  the  latter 
afterwards  thrown  alive  iiito  the  sea.  Some  of  the  females, 
on  account  of  their  beauty,  were  preserved  alive  for  a  short 
time,  to  glut  the  brutal  lust  of  the  murderers  of  their  hus- 
bands or  brothers,  and  then  either  slaughtered  or  committed 
to  the  waves.  Such  were  the  deeds  of  horror  which  were 
revealed,  upon  the  trials  to  which  these  inhuman  barbarians 
were  brought,  in  consequence  of  their  quarrelling  with  them- 
selves concerning  the  division  of  the  spoil. 

The  fate  of  those  who  reached  the  coast  of  Barbary  was  not 
less  deplorable.  They  were  furiously  attacked  by  the  Bedouin 
Arabs,  a  wild  banditti,  who  subsist  by  plunder.  Of  six  thou- 
sand Moors,  who  set  out  together  from  Conastal,  a  town  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Oran,  with  an  intention  of  going  to  Al- 
giers, only  one  person  survived  to  reach  that  place. 

Had  these  unfortunate  people  been  exterminated  by  the 
sword,"  as  was  at  first  proposed,  it  would  have  been  an  act  of 
mercy,  compared  with  the  fate  to  which  they  were  actually 
doomed;  but  their  sufferings,  so  far  from  exciting  commisera- 
tion in  the  authors  of  their  calamities,  were  made  a  subject  of 
exultation;  and  the  act  was  pronounced  by  the  Catholic  clergy 
to  be  acceptable  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  a  signal  instance  of 
divine  judgment  against  heresy. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION,  313 

In  some  parts  of  Spain,  where  the  Moors  either  resisted  the 
order  for  expulsion,  or  could  not  comply  with  it  under  the 
peremptory  terms  prescribed,  they  were  butchered  in  the  most 
horrible  manner.  No  mercy  was  shown  to  age  or  sex  ;  while 
rolling  in  the  dust,  imploring  mercy  of  their  savage  con- 
querors, they  were  indiscriminately  slain.  Some  had  shelter- 
ed themselves  among  the  woods  and  rocks  ;  but  Philip  fixed 
a  price  upon  their  heads,  and  soldiers  were  sent  to  hunt  for 
them  as  for  beasts  of  prey.  Scarcely  an  individual  escaped. 
Those  who  were  taken  alive  in  the  mountains  of  Valentia, 
were  conducted  to  the  city;  and,  after  suffering  every  species 
of  mockery  and  insult,  were  put  to  death  by  excruciating  tor- 
tures. Such  of  our  readers  as  wish  to  examine  the  details  of 
these  dreadful  transactions,  are  referred  to  Watson's  History 
of  the  Reign  of  Philip  III.  and  to  contemporary  historians. 

A  government  that  could  sanction  such  scenes  of  atrocity, 
and  a  people  who  could  rejoice  in  the  barbarous  spectacles  of 
an  auto  defe^  and  in  the  other  horrors  of  the  tribunal  of  the 
Inquisition,  were  of  course  prepared  for  the  execution^'  all 
those  inhuman  acts  which  have  taken  place  in  the  New  World 
since  the  epoch  of  its  discovery,  and  more  especially  of  those 
enormities  which  have  occurred  during  the  present  revolution 
in  Spanish  America,  which  it  has  become  our  duty  to  notice 
in  the  present  chapter. 

We  shall  first  recapitulate  the  cruelties  that  have  been  ex- 
ercised in  Mexico.  The  proclamations  and  decrees  of  vice- 
roy Vanegas  outrage  every  principle  of  humanity  and  civi- 
lized warfare ;  and  his  despatches  to  the  court  of  Madrid, 
which  have  been  published  in  the  Gazette  of  that  city,  contain 
little  else  than  an  account  of  the  number  of  insurgents  he  has 
slain  in  battle,  or  murdered  after  he  had  taken  them  prisoners. 
Commandant  Rcvollo^  in  his  official  despatch  to  the  viceroy, 
recommends  the  proraot'ion  of  a  Serjeant  for  having  slain  a 
7icphew,  among  the  insurgents.  Commandant  Bustamante  re- 
commends, in  like  manner,  a  dragoon  for  having  killed  his 
kneeling  brother.  General  Truxillo  boasts  of  having  murder- 
ed the  hearers  of  a  flag  of  truce.  General  Calleja^  on  several 
occasions,  writes  in  the  most  exulting  st\'le,  of  the  thousands 
(40) 


314  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

he  had  butchered^  zvhile  on  their  knees  imploring  his  mercy. 
In  the  action  of  Zamora,  the  royal  commander  states,  that  all 
the  prisoners  were  deliberately  despatched.  General  Criiz^ 
in  almost  every  despatch  to  the  viceroy,  boasts  of  the  number 
of  prisoners  he  had  shoty  and  of  the  toxvns  and  villages  he 
had  reduced  to  ashes.  Captain  Blanco  states,  that  his  troops^ 
eager  for  bloody  destroyed  persons  of  every  age  and  sex  ^  until 
no  more  victims  could  be  found.  Don  Caetano  ^lintero^  in 
his  despatch  of  the  29th  of  August,  1811,  says,  that  in  the 
attack  of  Amoladeras,  which  continued  two  hours,  no  quarter 
was  given.  Commandant  Villaescusa  states  the  manner  in 
which  he  entrapped  the  bearer  of  a  fag  of  truce^  and  subse- 
quently murdered  him.  General  Calleja  issues  proclamations 
and  edicts  of  the  most  sanguinary  nature,  and  carries  into 
execution  all  his  threats.  The  burning  of  towns,  the  butchery 
of  prisoners,  and  the  annihilation  of  a  defenceless  population, 
are  the  perpetual  themes  of  this  monster,  in  his  official  des- 
patches. Yet,  as  we  have  before  stated,  for  these  eminent 
proofs  of  his  loyalty  to  his  beloved  monarch,  he  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  Mariscal  de  Campo,  made  viceroy  of  Mexico, 
decorated  with  the  cross  of  Charles  III.,  and  was  last  year 
nomiirated  to  the  command  of  that  expedition  which  was  in- 
tended for  new  scenes  of  butchery  in  America,  but  which  the 
influence  of  justice  and  regeneration  has  baffled. 

It  must  be  understood,  that  the  preceding  outline  of  hor- 
rors committed  in  Mexico  by  the  royalists,  is  only  a  very 
small  part  of  the  tragic  scenes  yet  brought  to  light :  they  are 
merely  a  part  of  those  which  have  been  confessed  in  public 
documents  even  by  the  royalists,  and  which  we  have  casually 
met  with,  in  various  writers,  prior  to  the  year  1814. 

While  we  were  in  Mexico,  we  carefully  examined  the  offi- 
cial papers,  respecting  the  cruelties  referred  to  in  the  work 
of  William  Walton  Esq.  published  in  London  in  1814,  en- 
titled "  An  Expose  of  the  Dissensions  of  Spanish  America;" 
and  we  found  that  they  corresponded  with  Mr.  Walton's 
statements.  But  when  we  reflect  on  the  vast  number  of  dread- 
ful acts  which  were  reliited  to  us  by  individuals  who  were 
witnesses  of  the  transactions,  and  of  which  not  the  least  ac- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  315 

count  has  yet  been  published,  we  feel  justified  in  asserting,  that 
not  one-eighth  of  the  long  catalogue  of  cruelties  committed  by 
the  royalists  in  Mexico,  has  yet  been  exhibited  to  public  notice. 

We  perused  a  manuscript  history  of  the  Mexican  Revolu- 
tion up  to  1816,  written  by  a  distinguished  Creole,  (whose 
name  honour  and  prudence  forbid  us  to  disclose,)  which  con- 
tained a  minute  detail  of  the  royal  massacres  and  devastations. 
The  enormities  that  were  there  related  have  no  parallel  on 
the  page  of  history.  The  writer  of  that  manuscript,  trembling 
for  his  life  in  case  such  a  document  should  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  royalists,  committed  it  to  the  flames;  fortunate  was  it 
for  him  that  he  did  so ;  for,  a  few  days  afterwards,  he  was  un- 
der the  necessity  of  delivering  up  his  person  to  the  royalists. 
He  still  lives,  and  we  hope  will  yet  have  an  opportunity  of 
exhibiting  to  the  world  a  faithful  history  of  the  revolution  ; 
for,  until  such  a  work  shall  appear,  civilized  nations  will  not 
be  able  to  form  a  complete  opinion  of  the  sufferings  which  the 
Mexican  people  have  experienced,  during  their  struggle  for 
freedom. 

Having  thus  noticed  the  bloody  scenes  acted  by  Spanish 
policy  in  Mexico,  let  us  take  a  cursory  view  of  those  which 
have  taken  place  in  other  parts  of  Spanish  America. 

Venezuela,  New  Grenada  and  Quito,  at  present  constituting 
the  republic  of  Colombia,  have  been  the  theatres  of  greater 
horrors,  if  possible,  than  those  committed  in  Mexico.  The 
reader,  overcome  with  disgust,  would  turn  from  the  page  that 
contained  the  recital  of  but  a  thousandth  part  of  the  executions 
which  have  taken  place  at  Carthagena,  Mompos^  Santa  Fe  de 
Bogota^  Popayan^  ^litOy  Caracas^  Barcelona^  Cumana^  La 
Guayra,  Puerto  Cavello^  Valencia^  and  other  cities  of  those 
countries.  Of  the  extent  of  those  horrors,  some  idea  may  be 
formed,  when  we  state,  that,  within  the  last  nine  years^  it 
tippeTiYs^  fi'ojn  Syjanish  official  do cwnents^  that  there  have  been 
sacrijiced  in  cold  bloody  by  hangings  shooting  and  other  modes 
of  execution^  ^igl^ty  thousand  prisoners^  in  those  three  pro- 
vinces. We  must  bear  in  mind,  that  in  these  eighty  thousand 
victims  are  not  included  many  thousand  others  who  were  put 
to  death  by  a  brutal  soldiery,  whenever  they  visited  a  village 


\ 


316  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

the  sentiments  of  whose  inhabitants  they  suspected  to  be  la- 
vourable  to  the  insurgents.  How  many  inoffensive  men, 
women,  and  children,  have  been  slaughtered,  of  whose  fate  no 
further  notice  has  been  taken,  in  the  official  despatches  of  the 
royal  commanders,  than  in  the  following  words  :   "  The  tozvn 

or  pnebh  of ,  xvith  all  its  inhabitants,  has  disappeared 

from  the  face  of  the  earth!  !  r"* 

In  June,  1816,  the  Spanish  general  Morillo  entered  the 
city  of  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  then  called  the  capital  of  New  , 
Grenada.  In  one  of  his  despatches  from  thence,  which  was 
intercepted  in  its  passage  to  Spain,  he  boldly  describes  the 
measures  which  he  had  pursued,  in  the  following  words  : 
'•^  every  person,  of  either  sex,  capable  of  reading  or  xvriting\ 
xvere  treated  as  rebels.''''  ''''By  thus  cutting-  off  all  xvho  could 
read  or  write,  he  hoped  effectually  to  arrest  the  spirit  of  revo- 
lution.^'' The  authenticity  of  such  an  extraordinary  official 
communication  might  admit  of  some  doubt,  if  the  monster 
who  penned  it  had  not  in  reality  executed  the  savage  deeds 
therein  announced.  Every  person  in  Santa  Fe  and  in  Car- 
thagena,  who  had  been  distinguished  by  their  learning  or 
their  eminence  in  science,  or  who  had  held  stations  in  the 
provincial  administrations,  and  in  the  congress;  with  their 
reives  and  daughters,  were  thrown  into  loathsome  dungeons. 
Six  hundred  of  them  were  hanged  or  shot,  and  their  bodies 
exhibited  on  gibbets.  All  the  females  who  were  accomplished 
in  literature,  of  which  there  were  many,  suffered  the  same  fate. 
The  learned  and  benevolent  Mutis,  of  whom  Humboldt  has 
spoken  in  terms  of  admiration,  Lozano  and  Caldos,  who  were 
his  disciples  in  philosophy,  a  distinguished  chemist,  and  se- 
veral other  men  of  science,  who  had  not  borne  arms,  nor  held 
any  public  trust,  were  put  to  death  by  order  of  Morillo.  Some 
of  the  females  were  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  their 
lives  merely  to  the  fatigues  of  the  executioners.  These  wo- 
men were  afterwards  exiled.  Nearly  the  whole  population  of 
Santa  Fe  supplicated  Morillo  to  spare  the  life  of  the  venerable 
Mutis ;  but  the  savage  was  inexorable,  openly  avowing,  that 
learned  Creoles  were  more  dangerous  enemies  than  the  insur- 
gents in  arms.     Yet,  after  having  committed  such  acts  of  vin- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  317 

dictive  cruelty,  "this  Spanish  apostle  of  pacification;  this 
practical  and  preventative  philanthropist ;  this  inonster  of  in- 
humanity ;  this  pillar  of  the  Spanish  constitution;"  this  very 
same  Morillo,  issues  a  proclamation  from  his  head-quarters 
in  Caracas,  the  12th  of  June  last,  addressed  to  the  emigrants 
from  Costa  Firme,  in  which,  after  reminding  them  of  his  in- 
cessant efforts  for  the  pacification  of  that  country,  since  his 
arrival  in  1815,  he  assures  them  that  his  sole  object  has  been^ 
and  continues  to  be,  that  of  rendering  them  happy !  In  ap- 
prizing them  of  his  determination  to  return  to  his  native  coun- 
try, he  expresses  his  ardent  desire,  that,  before  his  departure, 
he  may  be  enabled  to  give  them  2i  fraternal  embrace;  and,  for 
that  purpose,  conjures  them  earnestly  to  hasten  their  arrival 
at  Venezuela,  that  he  may  not  be  deprived  of  that  great  satis- 
faction, it  being  the  only  consolation  remaining  to  him,  on  the 
eve  of  this  cruel  separation! 

To  what  emigrants,  it  may  be  asked,  can  .this  pacific  over- 
ture be  addressed  ?  Few  are  they  indeed,  unless  those  be 
included,  "who,  under  the  special  passport  of  Morillo,  have 
emigrated  to  another  world,  but  whose  spirits  are  heard  around 
their  tombs." 

We  are  still  more  astonished  in  beholding  this  same  Don 
Pablo  Morillo,  who  for  five  years  has  lavished  upon  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Costa  Firme  the  grossest  epithets  and  execrations, 
suddenly  addressing,  for  the  first  time,  on  the  17th  of  the  same 
month,  a  letter  to  the  Congress  of  Colombia,  on  the  subject  of 
his  proclamation,  and  styling  them,  with  the  most  consummate 
hypocrisy  and  adulation,  "  Their  High  Mightinesses,  the  Con- 
gress assembled  at  Guyana."  In  this  letter,  after  beginning 
with  "  High  and  3Hghty  Lords  f  he  dares  to  insult  them  by 
advancing  the  gross  falsehood,  that  the  present  constitution  of 
Spain  was  adopted  by  the  universal  suflTrage  of  the  represent- 
atives of  both  hemispheres ;  and  informs  them,  that  he  had  re- 
ceived "  positive  orders,  from  the  constitutional  monarch  of 
the  Spains,  to  enter  into  a  just  and  generous  accommodation, 
which  shall  reunite  all  the  family,  in  order  to  enjoy  the  advan- 
tages of  their  political  regeneration,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the 
fatal  effects  of  a  division,  g-enerated  by  a  desire  to  be  free  from 


318  IVIEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

oppression,  that,  by  a  false  calculation,  had  been  considered 
peculiar  to  those  countries,  notwithstanding  that  it  had  been 
transcendental  to  all  the  empire." 

The  brief  view  we  have  taken  of  the  murders  committed  on 
the  unfortunate  Creoles,  in  the  three  provinces  before  men- 
tioned, we  are  well  convinced  embraces  but  a  small  part  of  the 
numbers  which  have  perished ;  and  were  we  to  say,  that  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand^  instead  of  eighty  thousand^  have 
been  deliberately  slaughtered  by  the  royalists,  we  conceive 
that  we  should  still  be  short  of  the  actual  number  of  victims. 

Similar  scenes  of  carnage  have  taken  place  in  the  provinces 
of  La  Plata  and  Chili ;  and,  although  we  have  no  recent  ac- 
counts of  such  events,  yet  we  find  enough  to  make  us  shudder, 
on  perusing  the  eloquent  manifesto,  addressed  to  all  nations, 
by  the  Congress  of  the  provinces  of  Rio  de  la  Plata,  dated  at 
Buenos  Ay  res,  the  25th  of  October,  1816,  from  which  we 
make  the  following  extracts  : — 

"  The  town  of  Cochabamba  was  taken,  and  delivered  up  to 
plunder  for  three  hours.  The  commandant  of  the  royal  troops, 
Goyeneche,  entering,  with  one-half  of  his  cavalry,  the  gate  of 
the  principal  church,  the  host  being  exposed,  killed  with  a 
stroke  of  his  sword  the  fiscal  Lopez  Andreu,  who  presented  it, 
trembling  with  terror.  He  ordered  the  respectable  governor 
intendant,  Antesana,  to  be  shot;  and,  observing  with  compla- 
cency from  the  balcony  of  his  house  this  iniquitous  assassina- 
tion, ferociously  cried  out  to  his  troops  not  to  shoot  the  victim 
in  the  head,  as  it  was  wanted  to  be  stuck  upon  a  pike.  When 
it  was  severed  from  the  body  by  his  command,  the  headless 
trunk  was  dragged  through  the  streets,  while  at  the  same  time 
the  brutal  soldiers  were  permitted  to  dispose  at  pleasure  of  the 
lives  and  properties  of  the  inhabitants,  during  many  successive 
days.  Wherever  this  Nero  went,  death  and  devastation  mark- 
ed his  path.  A  gesture,  a  clouded  visage,  an  indiscreet  word, 
or  a  tear  stealing  down  the  cheek,  was  a  crime  of  state.  The 
royalists  have  adopted  the  dreadful  system  of  putting  men  to 
death  indiscriminately,  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  diminish 
our  numbers  ;  and,  on  entering  our  towns,  have  been  known 
to  massacre  even  the  unfortunate  market  people,  driving  them 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  319 

to  the  public  square  in  groups,  and  shooting  them  down  with 
cold-blooded,  wanton  cruelty.  The  villages  of  Chuquisaca 
and  Cochabamba  have  more  than  once  been  theatres  of  this 
shocking  barbarity. 

"  They  have  compelled  our  soldiers,  taken  prisoners,  to 
serve  against  their  wills  in  the  ranks  of  their  armies,  carrying 
the  officers  in  irons  to  distant  outposts,  where  it  was  impossi- 
ble for  them  to  preserve  health  for  a  single  year,  while  others 
have  been  starved  to  death  in  dungeons,  and  many  have  been 
forced  to  labour  on  the  public  works.  They  have  wantonly 
shot  the  bearers  of  flags  of  truce,  and  have  committed  the  ut- 
most horrors  upon  chiefs  after  their  surrender,  and  other  prin- 
cipal personages,  notwithstanding  the  humanity  that  had  been 
shown  by  us  to  those  prisoners  who  fell  into  our  hands.  In 
proof  of  this  assertion,  we  need  only  mention  the  deputy  Ma- 
tos  of  Potosi,  captain  general  Pumacagua,  general  Angulo, 
and  his  brother,  the  commandant  Munecas,  and  other  partisan 
chiefs,  shot  in  cold  blood,  many  days  after  they  had  surren- 
dered themselves  prisoners. 

"  In  the  district  of  Valle  Grande,  they  indulged  themselves 
in  the  brutal  sport  of  cutting  off  the  ears  of  the  natives,  and 
transmitting  a  pannier  full  of  them  to  head-quarters.  They 
afterwards  destroyed  the  town  by  fire ;  burnt  about  forty  popu- 
lous villages  of  Peru  ;  and  took  a  hellish  pleasure  in  shutting 
up  the  inhabitants  in  their  houses  before  setting  them  on  fire, 
in  order  that  their  unhappy  victims  might  be  burnt  alive. 

"  They  had  not  only  shown  themselves  implacable  in  mur- 
dering our  countrymen,  but  they  have  thrown  aside  all  decen- 
cy and  morality,  parading  old  men  of  the  religious  profession, 
and  women,  in  the  public  places,  made  fast  to  a  cannon,  and 
their  bodies  exposed  to  shame. 

"  They  have  established  an  inquisitorial  system  for  all  these 
punishments ;  they  have  dragged  out  peaceful  inhabitants  from 
their  houses,  and  transported  them  across  the  ocean,  to  be  tried 
for  pretended  offences,  and  have  executed,  without  trial,  a 
multitude  of  citizens. 

"  They  have  attacked  our  sea  coasts,  and  murdered  defence- 
less inhabitants,  without  sparing  clergymen  and  those  in  ex- 


320  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

treme  old  age.  By  the  order  of  general  Puzuela,  they  burnt 
the  town  of  Puna;  and,  meeting  with  no  others,  they  put  to 
the  sword  old  men,  women,  and  children.  They  have  com- 
pelled our  brothers  and  sons  to  take  up  arms  against  us,  and 
have  compelled  them,  under  the  command  of  Spanish  officers, 
to  fight  against  our  troops.  They  have  excited  domestic  in- 
surrections, corrupting  with  money,  and  every  species  of  se- 
duction, the  pacific  inhabitants  of  the  country,  in  order  to 
involve  us  in  a  frightful  anarchy,  and  to  enable  them  to  attack 
us  weakened  and  divided.  They  have  displayed  a  new  inven- 
tion of  horror,  by  poisoning  fountains  and  food  at  La  Paz ; 
and,  in  recompense  for  the  kind  treatment  they  received  when 
obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion  at  that  place,  they  blew  up 
the  barracks,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  patriots,  which  had 
been  previously  mined  for  that  purpose. 

"  They  have  abused  the  sacred  privilege  of  flags  of  truce, 
tampered  with  our  governors  and  generals,  and  they  have 
repeatedly  written  letters  inciting  to  treason.  They  have  de- 
clared that  the  laws  of  war,  recognised  by  civilized  nations, 
ought  not  to  be  observed  towards  us;  and,  with  contemptuous 
indifference,  replied  to  general  Belgrano,  that  treaties  could 
not  be  entered  into  nor  kept  with  insurgents. 

"  It  is  in  the  name  of  Ferdinand  of  Bourbon,  that  the  heads 
of  captured  officers  have  been  stuck  up  on  the  highways ;  that 
a  distinguished  partisan  leader  has  been  actually  impaled;  and 
that  the  monster  Centano,  after  having  murdered  colonel  Ga- 
margo  in  the  same  horrid  manner,  cut  off  his  head,  and  sent  it 
as  a  present  to  general  Puzuela,  informing  him  that  it  was  a 
miracle  of  the  Virgin  del  Carmen. 

"  It  is  Ferdinand  of  Bourbon  who  has  sent  his  generals  with 
decrees  of  pardon  which  they  caused  to  be  published,  with  no 
other  view  than  to  deceive  the  simple  and  ignorant,  in  order  to 
facilitate  their  entrance  into  cities  and  towns  ;  but  giving,  at« 
the  same  time,  private  instructions,  authorizing  and  command- 
ing them,  after  having  thus  obtained  possession,  to  hang,  burn, 
confiscate,  assassinate,  and  inflict  every  possible  suffering  on 
those  who  had  availed  themselves  of  such  supposititious  par- 
dons. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  321 

"  What  could  America  expect  from  a  king,  actuated,  at  the 
very  moment  of  seating  himself  on  the  throne,  by  sentiments 
so  inhuman  ? — of  a  king  who  has  no  other  rewards  but  chains 
and  gibbets,  for  the  immense  sacrifices  of  his  Spanish  subjects 
in  releasing  him  from  captivity, — of  subjects,  who,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  their  blood,  and  of  every  privation,  have  redeemed 
him  from  a  prison,  in  order  to  adorn  his  temples  with  a  crown  ? 
If  these  men,  to  whom  he  owed  so  much,  received  death, 
were  doomed  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  or  to  base  slavery, 
for  no  other  cause  than  that  of  having  framed  a  constitution, 
what  might  we  not  expect  to  be  reserved  for  us  ?  To  hope  for 
a  benign  treatment  from  him,  and  from  his  bloody  ministers, 
would  have  been  to  seek  among  tigers  for  the  mildness  of  the 
dove.  Then,  indeed,  would  have  been  repeated  towards  us 
the  ensanguined  scenes  of  Caracas,  Carthagena,  and  Quito. 
We  should  then  have  spurned  the  ashes  of  the  eighty  thousand 
persons  who  have  fallen  victims  to  the  fury  of  the  enemy,  and 
whose  illustrious  manes  justly  call  for  revenge;  and  we  should 
have  merited  the  execrations  of  every  succeeding  generation 
of  our  posterity,  condemned  to  serve  a  master  always  disposed 
to  tyrannize  over  them,  while,  by  his  nullity  on  the  sea,  he  has 
become  unable  to  protect  them  from  foreign  invasion." 

The  Madrid  Gazette  has  published  the  following,  among 
many  of  the  blood-stained  despatches  from  America: 
"  Battle  of  Santa  Helena^  in  Perxi^  April  3,  1816. 

"  I  can  assure  your  excellency,  that  I  never  saw  rage  nor 
energy  equal  to  that  of  our  enemies.  They  throw  themselves 
on  our  muskets,  as  if  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  them :  our 
soldiers  were  mixed  with  them;  they  grasped  our  men  by  the 
body,  and  endeavoured  to  wrench  the  arms  out  of  their  hands. 
A  shower  of  stones  fell  upon  us :  we  were  obliged  to  fight  with 
the  bayonet.  The  wretch  Lamargo  died  by  my  hand :  I  did 
not  cease  striking  him  with  my  sabre,  until  his  sword  fell  from 
his  hand.  I  send  it  to  you,  together  with  his  head.  More 
than  six  hundred  men  were  despatched  with  the  bayonet,  or 
shot  by  the  soldiers.  I  intend  that  the  celebrated  Pedro  Vil- 
larubia  shall  be  beheaded  in  the  public  square.  He  is  about 
to  be  conveyed  to  Pesit,  accompanied  bv  two  sergeants,  who 
(41) 


322  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

deserted  from  the  regiment  of  Lima.  They  will  be  shot,  toge- 
ther with  all  the  other  prisoners." 

Where  is  the  citizen  of  the  United  States,  where  is  the  lover 
of  liberty,  or  where  is  the  man  possessing  even  a  spark  of  hu- 
manity, whose  bosom  does  not  throb  with  indignation  against 
a  policy  such  as  that  of  Spain,  after  perusing  this  eloquent  and 
dignified  manifesto,  and  the  relation  we  have  given  of  the  hor- 
rors that  have  taken  place  in  Mexico,  New  Grenada,  Quito, 
and  Venezuela  ?  What  ought  to  be  the  feelings  excited  in 
the  breast  of  every  citizen  of  the  United  States,  at  the  very 
mention  of  the  inhuman  treatment^  and  the  cold-blooded  mur- 
der^  of  their  felloiv-citizens^  whom  accident  or  the  chance  of 
war  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico,  and  who 
were  cruelly  put  to  death,  not  to  afford  an  example  which 
might  deter  other  foreigners  from  aiding  the  patriots,  (for  the 
cruelties  exeixised  towards  them  have  not  yet  been  told  to  the 
world  by  the  perpetrators)  but  to  satiate  that  thirst  for  revenge 
which  has  always  formed  a  component  part  of  the  Spanish 
character?  Although  Mina's  comrades  acted  in  contravention 
to  the  existing  laws  of  their  own  country,  that  circumstance 
cannot  possibly  palliate  the  inhumanity  they  experienced, — 
inhumanity  the  more  outrageous,  as  the  conduct  of  the  victims 
had  been  marked  by  honour,  justice,  and  clemency; — inhu- 
manity which  can  only  be  equalled  by  the  wild  and  savage 
inhabitants  of  unexplored  countries ; — a  degree  of  inhumanity 
which  adds  its  mite  to  the  load  of  infamy  with  which  the  an- 
nals of  Spanish  history  are  already  burthened.  The  recollec- 
tion of  the  scenes  which  occurred  at  the  abandonment  of  Som- 
brero, and  in  the  dungeons  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  cannot  be 
easily  effaced;  and  we  hope,  nay,  we  feel  confident,  that  there 
does  not  exist  an  American  citizen,  from  the  Sabine  to  the 
Passamaquoddy,  whose  breast  burns  not  with  indignation 
against  a  nation  which,  in  the  present  day,  can  sanction  deeds 
of  so  heart-rending  a  nature. 

If  the  causes  which  arrayed  the  colonies  of  North  America 
in  opposition  to  the  authority  of  Great  Britain,  have  been 
proclaimed  by  the  world  to  be  just, — with  how  inuch  greater 
reason  may  the  colonists  of  Spanish  America  appeal  to  the 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  323 

universe  for  approbation  and  support,  during  their  present 
struggles   for   emancipation    from    Spanish   thraldom !  .  Yet, 
strange  and  incredible  as  it  may  appear,  there  are   in  free 
North  America  many  who,  far  from  sympathizing  with  their 
southern  brethren,  or  even  wishing  success  to  a  cause  in  which 
they  themselves  have  contended  successfully,— condemn  the 
exertions  of  those  who  are  imitating  their  example  in  striving 
to  obtain  the  blessings  of  freedom,  support  Spain  with  all  the 
weight  of  argument,  and  are  almost  brought  to  deprecate  the 
independence  of  Spanish  America.    Every  trifling  opportunity 
which  presents  itself  is  seized  with  avidity  by  many,  to  mis- 
represent and  falsify  the  efforts  of  the  ill-fated  Spanish  Ame- 
ricans. Their  victories  are  burlesqued,  their  reverses  are  mag- 
nified, and  their  sufferings  are  derided,  by  those  who,  enjoy- 
ing the  blessings  of  security  and  plenty,  know  not,  except  by 
hearsay,  the  toils,  the  dangers,  and  the  hardships,  endured  by 
this  oppressed  people.     Incapable  of  appreciating  their  exer- 
tions, they  are  callous  to  their  appeals,  and  even  withhold  their 
applause  from  the   perseverance  and  intrepidity  which  they 
have  displayed  against  the  tyranny  of  the  Old  World.   Because 
the  union,  energy,  and  wisdom,  which  accomplished  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States,  have  not  directed  the  opera- 
tions of  a  people  who  are  only  now  emerging  from  a  state  of 
the  most  complex  slavery,  and  involuntary  ignorance,  under 
which  colonies  ever  groaned,  they  are  shamefully  disregarded 
as  unworthy  of  protection,  and  the  voice  of  humanity  is  suf- 
fered to  waste  itself  in  vain.    Such  principles  should  be  found 
only  in  the  satellites  of  crowned  heads.     That  misrepresenta- 
tion and  falsehood  on  this  subject  should  be  propagated  by 
Spanish  agents,  and   foreigners  who  come  into  our  country 
imbued  with  monarchical  and  aristocratical  principles,  cannot 
excite  surprise ;   but  can  we  refrain  from  expressing  our  re- 
gret and  indignation,  when  we  behold  some  of  our  own  citi- 
zens espousing  the  cause  of  Spain,  with  as  much  zeal  as  if 
their  very  existence  depended  upon  the  continuance  of  her 
wide-extended  dominion  in  the  western  hemisphere  ? 

In  the  course  of  this  work,  we  have  merely  glanced  at  some 
of  the  grievances  which  America  has  endured  for  the  space  of 


^-i.?^.. 


;mi  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

three  hundred  years.   Ponderous  volumes  would  be  filled  with 
a  detail  of  them.     They  are,  however,  so  far  known  as  to 
supersede  the  necessity   of  our  enlarging  farther  upon  the 
svibject.     It  must,  nevertheless,  be  remaiked,  that  we  did 
not  observe  in  the  former  Cortes  of  Spain  an)'  disposition  to 
relax  the   iniquitous  system  so  long  maintained  in  Spanish 
America  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  body,  in  unison  with  the 
Cadiz  monopolists,  exhibited  more  rancorous  hostility  to  the 
Spanish  Americans  than  had  been  displayed  during  any  pe- 
riod since  the  Conquest.     We  have  already  noticed  the  infa- 
mous decree  of  the  Cortes,  of  the  10th  of  April,  1813,  wherein 
they  declared,  that  it  was  "  derogatory  to  the  majestij  and  dig- 
nity of  the  7iational  congress^  to  confirm  a  capitulation  made 
xvith  malignant  insurgents^     On  examining  the  decrees  of 
the  Cortes,  of  the  regency,  and  of  the  different  juntas  who 
exercised  the  functions  of  the  Spanish  government  during  the 
late  war  in  the  Peninsula,  we  do  not  find  a  single  instance  of 
paternal  and  generous  conduct  towards  the  Americas.     But 
a  few  years  ago,  the  Consulado,  or  board  of  trade  of  Mexico, 
composed  of  European  members^  in  its  solemn  deliberations, 
manifested  to  the  Cortes,  that  the  Americans  iverc  a  race  of 
monkies ^filled  xvith  vice  and  ignorance^ — automata^  unworthy 
of  being  represented^  or  representing.    This  silly  and  singular 
communication,  instead  of  being  treated  with  scorn,  and  its 
authors  severely  reprehended,  gave  rise  to  serious  debates,  in 
which  the  Americans  were  most  grossly  vituperated,  as  may 
be  seen  by  examining  the  proceedings  of  the  Cortes  for  Sep- 
tember, 1811. 

The  representation  of  America,  as  well  in  the  former  as  in 
the  present  Cortes,  is  the  greatest  farce,  or  rather  the  most  out- 
rageous insult  that  was  ever  offered  to  a  body  of  rational  beings. 
Spain,  with  a  population  of  nine  to  ten  millions^  elects  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  re^xtstnt-Atwes  to  that  body;- while  America, 
with  a  population  of  eighteen  7}iiUions,  has  thirty  representa- 
tives ;  that  is,  one  for  every  six  hundred  thousand  souls.  But 
the  most  extraordinary  feature  in  the  farce,  is,  that  a7i  electoral 
junta  assembled  at  Madrid^  in  May  last^  and  there  named  the 
thirtij  representatives  xvho  are  to  represent  Spanish  America 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  325 

VI  the  Cortes,  To  say  that  the  decrees  of  sicch  a  Cortes  are 
binding  even  on  that  portion  of  Spanish  America  at  present 
under  the  royal  authority,  would  be  an  assertion  rather  difficult 
to  maintain  :  but  to  suppose  that  the  people  of  Chili,  of  Buenos 
At/res,  of  Veneznela,  and  of  Nerv  Grenada,  are  represented  by 
men  nominated  at  Madrid,  and  bound  by  the  acts  of  a  Cortes 
thus  constituted,  is  indeed  an  absurdity  that  has  no  parallel  in 
the  annals  of  legislation.  In  fact,  the  orders  issued  by  the  late 
Cortes  to  the  royal  commanders  in  America,  were  more  bar- 
barous and  imperious  than  those  issued  by  Ferdinand,  after 
his  return  to  the  Spanish  throne  ;  and  we  have  seen  how  faith- 
fully those  orders  were  executed  by  the  Spanish  officers. 

Every  revolving  hour,  since  the  present  revolution  com- 
menced in  Spanish  America,  has  been  ma:'  ed  with  new  inju- 
ries towards  its  inhabitants  ;  and  considering  the  extent  and 
natvire  of  those  injuries,  we  are  astonished  that  there  exists  a 
Creole  from  Cape  Horn  to  the  Floridas,  who  does  not  exe- 
crate the  Spanish  name. 

If,  during  the  revolutionary  contest  of  the  North  American 
colonies,  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  mother  country  to 
refuse  the  rebels,  as  they  were  then  called,  the  rights  of 
civilized  warfare  caused  general  indignation, — if,  in  the  case 
of  a  single  citizen  put  to  death  contrary  to  the  usages  of 
war,  the  whole  nation  took  a  common  interest  in  the  murder, 
and  adopted  immediate  measures  of  retaliation,  what  ought  to 
be  the  feelings  and  conduct  of  the  South  Americans  towards  a 
government  which  has  acted  as  Spain  has  done  during  the  pre- 
sent contest  ?  If  an  Indian  ally  was  reprobated  by  many  of  the 
most  enlightened  members  of  a  British  parliament,  during  the 
struggles  of  North  America  for  independence,  what  language 
should  now  be  used  towards  a  nation,  that  has  ordered  and 
sanctioned  such  horrors  as  those  we  have  related  ?  Let  us 
recall  to  the  recollection  of  our  readers  the  speech  made  by  the 
venerable  earl  of  Chatham,  at  the  time  when  lord  Suffolk,  then 
British  secretary  of  state,  contended  in  the  British  house  of 
peers  for  the  employment  of  Indians  in  the  war  against  Ame- 
rica. The  secretary  undertook  to  maintain,  that  "  besides  its 
policy,  the  measure  was  also  alloxvable  on  principle,  for  thai: 


326  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

it  was  perfectly  justifiable  to  use  all  the  ?}ieans  that  God  and 
Nature  put  into  our  hands.^^ 

Earl  Chatham  replied,  in  a  burst  of  eloquence,  not  surpassed 
for  strength,  beauty,  and  effect,  by  any  thing  history  has  re- 
corded. 

*'  I  am  astonished,"  exclaimed  the  dignified  statesman, — 
"shocked,  to  hear  such  principles  confessed;  to  hear  them 
avowed  in  this  house  or  even  in  this  country.  My  lords,  I 
did  not  intend  to  have  encroached  again  on  your  attention,  but 
I  cannot  repress  my  indignation, — I  feel  myself  impelled  to 
speak.  My  lords,  we  are  called  upon  as  members  of  this  house, 
as  men,  as  Christians,  to  protest  against  such  horrible  barba- 
rity. '  That  God  and  Nature  put  into  our  hands  !'  What 
idea  of  God  and  Nature  that  noble  lord  may  entertain,  I  know 
not ;  but  I  know  that  such  detestable  principles  are  equally 
abhorrent  to  religion  and  humanity.  What !  to  attribute  the 
sacred  sanction  of  God  and.  nature  to  the  massacres  of  the 
Indian  scalping  knife  !  to  the  cannibal  savage,  torturing,  mur- 
dering, devouring,  drinking  the  blood  of  his  mangled  victims  .' 
Such  notions  shock  every  precept  of  morality,  every  feeling 
of  humanity,  every  sentiment  of  honour.  These  abominable 
principles,  and  this  more  abominable  avowal  of  them,  demand 
the  most  decisive  indignation.  I  call  upon  that  reverend 
and  this  most  learned  bench  to  vindicate  the  religion  of  their 
God,  to  support  the  justice  of  their  country.  I  call  upon  the 
bishops  to  interpose  the  unsullied  sanctity  of  their  lawn  ; 
upon  the  judges  to  interpose  the  purity  of  their  ermine,  to 
save  us  from  this  pollution.  I  call  upon  the  honour  of  your 
lordships  to  reverence  the  dignity  of  your  ancestors,  and  to 
maintain  your  own.  I  call  upon  the  spirit  and  humanity  of 
my  country,  to  vindicate  the  national  character.  I  invoke  the 
genius  of  the  constitution.  From  the  tapestry  that  adorns 
these  walls,  the  immortal  ancestor  of  this  noble  lord  frowns 
with  indignation  at  the  disgrace  of  his  country.  In  vain  did 
he  defend  the  liberty  and  establish  the  religion  of  Britiain 
against  the  tyrannj"-  of  Rome,  if  these  worse  than  popish 
cruelties  and  inquisitorial  practices  are  endured  among  us. 
To  send  forth  the  merciless  cannibal,  thirsting  for  blood  ! 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  327 

against  whom  ?      Your   Protestant  brethren  ! — to  lay  waste 
their  country,  to  desolate  their  dwellings,  and  extirpate  their 
race  and  name,  by  the  aid  and  instrumentality  of  these  hor- 
rid hell-hounds  of  war  I     Spain  can  no  longer  boast  pre-emi- 
nence in  barbarity.      She   armed  herself  with  blood-hounds 
to  extirpate  the  wretched  natives  of  Mexico;  but  we,  more 
ruthless,  loose  the  dogs  of  war  against  our  countrymen  in 
America,  endeared  to  us  by  every  tie  that  should  sanctify 
humanity.     My  lords,  I  solemnly  call  upon  your  lordships, 
and  upon  every  order  of  men  in  the  state,  to  stamp  upon  this 
infamous  procedure  the  indelible  stigma  of  public  abhorrence. 
More  particularlv  I  call  upon  the  holy  prelates  of  our  reli- 
gion to  do  away  this  iniquity ;  let  them  perform  a  lustration, 
to  purify  their  country  from  this  deep  and  deadly  sin.     My 
lords,  I  am  old  and  weak,  and  at  present  unable  to  say  more; 
but  my  feelings  and  indignation  were  too  strong  to  say  less. 
I  could  not  have  slept  this  night  in  my  bed,  nor  have  re- 
posed my  head  upon  my  pillow,  without  giving  this  vent  to 
my  eternal  abhorrence  of  such  enormous  and  preposterous 
principles." 

What  would  the  patriotic  and  high-minded  earl  of  Chat- 
ham have  said,  had  he  lived  in  the  present  times,  and  heard 
of  the  barbarities  of  Spain  towards  her  colonists  ? 

When  the  Russians  put  to  the  sword  thirty  thousand  Turks 
at  the  capture  of  Ismail,  all  Europe  shuddered.  When  it 
was  said  that  Bonaparte  had  put  to  death  his  sick  in  Egypt, 
all  Europe  was  shocked.  When  Indian  savages  are  taken  as 
the  allies  of  Great  Britain  in  modern  warfare,  the  British 
people,  as  well  as  the  whole  civilized  world,  condemn  the 
barbarous  alliance.  When  the  city  of  Washington  was  en- 
tered by  the  British,  when  the  public  edifices  which  had  been 
erected  there  for  civil  purposes,  and  the  national  library,  were 
set  fire  to  by  the  merciless  foe,  Europe  frowned  on  the  de- 
stroyers, and  registered  the  transaction  in  her  records  as  an 
act  of  Vandalism,  disgraceful  to  the  exalted  nation  whose  offi- 
cers directed  it,  and  dishonourable  to  the  age  in  which  it  was 
committed.     AVhat  then  should  be  the  denunciation  which  the 


328  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

conduct  of  Spain  to  her  transatlantic  brethren  has  merited  ? — 
a  nation,  which,  hugging  itself  in  the  cloak  of  religion ;  brand- 
ing every  other,  that  differed  from  her  in  tenets,  with  the 
stigma  of  heresy ;  proclaiming  herself  through  the  world  as 
the  champion  of  Christianity,  and  boasting  of  her  peculiar 
adherence  to  its  doctrines,  orders  and  sanctions  a  system  of 
atrocities,  unknown  in  the  darkest  ages  of  society,  and  re- 
wards with  honours  and  distinctions  those  -svho  show  them- 
selves to  be  animated  with  the  spirit  of  her  sanguinary  edicts  ? 
Will  it  be  believed  by  posterity,  that  the  rest  of  the  world 
looked  on  this  tragic  scene  without  making  one  single  effort 
to  stanch  the  bleeding  wounds  of  eighteen  millions  of  people  ? 
By  this  sanguinary  course  of  conduct,  more  than  a  million  of 
human  beings  have  perished  in  Spanish  America,  since  the 
year  1810;  and  no  small  proportion  of  these  victims  have 
perished,  not  on  the  field  of  battle,  but  by  death  inflicted  in 
all  its  most  hideous  forms,  by  the  hand  of  cold-blooded  cruel- 
ty. "  Have  not  sufficient  victims  been  already  immolated  on 
the  altars  of  vengeance,  have  not  sufficient  families  been  ruined, 
have  not  sufficient  cities  and  towns  been  plundered  and  de- 
stroyed ?"  "  Is  it  not  time  to  put  an  end  to  such  a  vast  and 
fruitless  effusion  of  human  blood,  and  to  stanch  the  hoiTors 
of  so  destructive  and  protracted  a  war?" 

"  Are  not  the  enormities  we  have  related  sufficient  to  fill 
the  heart  of  every  friend  of  his  own  species  with  alarm,  and 
chill  every  feeling  of  humanity  ?" 

The  horrors  we  have  noticed  are  not  such  as  are  insepara- 
ble from  a  state  of  warfare ;  they  have  been  engendered  by  a 
spirit  of  revenge,  and  executed  with  a  barbarity  unpractised 
even  in  the  darkest  ages  of  Paganism.  The  stipulations  of 
society,  in  all  Christian  states,  have  meliorated  the  afflictions 
of  war  by  certain  usages  generally  held  sacred ;  but  on  the 
American  continent,  Spain  has  given  to  the  ravages  of  war 
every  infernal  atrocity  which  the  malice  of  a  demon  could 
suggest. 

Is  there  no  generous  or  eloquent  Spaniard  to  be  found  in  the 
present  Spanish  Cortes,  who  will  raise  his  voice  in  that  body, 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  329 

and,  emulating  the  renown  of  Chatham,  step  forward  to  stig- 
matize the  dreadful  system  which  Spain  has  pursued,  and  is 
still  pursuing  towards  America  ? 

If  no  European  Spaniard  can  be  found  capable  of  divesting 
himself  of  his  natural  (orguUo)  pride,  or  of  elevating  his  mind 
above  the  prejudices  of  his  education,  are  there  no  natives 
of  America,  in  the  present  Cortes,  who,  like  Mexia^  Lardi- 
"zabal^  Arispe^  Teraii^  Calatrava^  Palacios^  Couto^  and  Ribera^ 
members  of  the  former  Cortes,  will  stand  forth  in  behalf  of 
America,  at  the  present  crisis,  and  raise  their  voices  against  the 
inhuman  practices  of  this  frightful  and  extraordinary  contest? 
If  no  such  generous  statesmen  appear  in  the  saloon  of  the 
present  Cortes,  or  if  Spain  pursues  the  system  that  has  hi- 
therto prevailed  in  her  councils,  humanity  may  still  have  to 
deplore,  for  a  few  years  longer,  scenes  of  carnage  and  desola- 
tion ;  but  the  arm  of  dreadful  retribution  cannot  be  long  stay- 
ed ;  it  will  fall  with  accumulated  weight  on  the  head  of  every 
European  Spaniard  now  in  America,  or  who  may  hereafter 
dare  to  set  his  foot  on  its  soil. 

Nations,  like  individuals,  when  excited  by  powerful  passions, 
soon  pass  to  extremes  in  their  conduct.  The  affection  of  a 
slave  to  a  master  is  in  some  few  instances  strong  and  steady, 
but  in  general  it  is  weak  and  precarious.  The  ties  between  a 
colony  and  a  mother  country,  bear  a  much  closer  analogy  to 
those  between  the  master  and  slave,  than  between  the  parent 
and  offspring. 

Is  it  not  an  abuse  of  reason  as  well  as  a  violation  of  every 
natural  law,  to  suppose  that  the  parent  state  (as  it  is  called,) 
situated  at  a  distance  of  two  thousand  leagues,  should  dictate 
to,  and  control  an  empire  vastly  superior  in  extent  of  territory 
and  population  ?  Can  any  thing  account  for  the  submission  of 
colonies,  under  such  circumstances,  but  an  absolute  ignorance 
of  their  physical  and  moral  strength.  Will  not  every  attempt 
made  by  the  parent  state  to  keep  those  colonies  in  subjection, 
after  the  latter  have  discovered  their  rights  and  their  strength^ 
tend  to  destroy  the  little  affection  that  may  still  linger  in  the 
bosoms  of  the  colonists  towards  their  former  madre  patria? 
Will  not  such  outrages  as  Spain  has  been  in  the  habit  of 
(42) 


330  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

exercising  towards  the  Spanish  Americans  for  upwards  ot 
three  centuries,  and  more  especially  during  the  last  ten  yearsy 
not  only  destroy  every  principle  of  attachment,  but  give  birth 
to  an  inextinguishable  hatred  ?  Is  it  possible  that  the  wise 
Europeans  of  the  Peninsula,  have  not  yet  discovered  the 
inutility  of  all  their  menaces  and  savage  edicts,  and  of  all 
their  murders,  to  effect  the  pacification  of  America  ?  Are 
they  so  infatuated  or  blinded  by  pride  and  prejudice  as  not  to 
see,  that  the  constitution^  which  would  have  been  received 
some  years  ago  with  joy  and  gratitude  by  the  Americans, 
will  now  be  rejected  with  disdain?  or  if  received  by  any  por- 
tion, that  it  will  be  for  no  other  purpose  than  a  temporary  ex- 
pedient to  enable  them  with  more  ease  and  certainty  to  ac- 
complish their  ulterior  views  in  favour  of  the  independence 
of  their  country  ? 

We  entertain  very  little  expectation  that  the  present  Cortes 
will  adopt  a  more  liberal  system  of  policy  towards  America 
than  the  last.  It  remains,  however,  yet  to  be  seen,  whether 
the  lessons  of  experience  will  dissipate  the  mists  in  which  the 
former  Cortes  were  involved,  and  whether  some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  present  body  have  become  regenerated  by  adver- 
sity. We  shall  gratefully  acknowledge  our  mistake,  should 
the  Cortes  generously  come  forward  and  prove  themselves 
just  and  wise,  by  respecting  the  rights  of  mankind  in  America, 
and  by  magnanimously  confessing  that  the  inhabitants  of  Ame- 
rica, as  well  by  reason  as  the  laws  of  nature,  are  entitled  to  the 
privileges  and  blessings  of  self-government. 

Should  any  enlightened  Spaniard  peruse  these  remarks,  we 
pray  that  he  will  bear  in  mind,  that  they  have  been  penned  by 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  not  with  a  view  to  wound  the 
feelings  of  a  Spaniard,  but  to  show  the  dreadful  effects  of  ec- 
clesiastical and  civil  despotism  on  the  human  character.  We 
know  not  any  natural  causes  to  make  the  natives  of  the  Penin- 
sula of  Spain  more  sanguinary  than  the  rest  of  the  himian  race. 
The  greater  portion  of  the  Spanish  Peninsula  enjoys  as  fine  a 
climate  as  any  in  Europe  ;  its  soil  is  capable  of  yielding  every 
thing  necessary  for  human  subsistence  ;  and  Christianity  has 
shed  its  rays  in  every  corner  of  the  kingdom;  but,  neverthe- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  331 

less,  there  is  a  vindictive  spirit  in  the  Spaniard,  there  is  hau- 
teur in  his  deportment,  cruelty  in  his  conduct  in  war,  and  a 
jealousy  the  most  absurd  and  constant,  against  the  people  of 
all  other  nations.  These  are  characteristics  of  the  Spaniards, 
attested  by  the  pages  of  history,  and  by  almost  every  travel- 
ler who  has  visited  Spain.  The  exceptions  to  this  general  cha- 
racter are  more  rare  among  the  Spaniards  than  among  any 
other  people  of  the  earth.  It  is  possible  their  character  may 
be  changed  by  a  new  course  of  education.  Bigots  always 
have  been,  and  ever  will  be  cruel ;  but  when  we  see  civil  des- 
potism blended  with  religious  intolerance,  we  may  cease  to 
wonder,  that  the  Spaniard,  in  his  individual  as  well  as  national 
character,  is  proud  and  vindictive. 

These  traits  have,  in  a  most  striking  manner,  been  exem- 
plified in  the  conduct  of  Spain  and  of  Spaniards  towards  Ame- 
rica ;  and,  with  a  view  to  illustrate  the  subject,  we  shall  close 
our  memoirs  of  the  Mexican  revolution  with  the  following  pa- 
raphrase of  the  sentiments  of  a  celebrated  modern  writer. 

"  Humanity  hath  lifted  up  her  voice,  and  is  invoking  every 
heart  of  generous  sentiments  to  frov/n  upon  the  execrable 
scenes  that  are  acting  in  America,  and  which,  under  names  the 
most  specious  and  venerated,  are  covering  her  with  crimes  of 
the  deepest  die.  The  men  who  tread  the  soil  of  that  unhap- 
py country  have  lost  their  natures.  The  eye  there  sees  none 
but  ferocious  enemies,  bent  on  mutual  slaughter.  Every  thing 
is  devastated — every  thing  is  consumed  by  the  sword  and  the 
flames.  The  Spanish  soldier,  made  savage  by  his  ideal  wrongs, 
has  proclaimed  extermination  to  be  the  only  law  of  those  vast 
regions.  How  long  shall  we  unmoved  contemplate  these  hor- 
rors, which  strip  the  human  character  of  its  noblest  attributes, 
and  degrade  man  to  the  level  of  the  ferocious  beasts  of  the 
forest  ?  Shall  havoc  still  elevate  her  ensanguined  brow  in  the 
New  World,  within  the  eyeshot  of  the  Old  ?  and  after  so  much 
has  been  done  to  ameliorate  the  intercourse  between  Europe 
and  Africa,  shall  nothing  be  done  for  America  ? 

"  A  king  of  Syracuse  imposed  no  other  law  on  conquered 
Carthage  than  the  abolition  of  human  sacrifices.  The  Catho- 
lic religion  had  cast  down  the  blood-stained  altars  of  Mexico ; 


332  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

but  Spain  has  rebuilt  the  fearful  shrines,  and  now,  armies  of 
inhuman  priests  offer  up  prostrate  America,  at  her  command, 
as  a  victim  to  appease  the  irritated  manes  of  her  rejected 
crown  !  Will  Europe  never  cease  to  be  the  curse  of  the  in- 
habitants of  those  climes,  and  to  force  from  them  their  gold 
by  their  blood,  and  shed  their  blood  by  armies  paid  with  that 
gold  ? 

"  The  senate  of  Rome  once  listened  with  submission  to  a 
savage,  and  rewarded  the  ingenuous  frankness  of  his  words 
by  suspending  the  exactions  of  his  country.  Ah  !  how  nobly 
was  Rome  then  represented  by  her  senate,  and  how  much  more 
glorious  would  Europe  appear,  should  she,  in  the  name  of  hu- 
manity, interpose  her  august  judgment  to  stem  the  tide  of  wo 
which  overwhelms  America,  and  should  she,  placing  herself 
between  these  fierce  combatants,  exact  a  truce  of  their  rage  ! 
When,  then,  America  and  Spain  should  present  themselves 
before  this  Areopagus,  what  emotions  would  not  the  former 
excite,  and  how  speechless  would  the  latter  be,  if  America, 
discovering  her  wounds,  and  showing  her  opened  and  almost 
bloodless  veins,  should  exclaim,  '  Cruel  Spain  !  did  Heaven 
form  me  for  thyself  alone  ?  In  tranquillity  and  happiness  I 
had  passed  the  peaceful  ages  that  preceded  the  fatal  hour,  when 
the  hand  of  thy  Columbus  tore  aside  the  veil  which  from  cre- 
ation's dawn  had  hid  me  from  thine  eyes.  But  I  learned  to 
know  thee  by  my  tearful  eyes  and  shed  blood.  For,  soon  as 
thy  soldiers  had  landed  on  my  shores,  they  poured  among  my 
unofl'ending  children  an  unknown  and  appalling  fire — and  thy 
fiery  coursers  smote  them  with  their  mailed  hoofs.  Thou  de- 
stroyedst  my  thrones,  and  the  altars  erected  bv  my  gratitude 
to  that  great  luminary  whose  rays  fertilize  my  soil,  ripen  the 
juices  of  my  peerless  vegetables,  and  beautify,  with  splendid 
hues,  my  flowers  and  my  fruits — the  inhabitants  of  my  groves 
and  of  my  wide-spread  plains.  The  bowels  of  my  lofty  moun- 
tains give  thee  riches;  the  freshness  and  medicinal  virtues  of 
my  plants  give  thee  health  ;  and  the  only  acknowledgment  that 
I  have  yet  received  from  thee  has  been  death,  and  death  alone ! 

"'From  the  time  that  thou  deliveredst  to  the  flames  the 
last  scion  of  my  Incas,  and  transportedst  to  another  hemi- 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  333 

sphere  the  race  which  occupied  my  throne  of  Mexico,  hast 
thou  forborne  one  instant  to  heap  outrage  upon  outrage,  and 
to  add  ruins  to  ruins  ? 

"  '  With  extended  arms  I  receive  thee  in  my  territory,  and 
thou  instantly  declarest  me  a  slave  ;  and  to  arrogate  to  thyself 
the  right  of  subjecting  me,  thou  placest  the  widest  and  most 
unnatural  distinctions  betAveen  thy  children  and  mine,  and  con- 
demnest  them  to  form  the  last  link  in  the  chain  of  being. 

*' '  It  was  necessary  that  Rome  should  command  thee  to  view 
in  them  human  beings,  and  thy  obedience  to  her  orders  was 
for  once  without  reproach.  But,  thenceforth,  thou  entrustedst 
to  chains  and  to  the  knife  the  duty  of  maintaining  that  distinc- 
tion thou  hadst  placed  between  mine  and  thine.  Surely,  be- 
ings so  inferior  to  the  cherished  sons  of  thy  bosom  merited 
extermination,  and  they  have  disappeared.  Then  at  least  thou 
wast  not  a  parricide  ;  but  now,  is  it  not  thine  own  blood  that 
thou  art  shedding  ?  Have  those  who  sprung  from  thy  loins, 
my  adopted  sons,  lost  in  thine  eyes  all  traces  of  their  origin  ? 
Dost  thou  not  acknowledge  them  as  brothers  ?  In  the  first 
tempest  of  thy  wrath,  thy  vengeance  fell  on  strangers ;  but 
now  thou  hast  risen  up  against  Spaniards, — thou  warrest 
against  thine  own  family.  No  longer  do  strange  and  different 
forms  of  worship  divide  us.  My  voice  now  utters  the  sounds 
of  that  iTiajestic  language  which  you  have  diffused  throughout 
the  vast  extent  of  my  dominions.  Oh  Spain  !  how  canst  thou 
assume  the  tender  name  of  mother  ?  A  mother  studies  the 
happiness  of  her  offspring, — their  felicity  constitutes  her  de- 
light. But  hast  thou  ever  attempted  to  sooth  my  sufferings, 
or  enlighten  my  mind  ?  Speak,  and  inform  me,  in  which  of 
thy  acts  or  sentiments  can  I  recognise  thy  fostering  care  ? 

"  '  From  the  commencement  of  thv  reign  over  me,  thou  hast 
trembled  for  the  preservation  of  thy  power.  The  extent  of 
my  territory  fills  thee  with  alarm,  when  compared  with  thy 
straitened  limits  in  one  corner  of  Europe.  My  wealth  makes 
thee  blush  for  thy  poverty; — my  fertility,  for  the  barrenness 
of  thy  soil.  The  population  which  my  vast  regions  are  des- 
tined by  the  God  of  nature  to  subsist,  frightens  by  anticipation 
thy  unpeopled  cities  and  deserted  plains  :   and,  to  quiet  thy 


334  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

jealous  fears,  thou  repressest  the  principles  of  strength  and 
felicity  within  me,  and  withdrawest  from  my  soil  its  exube- 
j-ant  fruitfulness,  that  the  tree  may  bear  no  more  fruit  than  thy 
own  hand  can  pluck.  Like  the  Dutch,  who,  with  hoe  in  hand, 
traverse  the  fruitful  Moluccas,  and  extirpate  the  luxurious 
shoots,  lest  their  superabundance  should  interfere  with  the 
value  of  the  produce  to  which  avarice  has  limited  those  isles, 
thou  hast  commanded  nature,  prodigal  of  her  favours  to  me, 
to  become  steril :  thou  hast  forbidden  the  olive  to  yield  its  oil 
to  me, — the  mulberry  tree,  to  nourish  the  insect  whose  indus- 
try would  j'ield  me  robes  of  comfort  and  splendour,' — .the  vine, 
to  beautify  my  hills,  or  allay  my  thirst  with  its  juice.  To 
extract  for  thee  the  gold  from  my  mountains,  is  ail  that  thou 
permittest  me  to  do.  Thou  hast  debarred  me  from  commu- 
nication with  the  i-est  of  the  world ;  and  if  I  am  known  to  it;, 
it  is  yet  undiscovered  to  me.  The  products  of  human  indus- 
try, the  embellishments  of  art,  and  the  advantages  of  science, 
thou  withholdest  from  my  enjoyment.  My  noble  rivers  flow 
through  solitary  forests  and  unpeopled  regions.  My  ports 
are  capable  of  containing  all  the  ships  of  the  world  ;  but  thy 
iron  laws  condemn  them  to  a  solitude  that  is  never  broken, 
but  by  some  meanly  freighted  ship,  despatched  by  the  avarice 
of  thy  ministers,  or  by  the  intrigues  of  thy  courtiers. 

"  '  To  whom  hast  thou  committed  thy  authority  over  me  ? 
To  ungrateful  strangers.  By  whom  have  they  been  succeed- 
ed ?  By  men  equally  unknown  and  ungrateful,  whose  rapacity 
has  long  since  ceased  to  excite  my  surprise,  and  whose  for- 
bearance I  have  never  known.  Behold  what  thy  reign  has 
cost  me :  and  add  to  this,  thy  wars  that  interest  me  not,  which 
blockade  my  ports,  ravage  my  coasts,  and  convert  the  vast 
circumference  of  my  territory  into  the  barrier  of  a  prison. 

"  '  But  the  endurance  of  these  wrongs  has  reached  its  height. 
For  a  long  time,  thou  hast  ceased  to  exist  in  relation  to  me;- 
Events,  over  which  I  had  not  the  slightest  influence,  have 
occasioned  this  separation,  and  established  new  relations  be- 
tween us.  Other  views  have  burst  upon  my  enraptured  sight, 
and  have  created  for  me  a  new  existence.  Shall  I  renounce 
that  existence  for  thy  sake,  and  become  again  a  hewer  of  wood 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  335 

and  a  drawer  of  water  ?  Leave  me,  oh  leave  me,  to  pursue 
in  peace  that  path  which  is  fitting  to  my  age,  and  which  the 
march  of  mind  has  formed  for  me.  Deceive  not  thyself,  nor 
think  that  it  is  I  who  have  burst  asunder  the  bonds  that  united 
us.  It  was  nature  herself, — it  was  that  world  from  which 
thou  hast  excluded  me,  to  which  I  now  belong,  and  from 
which  I  must  never  again  be  parted. 

"  '  Tell  me,  did  thy  king  alone  reign  over  me  ?  No:  every 
Spaniard,  every  factory,  every  workshop,  in  the  Peninsula, 
considered  me  its  subject  and  its  slave.  Trembling  under  the 
load  of  multiplied  wrongs,  my  groans  were  punished  with 
stripes  and  death ;  and  when  I  spoke  of  civil  rights,  thy  sword 
was  unsheathed,  and  the  fire  of  extermination  was  lighted. 
Blood  and  ashes  smoke  on  every  side;  and  the  lion  of  Castile, 
emulating  in  ferocity  the  monarch  of  my  own  forests,  is  pre- 
paring to  reign,  like  him,  in  deserts. 

"  '  When  the  Supreme  Being  created  man,  was  it  that  he 
should  be  a  vassal  ?  Has  his  neck  been  only  formed  to  bear 
the  yoke?  Is  the  exercise  of  his  reasoning  powers  to  be  denied 
him  i  Is  the  act  of  reflecting  and  comparing  criminal  ?  Does 
he  merit  extermination,  for  daring  to  resist  oppression  ?  Dost 
thou  not  know  that  it  is  the  oppressor  who  makes  the  rebel  ? 
Is  it  not  a  law  of  nature,  for  manhood  to  feel  and  assert  the 
rights  belonging  to  that  stage  of  existence  ?  Do  not  children 
separate  from  their  parents  after  a  certain  age,  and  hast  thou 
never  seen  them  become  parents  in  their  turn  ?  Is  it  a  crime 
then  for  me  to  throw  off  my  swaddling  clothes,  when  they  no 
longer  correspond  with  my  growth  ?  When  every  thing  within 
reminds  me  of  my  maturity,  when  every  thing  without  is  en- 
lightened, is  in  motion,  still  advancing  to  perfection,  must  I 
be  held  in  leading-strings,  and  live  in  that  darkness  in  which 
thou  wouldst  retain  me  ?  Where  are  thy  means  to  effect  it? 
Whence  are  thy  treasures,  but  from  the  bowels  of  my  moun- 
tains ?  Whence  are  thy  ships,  but  from  my  woods  ?  Whence 
thy  revenue,  but  from  the  harvests  that  thou  art  now  destroy- 
ing, and  from  the  plains  that  thou  art  now  laying  waste  ? 
Whence  are  thy  soldiers  ?  Alas  !  tliou  draggest  them  to  die 
their  hands  in  the  blood  of  brothers.     Dost  thou  relv  on  their 


336  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 

support  ?  Will  it  not  fail  thee,  if  once  they  rivet  their  glance 
upon  the  fascinating  ore  that  I  can  pour  into  their  hands,  in- 
stead of  the  miserable  pittance  that  thou  givest  them? — if  once 
they  taste  the  fruits  which  I  can  offer  them,  instead  of  a  sub- 
sistence measured  by  avarice,  and  diminished  by  fraud? — or 
if  once  they  behold  the  brides  to  whom  I  can  unite  them,  in- 
stead of  that  gloomy  celibacy  to  which  thou  wouldst  doom 
their  youth,  and  by  which  thou  wouldst  extinguish  their  race  ? 
May  not  those  very  soldiers,  under  circumstances  so  new  and 
unexpected  to  them,  become  my  friends,  and  thy  enemies  ? 
Forget  not  that  the  barbarians  who  invaded  Greece,  refused 
to  quit  it,  when  they  had  once  tasted  its  delicious  fruits,  and 
caught  a  glimpse  of  those  beauties  which  had  served  as  models 
to  the  chisel  and  to  the  pencil  of  the  artists  whose  works  have 
filled  a  world  with  admiration.  But  suppose  that  these  sol- 
diers, with  whom  thou  threatenest  me,  should  not  prove  faith- 
less to  thee :  sent  for  my  destruction,  they  will  find  their  graves  ' 
on  my  shores,  and  their  tombs  will  be  seen  in  my  mountains. 
Dost  thou  for  a  moment  believe  that  the  sight  of  them  will 
intiinidate  me  ?  The  days  of  Cortez  and  of  Pizarro  have  past 
away  for  ever.  My  sons  and  thy  sons  descend  from  them. 
No  longer  do  thy  arms  and  thy  horses  create  surprise ;  and 
if  for  an  age  thy  sons  were  believed  immortal,  for  an  age  has 
that  illusion  been  dispelled.  Receive  from  me  the  ofttimes 
salutary  advice  of  an  enemy.  Abjure  an  empire  thou  canst 
no  longer  control ;  and  confess  that  the  period  has  arrived, 
when  America,  by  the  decrees  of  the  God  of  heaven,  must  be 
separated  from  your  unnatural  sway.  Know  that  the  day  is 
fast  approaching,  when  all  nations  will  learn  that  their  true 
interests  consist  in  cultivating  amity  and  intercourse  with  each 
other,  instead  of  struggling  for  the  crown  of  domination. 
Anticipate  my  future  prosperity,  and  behold  in  it  the  real 
source  of  thine  own  happiness  and  regeneration.  Get  rid  of 
thy  watchfulness  and  thy  remorse.  Come  and  settle  on  my 
soil,  as  brothers  and  as  friends.  Participate  in  those  harvests 
which  all-bountiful  nature,  in  my  favoured  climes,  yields  to 
industry.  Let  us  interchange  with  each  other  our  respective 
productions :  let  us  terminate  the  murderous  struggle  between 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION.  337 

our  own  kindred.  Imbrue  thy  hands  no  longer  in  the  blood  of 
my  sons.  Let  the  powers  of  youthful  America  no  longer  re- 
main dormant,  but  let  her  dispute  the  prize  of  improvement 
with  Spain.  Cultivate  thy  fields,  and  reanimate  the  languish- 
ing industry  of  thy  people.  With  the  riches  of  my  mines  will 
I  pay  for  the  produce  of  thy  industry.  But  look  to  obtain 
them  no  more  by  the  sword.  Remember,  too,  that  riches  are 
the  wages  of  industry;  nor  will  this  decree  of  nature  be  chang- 
ed for  thee.  If  my  entreaties,  thus  founded  in  justice,  reason, 
and  fraternal  sentiments,  should  fail  to  soften  thy  heart, — if, 
deaf  to  the  voice  of  my  sufferings,  nothing  will  content  thee 
but  the  return  of  my  neck  to  the  yoke, — if  thou  fearest  not 
that  America  may  one  day  deny  to  Spain,  what  Spain  now 
refuses  to  America, — if  thou  wilt  draw  thy  vengeful  steel,  and 
strive  to  enforce  thy  will  at  the  point  of  the  sword,  then  be  it 
so.  My  sons  shall  answer  thee  with  theirs ;  and  thou  wilt  find 
engraved  upon  their  blades,  '  My  ultimaium!'  " 


END  OF  THE  MEMOIRS'. 


(43) 


MOUTE 


TO 


THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Examination  of  the  diff'erent  routes  to  the  Pacijrc  Ocean-—' 
Doubts  respecting  a  passage  to  the  north-xuest — TIi^  coni' 
7nunication  betxveen  the  Atlantic  and  Pacijic  Oceans^  at  the 
province  of  Choco^  examiiied — Observations  upon  the  routes 
by  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  or  Panama;  by  the  Isth7nus  of 
Costa  Pica;  and  by  that  of  Oaxaca — General  observations 
on  the  impprtance  of  this  passage  to  the  civilized  -world  in 
general,  and  to  the  United  States  in  particular, 

HAVING  thus  far  occupied  the  attention  of  our  readers 
with  an  account  of  the  civil  wars  of  Mexico,  we  turn  with 
satisfaction  from  those  tragic  scenes,  to  an  object  of  the  high- 
est impoi'tance  to  the  whole  civilized  world,  and  which  we 
deem  particularly  interesting  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  as  well  as  to  the  present  and  future  generations  of  the 
whole  continent  of  America. 

To  shorten  the  navigation  between  the  eastern  and  western 
parts  of  our  globe,  either  by  discovering  a  passage  in  the  high 
northern  latitudes,  or  by  cutting  canals  and  opening  routes 
through  some  parts  of  the  American  continent,  so  as  to  afford 
either  a  navigable  or  rapid  communication  between  the  Pacific 
and  Atlantic  oceans,  is  most  certainly  an  object  which  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth  ought  to  rejoice  in  seeing  accomplished. 


340  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

For  the  two  last  centuries,  large  sums  have  been  expended 
in  attempting  the  discovery  of  a  north-west  passage  to  the 
Pacific  ocean ;  and  even  at  the  present  day,  expeditions  for 
that  purpose  are  annually  fitted  out,  either  by  the  European 
governments  or  by  enterprising  private  companies.  To  say 
that  no  such  passage  exists,  and  that  for  several  degrees  around 
the  pole  there  is  an  impenetrable  and  eternal  congelation,  would 
be  controverting  the  opinions  of  many  enlightened  men  :  but 
we  believe  they  will  all  agree  with  us,  that  if  ever  such  a  pas- 
sage should  be  discovered,  it  will  be  in  latitudes  encumbered 
with  floating  ice  the  greater  part  of  the  year,  perpetually  ex- 
posed to  tempestuous  weather,  in  a  region  where  vegetation 
is  scarcely  visible,  and  where  no  supplies  could  be  obtained  by 
the  unfortunate  mariner,  in  the  event  of  detention  or  shipwreck. 
These  dangers  may  be  encountered,  and  in  part  surmounted, 
by  human  courage  and  enterprise;  but  the  time  that  would  be 
required  to  perform  a  voyage  in  that  direction  would  always  be 
uncertain.  It  would  at  least  occupy  as  many  months  as  the 
present  circuitous  route  to  the  western  shores  of  the  Pacific 
ocean.  It  is  therefore  our  opinion,  that  should  such  a  north- 
west passage  eventually  be  discovered,  its  utility  to  the  com- 
mercial world  would  be  very  trifling.  Waiving,  then,  any  fur- 
ther consideration  of  this  point,  we  will  proceed  to  examine  the 
different  sections  of  the  continent,  where  nature  requires  'but 
little  aid  from  art,  in  order  to  eft'ect  the  great  object  of  a  com- 
munication between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  oceans. 

The  Spanish  and  British  govei-nments  have  at  various  times 
received  the  most  flattering  statements  respecting  the  feasibi- 
lity of  opening  this  communication,  either  entirely  by  water  in 
some  places,  or  by  land  and  water  in  others. 

Nine  different  routes  have  been  proposed :  but  we  shall  con- 
fine our  examination  to  such  places  where  we  think  the  project 
of  cutting  a  canal  may  be  successfully  undertaken,  and  where 
a  laftd  and  water  communication  appears  to  be  perfectly  within 
the  convpass  of  human  exertion  to  accomplish. 

More  than  two  centuries  ago,  the  Spanish  government  knew 
that  in  the  province  of  Clioco^  in  New  Grenada,  the  cutting  of 
a  canal  of  a  few  leagues  would  effect  a  navigable  communica- 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  341 

tion  between  the  two  oceans ;  and  that,  during  the  rainy  sea- 
son, when  the  vallies  of  Choco  were  overflowed,  canoes  passed 
xvith  produce  from  one  sea  to  the  other.  But  they  prohibited, 
under  pain  of  death  to  those  concerned,  all  communication 
whatever  by  that  route.  A  monk,  (the  curate  of  Novilla) 
ignorant  of  the  interdiction,  or  pretending  to  be  so,  assem- 
bled all  the  Indians  in  his  parish,  and  in  a  short  time  cut  a 
canal  between  the  rivers  Atrato  and  San  jfnan, — called  since 
the  canal  of  the  Raspadiira.  Large  canoes,  (bongos  J  loaded 
with  cocoa,  actually  passed  through  it.  This  communication 
was  speedily  stopped,  by  order  of  the  government ;  and  thci 
unlucky  curate  with  great  difficulty  obtained  a  pardon. 

In  the  year  1813,  we  conversed  with  some  intelligent  Span- 
iai'ds  and  Creoles,  at  Carthagena,  respecting  the  Raspadura 
canal ;  and  they  stated,  that  although  it  was  at  present  choked 
up  with  sand  and  bushes,  yet  it  might  soon  be  cleared.  They 
also  stated  that  there  were  several  places  between  the  sources 
of  the  rivers  Atrato  and  San  Juan,  where  a  canal  might  be  cut 
by  a  shorter  route  than  the  one  which  had  been  opened  by  the 
curate  of  Novilla.  The  distance  between  the  navigable  waters 
of  Atrato  and  San  Juan  is  only  thirteen  leagues;  and  from  the 
Pacific  to  the  Atlantic  ocean,  following  the  course  of  the  ravines, 
is  only  eighty  leagues.  No  doubt,  therefore,  can  exist,  that  a 
water  communication  between  the  two  oceans  might  be  accom- 
plished, in  the  province  of  Choco,  by  either  opening  the  for- 
mer canal  of  Raspadura,  or  by  cutting  a  new  one  between  the 
two  rivers  we  have  mentioned.  This  communication  would 
not  admit  the  passage  of  vessels  of  large  burthen,  owing  to 
impediments  in  the  two  rivers,  and  to  the  shallowness  of  the 
water  on  the  bars  at  their  mouths  j  but  as  the  ordinary  pur- 
poses of  commerce  could  be  answered  by  the  use  of  large  flat- 
bottomed  boats,  this  route  merits  great  consideration ;  and  it 
will  doubtless  at  some  future  day  be  the  channel  of  an  impor- 
tant commeixe. 

Besides  this  route,  there  is,  in  the  same  province,  another, 
and,  as  we  were  informed,  a  preferable  one,  by  the  river  Nai- 
pi^  which  empties  into  the  Atrato,  of  which  indeed  it  is  only 
a  branch.     From  the  port  of  Cupica^  on  the  Pacific  ocean,  to 


342  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

the  head  of  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Naipi,  is  only  ?wen- 
ty-four  miles^  and  the  country  between  the  two  places  is  a 
dead  level.  A  canal  might  therefore  be  cut  without  diffi- 
culty. The  course  of  the  Naipi  is  stated  to  be  very  cir- 
cuitous, and  makes  the  distance  of  the  navigation  a  few 
leagues  longer  than  by  the  route  of  the  Raspadura ;  but  the 
circumstance  of  the  waters  of  the  Naipi  being  so  near  the 
port  of  Cupica,  gives  to  this  route  an  important  advantage. 
The  want  of  correct  topographical  knowledge  prevents  us  from 
forming  an  opinion  upon  the  merits  of  these  two  routes  :  but 
there  cannot  exist  a  doubt  that  by  either  of  them  a  communi- 
cation between  the  two  oceans  may  be  established ybr  the  navi- 
gation  of  boats;  and  it  is  possible  that  at  some  future  period, 
when  population  becomes  dense,  and  a  free  trade  shall  be 
permitted  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
shores,  the  province  of  Choco  may  afford  a  channel  for  the 
navigation  of  large  vessels. 

Secondly.  The  Isthmus  of  Dar'ien^  or,  as  it  is  usually  called, 
of  Panama,  is  the  section  of  the  American  continent  most  ce- 
lebrated among  geographers,  authors,  and  projectors,  as  the 
point  at  which  the  two  oceans  may  be  united,  by  means  of  a 
canal,  with  greater  facility  than  at  any  other  place.  The  Span- 
ish government  have  at  different  times  endeavoured  to  obtain 
accurate  surveys  of  the  Isthmus ;  and  for  that  purpose,  engi- 
neers of  eminence  and  capacity  have  been  employed.  Some 
of  the  reports  that  were  officially  made  on  this  subject  contain 
the  most  extravagant  statements, — such  as,  that  by  cutting  a 
canal  of  about  txvehe  leagues^  following  the  course  of  the  ra- 
vines at  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  a  passage  may  be  opened 
as  wide  as  the  Gut  of  Gibraltar^  from  the  bay  of  Panama  to 
the  navigable  waters  of  Cruces  or  Chagre.  Other  reporters 
have  stated,  that  such  water  communication  cannot  be  accom- 
plished but  by  locks  and  tunnels,  passing  over  an  elevation  of 
at  least  yiz^r  hundred  feet.  In  one  point,  however,  all  these 
statements  accord, — viz.  that  by  a  good  road  from  Panama  to 
the  place  of  embarkation  on  the  river  Cruces,  property  of  any 
description  or  weight  might  be  conveyed  in  carriages;  and,  as 
the  distance  is  only  about  twenty-three  niiles^  this  place  would 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  343 

undoubtedly  afford  a  more  rapid  and  shorter  route  between 
the  two  oceans  than  any  yet  pointed  out. 

During  the  administration  of  William  Pitt,  various  projects 
were  presented  to  him,  tending  to  show  the  feasibility  of  cut- 
ting a  canal  through  the  Isthmus^  sufficiently  wide  and  deep 
to  admit  vessels  of  the  largest  size  ;  and  it  is  well  known  that 
this  statesman  frequently  among  his  friends  spoke  with  rapture 
on  the  subject,  and  that  it  constituted  one  of  the  great  consi- 
derations in  his  mind  when  forming  his  plans  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  Spanish  America. 

So  late  as  the  year  1810,  the  Edinburgh  Reviewers  appeared 
to  have  entertained  the  same  opinion;  for  we  find,  in  the  num- 
ber for  January  of  that  year,  the  following  observations : — 

*'/n  enumerating^  hoivevcr^  the  advantages  of  a  comviercial 
nature  xvhich  would  as  sure  dlij  spring  from  the  emancipation  of 
South  America^  zue  have  not  yet  noticed  the  greatest^  perhaps^ 
of  all ^ — the  mightiest  event,  probably,  in  favour  of  the  peaceful 
intercourse  of  nations,  xvhich  the  physical  circumstances  of  the 
globe  present  to  the  enterprise  of  man — /  mean,  the  formation 
of  a  navigable  passage  across  the  Isthmus  of  Pana7na, — the 
junction  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans.  It  is  remarkable^ 
that  this  magnificent  undertaking,  pregnant  -with  consequences 
so  importa7it  to  mankind,  and  about  xvhich  so  little  is  knoxvn  in 
this  countrij,  is  so  far  from  being  a  romantic  and  chimerical 
project,  that  it  is  not  only  practicable,  but  easy.''^  The  writer 
proceeds  to  point  out  the  means  by  which  this  great  work  can. 
be  effected;  and  then  launches  forth  into  a  detail  of  the  advan- 
tages which  would  result  to  the  commercial  and  civilized 
world,  by  thus  bringing  Asia  nearer  to  Europe,  &c. 

It  is  with  diffidence  we  venture  to  combat  opinions  emanat- 
ing from  such  respectable  sources ;  but  all  details,  tending  to 
disembarrass  this  important  and  interesting  question,  must  be 
acceptable. 

Our  inforrnation  on  this  subject  has  been  obtained  from  re- 
spectable individuals  at  Carthagena  and  famaica,  who  visited 
the  Isthmus  from  commercial  views,  or  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  a  personal  examination  into  the  facilities  or  difficulties 
of  cutting  the  so  much  talked  of  navigable  canal.     It  is  there- 


344  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

fore  presumable,  that  intelligence  from  such  sources  is  correct. 
We  have  likewise  carefullv  examined  the  observations  of  Wil- 
liam Walton  Esq.,  of  London,  on  this  subject,  published  in 
the  fifth  and  sixth  numbers  of  the  Colonial  Journal  of  March 
and  June,  1817;  and  as  Mr.  Walton's  remarks  have  likewise 
been  founded  on  personal  investigation,  during  a  visit  he  made 
to  Panama,  we  think  his  opinions  worthy  of  great  attention, 
more  especially  as  all  his  works  on  South  America  arc  cha- 
racterized by  liberality,  and  bear  the  impress  of  his  ardent  at- 
tachment to  the  cause  of  rational  liberty,  and  his  consequent 
desire  to  promote  and  extend  the  commercial  intercourse  be- 
tween the  Old  and  New  World. 

The  river  Chagre  empties  itself  into  the  Atlantic  ocean, 
about  the  latitude  of  9°  18'  north,  and  80°  35'  west  longitude; 
it  is  navigable  for  boats  (or  large  bongos)  about  twenty  leagues, 
to  the  town  of  Criices :  the  bar,  at  the  entrance  of  the  river, 
will  not  admit  of  the  passage  of  a  vessel  drawing  more  water 
than  ten  feet.  The  current  in  the  river,  at  certain  seasons,  is 
extremely  rapid ;  so  that  boats  are  sometimes  fifteen  or  twenty 
days  getting  to  Cruces ;  but  this  disadvantage  could  be  reme- 
died by  steam  vessels. 

A  chain  of  mountains,  which  Humboldt  considers  a  prolon- 
gation of  the  Andes  of  New  Grenada,  runs  through  the  Isth- 
mus, following  the  curvature  of  the  coast,  and  is  flanked  by 
other  lofty  hills,  rising  on  both  sides.  The  road  from  Cruces 
to  Panama  winds  round  the  sides  of  those  hills,  or  rather  along 
their  central  base.  Supposing  a  canal  to  be  cut  at  the  foot  of 
those  hills,  pursuing  the  sinuosities  of  the  ravines,  it  would 
nevertheless  be  necessary  for  the  engineer  to  make  use  of 
arches  in  some  places,  and  subterraneous  passages  in  others, 
in  order  to  obtain  a  level ;  and  he  would  likewise  have  to  car- 
rv  the  canal  over  an  elevation  of  some  hundred  feet.  But  even 
admitting  that  huiTian  ingenuity  and  labour  should  surmount 
the  physical  obstacles,  and  that  a  canal  should  be  completed 
from  Cruces  to  Panama,  we  nevertheless  encounter  at  the  lat- 
ter an  impediment  that  we  firmly  believe  to  be  insuperable. 

The  water  along  the  coast,  in  the  bay  of  Panama,  is  so  shal- 
low, that  none  but  flat-bottomed  boats,  of  one  or  two  feet 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  345 

draught  of  water,  can  approach  the  shore.  The  city  of  Pana- 
ma is  situated  at  the  head  of  the  gulf  of  that  name,  on  a  penin- 
sula washed  by  the  waters  of  the  Pacific  ocean.  A  marine 
gate  faces  the  port,  which  by  the  Spaniards  is  called  "£/  Pu- 
erto de  las  Piraguas^''  from  its  being  the  place  of  resort  of  the 
boats  so  called.  On  the  other  side,  facing  the  Isthmus,  is  an- 
other gate,  called  "Za  Puerta  de  la  Tierra^''  or  land  gate.  To 
the  south,  the  town  is  surrounded  and  defended  by  a  range  of 
small  islands.  The  anchorage  place  for  all  vessels  of  large 
size,  is  at  two  small  islands,  called  Perico  and  Flaminco^  dis- 
tant about  seven  miles  from  the  city.  The  lading  and  unlad- 
ing of  vessels  is  therefore  tedious  and  expensive ;  and  in  fact 
the  bay  of  Panama  is  nothing  more  than  an  open  roadstead. 
The  extreme  shallowness  of  the  water  near  the  beach,  not 
only  in  the  bay,  but  along  the  whole  coast,  opposite  to  those 
places  where  the  projectors  of  the  canal  have  contemplated 
cutting  a  passage,  seems,  as  we  have  before  observed,  to  pre- 
sent a  most  serious  obstacle  to  its  execution.  Supposing  that 
by  locks  and  tunnels,  and  excavations,  the  Isthmus  should  be 
perforated  from  Cruces  to  the  shores  of  the  bay  of  Panama, 
the  canal  must  then  be  continued  to  a  distance  of  seven  miles 
into  the  ocean,  to  admit  the  navigation  of  large  vessels.  We 
conceive  it  possible  to  make  such  a  channel  into  the  ocean,  but 
it  appears  to  us  to  be  an  Herculean  task.  Besides,  such  a 
channel  would  be  liable  to  the  operation  of  the  same  causes 
that  have  thrown  up  the  sand  along  the  shore  of  the  bay,  and 
would  consequently  be  perpetually  filling  v;p.  But  even  ad- 
mitting that  all  these  impediments  could  be  overcome,  and  that 
a  passage  should  be  opened  sufficient  to  allow  vessels  drawing 
eighteen  or  twenty  feet  of  water  to  proceed  as  far  as  Cruces, 
they  would  not  then  find  a  sufficiency  of  water  to  descend  the 
Chagre  and  to  pass  the  bar  at  its  mouth  :  it  would  be  necessa- 
ry therefore  to  continue  the  canal  by  another  route,  through 
the  entire  Isthmus,  before  it  could  be  used  as  a  passage  for  the 
navigation  of  large  vessels. 

.    We  shall  rejoice  if  future  surveys  of  the  Isthmus  prove  that 
the  obstacles  we  have  suggested  either  do  not  exist,  or  that 
they  may  be  surmounted.     For  we  readily  confess,  that  there 
(44) 


346  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

is  not  a  point  where  it  would  be  more  desirable  to  carry  this 
design  into  execution,  than  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  not  only 
on  account  of  its  central  position,  but  from  the  short  distance 
between  the  two  oceans. 

Some  writers  have  suggested,  that  the  cutting  of  a  canal  at 
this  Isthmus  would  produce  a  serious  physical  revolution  in 
the  adjacent  country,  arising  from  a  supposed  difference  in  the 
height  of  the  waters  on  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  shores.  Some 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  say,  that  the  whole  Isthmus  would  be 
inundated,  and  the  present  course  of  the  Gulf  Stream  be  en- 
tirely changed.  But  we  consider  that  Humboldt  and  other 
s(^avans  of  the  age  have  completely  refuted  the  theory  of  a 
difference  in  the  elevation  of  the  waters  of  the  Pacific  and  At- 
lantic oceans.  The  only  difficulty,  in  our  estimation,  is,  to 
find  out  a  practicable  route  for  a  canal  capable  of  admitting 
large  vessels  to  pass  from  one  ocean  to  another ;  but  although 
such  a  route  cannot  be  discovered,  and  the  obstacles  we  have 
suggested  cannot  be  surmounted,  yet  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 
must  be  viewed  as  a  place  which  from  its  geographic  position 
and  other  advantages  appears  destined  to  enjoy  a  considerable 
future  trade,  but  never  to  become  a  great  commercial  empo- 
rium. 

Thirdly.  We  now  come  to  treat  of  a  section  of  the  Ameri- 
can continent,  where  the  magnificent  scheme  of  cutting  a  na- 
vigable canal,  between  the  two  oceans,  appears  unincumbered 
with  any  natural  obstacles. 

The  province  of  Costa  Rica^  or,  as  it  is  named  by  some  ge- 
ographers, Nicaragua^  has  occupied  but  the  very  cursory  no- 
tice of  either  Spanish  or  other  writers  ;  they  have  all,  however, 
stated,  that  a  communication  could  be  opened  by  the  lake  of 
Nicaragua,  between  the  two  seas,  but  no  accurate  description 
of  the  country  has  ever  been  published,  and  indeed  so  com- 
pletely has  the  mind  of  the  public  been  turned  towards  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama,  as  the  favoured  spot  where  the  canal 
should  be  cut,  that  Costa  Rica  has  been  disregarded. 

In  looking  over  the  excellent  maps  of  Meiish  and  doctor 
Robinson,  recently  published,  we  perceive  that  the  river  called 
Sun  Juan  discharges  its  waters  into  the  Atlantic  ocean^  in  the 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  347 

promnce  of  Costa  Rica^  about  the  latitude  of  10°  45'  north. 
This  noble  river  has  its  source  in  the  lake  of  Nicaragua.  The 
bar  at  its  mouth  has  been  generally  stated  as  not  having  more 
than  twelve  feet  water  on  it.  About  sixteen  years  ago,  an  en- 
terprising Englishman,  who  casually  visited  the  river,  examin- 
ed the  different  passages  over  the  bar,  and  discovered  one, 
which,  although  narrow,  would  admit  a  vessel  drawing  twen- 
ty-five feet.  It  is  said  that  some  of  the  traders  to  that  coast 
from  Honduras,  are  likewise  acquainted  with  the  passage  just 
mentioned,  but  it  has  never  been  laid  down  on  any  map  ;  and 
if  the  Spanish  government  had  been  informed  of  it,  they  would, 
conformably  to  their  usual  policy,  have  studiously  concealed 
it.  After  the  bar  of  the  San  fuan  is  crossed,  there  is  excel- 
lent and  safe  anchorage  in  four  and  six  fathoms  of  water.  It 
is  stated  that  there  are  no  obstructions  to  the  navigation  of  the 
river,  but  what  may  be  easily  removed  ;  and  at  present  large 
brigs  and  schooners  sail  up  the  river  into  the  lake.  This  im- 
portant fact  has  been  communicated  to  us  by  several  traders. 
The  waters  of  the  lake,  throughout  its  whole  extent,  are  from 
three  to  eight  fathoms  in  depth. 

In  the  lake  are  some  beautiful  islands,  which,  with  the  coun- 
try aro!ind  its  boi'ders,  form  a  romantic  and  most  enchanting 
scenery.  At  its  western  extremity  is  a  small  river,  which  com- 
municates with  the  lake  of  Leon^  distant  about  eight  leagues. 
From  the  latter,  as  well  as  from  Nicaragua,  there  are  some 
small  rivers  which  flow  into  the  Pacific  ocean, — the  distance 
from  the  lake  of  Leon  to  the  ocean  is  only  about  thirteen  miles ^ 
and  from  Nicarag-iia  to  the  gulf  of  Papagayo^  in  the  Pacific 
ocean,  is  only  twenty-one  miles.  The  ground  between  the  two 
lakes  and  the  sea  is  a  dead  level.  The  only  inequalities  seen 
are  some  isolated  conical  hills,  of  a  volcanic  origin.  There 
are  two  places  where  a  canal  could  be  cut  with  the  greatest 
facility  :  the  one,  from  the  coast  of  Nicoya^  (or,  as  it  is  called 
in  some  of  the  maps,  Caldera^)  to  the  lake  of  Leon,  a  dis- 
tance of  thirteen  or  fifteen  miles;  the  other,  from  the  gulf  of 
Papagayo  to  the  lake  of  Nicaragua^  a  distance  of  about  txventy- 
one  or  txventy-five  miles.  The  coast  of  Nicoya  and  the  gulf  of 
Papagayo  are  free  from  rocks  and  shoals,  particularly  in  the 


348  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

gulf,  whose  shore  is  so  bold  that  a  frigate  may  anchor  within 
a  few  yards  of  the  beach.  Some  navigators  have  represented 
the  coasts  of  Costa  Rica,  as  well  on  the  Pacific  as  on  the  At- 
lantic side,  as  being  subject  to  severe  tempests ;  and  hence 
these  storms  have  been  called  Papagaijos :  but  we  have  con- 
versed with  several  mariners  who  have  experienced  them,  and 
have  been  assured  that  they  are  trifling  when  compared  Avith 
the  dreadful  hurricanes  experienced  among  the  Antilles,  in 
the  months  of  August,  September,  and  October.  The  Papa- 
gayos  are  merely  strong  north-east  gales,  which  last  about  the 
same  time,  during  the  winter  season,  as  the  northern  gales  in 
the  gulf  of  Mexico.  More  than  half  the  3'ear  the  seasons  are 
perfectly  tranquil,  and  more  especially  on  the  coast  of  the  Pa- 
cific ocean.  We  have  conversed  with  persons,  residents  of 
the  city  of  Leon,  who  assured  us,  that  for  twenty  years  past 
they  had  not  experienced  any  thing  deserving  the  name  of  a 
hurricane. 

The  climate  of  Costa  Rica  has  none  of  the  deleterious  qua- 
lities of  the  province  of  Choco  and  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 
The  sea  breezes  from  the  Pacific  as  well  as  Atlantic  set  in 
steadily  every  morning,  and  diffuse  over  the  whole  Isthmus  of 
Costa  Rica  a  perpetual  freshness.  We  think  it  is  not  hazard- 
ing too  much  to  say,  that  this  part  of  the  American  continent 
is  the  most  salubrious  of  all  the  tropical  regions.  The  most 
finely  formed  and  robust  race  of  Indians  of  any  part  of  the 
American  continent,  are  here  to  be  seen.  The  soil  is  peculi- 
arly fertile,  particularly  in  the  vicinity  of  the  river  San  Juan, 
and  around  the  borders  of  the  lakes  Nicaragua  and  Leon. 

From  the  preceding  outline,  it  will  be  perceived  that  nature 
has  already  provided  a  water  conveyance  through  this  Isth- 
mus, to  within  a  few  leagues  of  the  Pacific  ocean ;  but,  sup- 
posing that  the  route  we  have  mentioned,  up  the  river  San 
Juan  and  through  the  lake  of  Nicaragua,  should,  when  accu- 
rately surveyed,  discover  obstructions  (which  we  do  not  anti- 
cipate) to  the  navigation  of  large  vessels,  where  would  exist 
the  difficulty,  in  such  case,  of  cutting  a  canal  thi'ough  the  en- 
tire Isthmus  ?  The  whole  distance  is  only  one  hundred  and 
nineti/,  or  at  most  tiuo  hundred  miles  from  the  Atlantic  ocean 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  349 

to  the  gulf  of  Papagayo.  There  is  scarcely  ten  miles  of  the 
distance  but  what  passes  over  a  plain;  and  by  digging  the  ca- 
nal near  the  banks  of  the  river  San  Juan,  and  the  margin  of 
the  lake  of  Nicaragua,  an  abundant  supply  of  water  could  be 
procured  for  a  canal  of  any  depth  or  width.  Surely  the  mag- 
nil^ude  of  such  an  undertaking  would  not  be  a  material  objec- 
tion', ii^  the  present  age  of  enterprise  and  improvement,  espe- 
cially when  we  look  at  what  has  been  accomplished  in  Europe, 
and  at  the  splendid  canal  now  cutting  in  our  own  country,  in 
the  state  of  New  York.  It  may  be  said,  that  the  present 
povei'ty  of  the  country,  and  its  spare  population,  are  powerful 
obstacles  to  the  execution  of  the  project.  If  Costa  Rica  were 
in  possession  of  a  liberal  government,  willing  to  lend  its  en- 
couragement to  the  important  object,  capital  in  abundance 
would  speedily  be  forthcoming,  either  from  Great  Britain  or 
from  the  United  States.  Enterprising  companies  could  soon 
be  formed;  and  we  hazard  little  in  predicting  that  the  canal 
stock  of  such  an  association  would  yield  a  profit  far  greater 
than  that  of  any  other  company  in  the  world.  With  regard  to 
the  difficulty  of  procuring  labourers  in  the  present  state  of  the 
population  of  the  country,  it  could  soon  be  obviated.  The 
Indians  of  Guatimala  and  Tiicatan  would  flock  to  the  Isthmus 
of  Costa  Rica  in  thousands,  provided  the  banners  of  freedom 
were  hoisted  there,  under  any  government  capable  of  aflfbrding 
them  protection,  and  rewarding  them  for  their  labour.  The 
present  condition  of  those  unfortunate  people  is  wixtched  be- 
yond conception,  particularly  of  those  in  the  interior  of  Yuca- 
tan. We  have  seen  them  attending  INIass,  and  accompanying 
religious  processions,  in  hundreds  and  thousands,  almost  in  a 
state  of  nudity.  Adults  had  a  covering  over  their  loins,  and 
sometimes  a  shiit  and  a  pair  of  drawers ;  but  children  of  both 
sexes,  under  ten  and  twelve  years  of  age,  were  literally  naked. 
The  fruits  of  their  labour  are  absorbed  by  the  exactions  of 
their  civil,  military,  and  ecclesiastical  despots  :  they  feel  no 
stimulus  to  industry,  when  they  are  debarred  from  enjoying 
or  inheriting  its  fruits  :  they  pass  a  life  of  ignorance  and  apa- 
thy, and  die  in  misery.  Unfold  to  these  unfortunate  beings 
a  new  and  rational  mode  of  existence,  offer  them  moderate 


350  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

wages  and  comfortable  clothing,  give  them  personal  protection, 
and  allow  them  the  advantages  of  a  free  external  and  internal 
commerce,  and  they  would  soon  display  a  different  character. 
Offer  to  the  view  of  the  Indians  these  blessings,  and  multi- 
tudes would  repair  to  the  proposed  point,  from  all  the  adja- 
cent countries.  Under  such  circumstances,  we  do  not  enter- 
tain any  doubt  that  tiventy^  tlnrtij^  or  even  fifty  thousand 
Indians  could  be  procured  for  the  work  in  question,  who  would 
give  their  labour  with  gratitude  for  a  moderate  compensation. 
Every  Indian  among  the  natives  of  Costa  Rica  would  rejoice 
at  the  prospect  of  being  employed  and  paid  for  his  labour, — 
and  more  especially  in  the  execution  of  an  undertaking  that 
even  to  his  untutored  mind  would  present  such  obvious  ad- 
vantages to  his  country  and  to  his  posterity. 

We  feel  great  pleasure  in  stating,  that  many  of  these  ideas 
are  derived  from  an  interesting  and  able  memoir,  written  by 
the  late  Bryan  Edwards,  the  celebrated  historian  of  the  West 
Indies.  We  perused  it,  several  years  since,  at  Jamaica;  and, 
although  we  have  not  seen  it  among  any  of  the  published 
•works  of  that  distinguished  writer,  we  believe  the  memoir  was 
laid  before  the  British  government.  Bryan  Edwards  was  per- 
fectly aware  of  the  importance  of  Costa  Rica  to  the  British 
nation,  and  of  the  practicability  of  forming  the  communication 
between  the  two  seas  in  the  manner  we  have  suggested  ;  and 
he  made  use  of  the  most  cogent  and  eloquent  reasoning,  to 
induce  his  government  to  seize  the  Isthmus  of  Costa  Rica  by 
conquest  in  xvar^  or  to  obtain  it  by  negotiation  in  peace.  We 
presume  the  British  government  have  not  lost  sight  of  those 
representations,  nor  of  other  interesting  communications  on  the 
same  subject  which  have  been  made  to  them  by  several  intel- 
ligent individuals  who  had  resided  in  the  bay  of  Honduras. 
The  Isthmus  of  Costa  Rica  mav  hereafter  become  to  the  New, 
what  the  Isthmus  of  Suez  was  to  the  Old  World,  prior  to  the 
discovery  of  the  route  to  Asia  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

Should  a  canal  be  cut  through  Costa  Rica,  of  sufficient  di- 
mensions to  admit  the  passage  of  the  largest  vessels,  and  ports 
of  free  commerce  to  all  nations  be  established  at  the  mouths 
of  this  canal  on  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  oceans,  there  cannot 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  351 

be  a  doubt  that  in  less  than  a  century  this  Isthmus  would  be- 
come the  greatest  commercial  thoroughfare  in  the  world.  Let 
the  reader  cast  his  eye  upon  the  map,  and  behold  its  important 
geographical  position.  Nearly  central  as  respects  the  distance 
•between  Cape  Horn  and  the  north-west  coast  of  America, — 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  two  great  oceans,  superseding  the  neces- 
sity of  the  circuitous  and  perilous  navigation  around  Cape 
Horn, — it  appears  to  be  the  favoured  spot  destined  by  nature 
to  be  the  heart  of  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

The  most  ardent  imagination  would  fail  in  an  attempt  to 
portray  all  the  important  and  beneficial  consequences  which 
would  result  from  the  execution  of  this  work,  whose  magni- 
tude and  grandeur  are  worthy  the  profound  attention  of  every 
commercial  nation.  It  is  indeed  a  subject  so  deeply  and  ge- 
nerally interesting,  that  the  powerful  nations  of  the  Old  and 
those  of  the  New  World  should  discard  from  its  examination 
all  selfish  or  ambitious  considerations.  Should  the  work  be 
undertaken,  let  it  be  executed  on  a  magnificent  scale  ;  and, 
when  completed,  let  it  become,  like  the  ocean,  a  highway  of 
nations,  the  enjoyment  of  which  shall  be  guarantied  by  them 
all,  and  which  shall  be  exempt  from  the  caprice  or  regulations 
of  any  one  kingdom  or  state.  This  idea  may  at  first  view 
appear  as  extravagant  as  it  is  novel ;  but  we  cannot  perceive 
any  thing  in  it  that  is  not  in  unison  with  the  liberal  and  enter- 
prising spirit  of  the  present  age;  and  we  feel  perfectly  assured 
that  if  it  receive  the  encouragement  and  support  of  the  nations 
of  the  Old  World,  those  who  will  hereafter  govern  in  the  New 
will  not  hesitate  in  the  relinquishment  of  a  few  leagues  of  ter- 
ritory on  the  American  continent,  for  the  general  benefit  of 
mankind ;  and  more  especially  when  America  herself  must 
derive  permanent  and  incalculable  advantages  from  being  the 
great  channel  of  communication  between  the  Oriental  and 
Western  World. 

Fourthly.  Having  thus  attempted  to  elucidate  the  extraor- 
dinary and  peculiar  advantages  which  Costa  Rica  possesses 
for  the  establishment  of  a  navigable  intercourse  between  the 
two  seas,  we  will  now  proceed  to  examine  another  position, 
which,  although  it  is  deficient  in  some  of  the  natural  advan- 


352  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

tages  of  Costa  Rica,  still  possesses  others  of  so  important  a 
character  as  to  render  it  almost  doubtful  with  us  at  which  of 
the  two  places  the  desired  communication  ought  first  to  be 
opened.  Were  we  to  consult  the  present  and  future  interests 
of  Mexico^  and  of  the  republic  of  the  United  States^  we  should 
say  that  the  Mexican  Isthmus,  or,  as  it  is  more  properly  de- 
signated, the  Isthjnus  of  Tehuantepec^  is  the  section  of  all 
others  on  the  American  continent,  where  the  communication 
between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  oceans  should  be  made :  but 
as  we  are  desirous  of  seeing  the  blessings  of  commerce  ex- 
tensively diffused  for  the  benefit  of  the  human  race  gene- 
rally, and  not  of  any  nation  in  particular,  Ave  should  rejoice 
to  see  the  communication  between  the  two  seas  simultane- 
ously opened  at  every  place  where  it  is  practicable,  whether 
by  land  or  water,  or  by  the  latter  solely,  thereby  exciting 
emulation,  and  widening  the  range  of  commercial  enterprise. 
We  do  not  advocate  a  system  ot  commercial  aggrandizement 
which  seeks  to  raise  itself  by  the  oppression  and  ruin  of  other 
nations,  nor  a  system  of  restrictions  at  variance  with  the 
laws  of  nature  and  the  happiness  of  mankind.  We  wish  to 
see  the  two  great  oceans  of  our  globe  brought  nearer  to  each 
other  by  canals  and  high  roads,  at  such  places  as  the  God  of 
nature  has  evidently  destined  for  channels  of  communication; 
and  that  they  should  no  longer  remain  dark  and  dreary  deserts, 
such  as  they  have  been  for  ages,  under  the  antisocial  princi- 
ples of  the  Spanish  government. 

The  Isthmus  of  Tehiiantepec  is  comprised  in  a  tract  of  ter- 
ritory embracing  the  intendancy  of  Oaxaca  and  part  of  that  of 
Vera  Cruz.  On  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  it  extends  from 
a  place  called  Tonala^  on  the  borders  of  Guatimala,  to  the  pro- 
vince of  La  Puebla.  On  the  Atlantic  coast,  or  rather  in  the 
great  bend  of  the  Mexican  Gulf,  it  extends  from  the  bay  of 
Alvarado  to  Yucatan,  including  the  province  of  Tabasco.  The 
greatest  breadth  of  the  Isthmus,  within  those  limits,  is  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles.  The  narrowest  part  is 
between  the  port  of  Guasacualco  in  the  Gulf,  and  the  bay  of 
Tehuantepec  on  the  Pacific  ocean.  The  latitude  of  the  former 
is  about  18°  30',  and  of  the  latter  about  16°  30'.     From  tht 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  353 

summit  of  a  mountain  called  Chillilo,  or  La  Gineta,  on  a  clear 
day,  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  can  be  distinctly  seen. 
We  have  conversed  with  many  persons  in  the  city  of  Oaxaca, 
who  had  visited  the  mountain  for  the  sole  purpose  of  enjoying 
this' interesting  spectacle;  and  they  speak  in  the  most  raptur- 
ous strains  of  the  sublimity  of  the  surrounding  scenery,  as  well 
as  of  the  beauty  and  grandeur  which  the  view  of  the  two 
oceans  presents.  A  chain  of  mountains,  which  may  be  termed 
a  continuation  of  the  Andes,  runs  through  the  centre  of  this 
Isthmus,  the  elevation  of  which  above  the  ocean  varies  from 
five  or  six  thousand  to  three  or  four  hundred  feet.  From 
some  extraordinary  convulsion  of  nature,  vast  chasms  or  ra- 
vines have  been  formed  among  those  mountains,  which  we 
shall  hereafter  speak  of,  as  it  is  by  means  of  those  fissures  that 
nature  appears  to  point  out  to  man  the  practicability  of  form- 
ing a  water  communication  between  the  two  seas.  During  the 
rainy  season,  these  chasms  contain  a  vastbody  of  water,  which 
seeks  its  discharge  by  rivers  flowing  into  the  Pacific  and  Atlan- 
tic oceans.  The  Indians  of  the  Isthmus,  particularly  those  of 
Tabasco  and  Tehuantepec,  assert  that  they  pass  with  their 
canoes  entirely  through  the  Isthmus.  We  endeavoured,  while 
at  Oaxaca,  to  ascertain  that  fact ;  and  we  are  convinced  that 
when  the  waters  are  at  their  height  during  the  rainy  season, 
a  canoe  may  pass,  by  the  sinuosities  of  the  ravines,  from  the 
river  Guasacualco  to  the  rivers  Chimalapa  and  Tehuantepec. 
There  is  no  part  of  the  Mexican  kingdom  watered  by  such 
noble  rivers  as  this  Isthmus.  We  shall  merely  notice  a  few 
of  the  most  considerable.  Guaspala^  Tustepec^  Cahas^  and 
several  others  with  whose  names  we  are  unacquainted,  dis- 
charge their  waters  in  the  bay  of  Alvarado,  a  few  leagues  to 
the  south-east  of  the  city  of  Vera  f  ruz.  The  St.  Pierre  and 
Tabasco  disembogue  near  each  other  on  the  coast  of  Tabasco. 
Those  rivers  have  their  sources  in  the  mountains  of  Oaxaca, 
Vera  Cruz,  and  Chiapa.  They  flow  through  a  country  as  fer- 
tile as  any  in  New  Spain,  abounding  in  forests  of  the  most 
valuable  timber ;  and  are  navigable  at  all  seasons  for  large 
boats,  (bongos,)  and  during  the  floods  have  water  sufficient 
for  the  largest  vessels.  On  these  rivers,  at  some  future  time, 
(45) 


354  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

steam  navigatwn  may  be  made  to  afford  similar  benefits  to 
those  it  now  yields  on  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio.  On  the 
western  side  of  the  mountains,  there  are  several  important 
streams  descending  into  the  Pacific  ocean.  Chimalapa  and 
Te/mantepec  discharge  into  the  bay  bearing  the  name  of.  the 
latter.  The  majestic  river  Giutsacualco  empties  into  the  bay 
of  the  same  name,  in  the  Mexican  Gulf.  The  sources  of  the 
three  last  named  rivers  are  within  five  leagues  of  each  other; 
but,  as  we  have  before  mentioned,  when  the  ravines  of  the 
mountains  are  filled  with  water,  canoes  may  pass  from  the 
rivers  Chimalapa  and  Tehuantepec  to  Guasacualco.  We  will 
not  positively  assert  that  a  navigable  canal  may  be  formed,  so 
as  to  unite  the  waters  of  these  three  rivers.^  We  however 
believe  it  practicable.  The  point  will  be  decided,  when  the 
Isthmus  shall  hereafter  be  properly  surveyed.  In  the  mean- 
time, we  will  examine  the  importance  of  the  Isthmus,  as  a 
means  of  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
oceans,  even  should  a  canal  never  be  formed. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  river  Guasacualco,  is  the  most  spacious 
and  secure  harbour  of  any  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Mexico. 
It  is  the  only  port  in  the  Mexican  Gulf,  where  vessels  of  war, 
and  others  of  a  large  size,  can  enter ;  and  is  far  superior 
either  to  Pensacola  or  Espiritu  Santo.  There  are,  at  all  sea- 
sons, on  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  port,  txventy-two  feet 
water ;  and  it  is  said,  that  during  the  flood  of  the  river,  the 
bar  occasionally  shifts,  and  affords  passages  in  five  and  six 
fathoms  water.  Some  years  ago,  a  Spanish  ship  of  the  line, 
called  the  Asia,  crossed  the  bar  of  Guasacualco,  and  anchored 
in  the  port.  We  have  heard  of  some  ports  to  the  northward 
of  Vera  Cruz,  capable  of  admitting  vessels  of  a  large  size ; 
of  these,  Matagorda  has  been  stated  to  have  txve7jti/  feet  water 
on  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour:  it  is  in  latitude  28°  30', 
about  half-way  between  the  rivers  Sabine  and  Del  Norte.  But 
from  recent  information  which  we  have  obtained  from  the 
officers  of  the  United  States'  navy,  who  have  been  cruising  in 
that  vicinity,  we  are  induced  to  believe  that  there  is  not  a  sin- 
gle safe  port  in  the  whole  range  of  the  coast  in  the  Gulf,  with 
the  exception  of  Guasacualco,     Vera  Cruz  is  little  more  than 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  355 

an  open  roadstead;  and  during  the  northern  gales,  vessels  are 
frequently  driven  ashore  in  that  port.  Ships  of  war,  and  other 
large  vessels,  are  moored  by  cables  made  fast  to  rings  in  the 
walls  of  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  situated  on  a  small 
island  in  the  centre  of  the  harbour ;  but  during  heavy  gales, 
they  are  even  here  exposed  to  the  danger  of  foundering. 

The  river  Guasacualco  is  navigable  for  vessels  of  the  largest 
size,  to  within  twelve  leagues  of  the  navigable  waters  of  Chi^ 
malapa  and  Telmantepec.  The  latter  river  admits  from  the 
Pacific  ocean  vessels  drawing  twenty  feet  water.  It  was  on 
this  river  the  celebrated  Cortez  constructed  ships,  when  he 
sent  Pedro  de  Alvarado  to  conquer  Guatimala.  No  doubt 
therefore  exists,  that  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  can  be  en- 
tered on  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  coasts,  by  the  rivers  before 
mentioned,  and  that  a  good  carriage  road  might  be  made,  of 
from  txvelve  to  fourteen  leagues^  along  the  sides  of  the  moun- 
tains, by  which  all  species  of  merchandise  could  be  transport- 
ed with  ease,  in  a  few  hours^  from  the  navigable  waters  of  Chi- 
malapa  and  Tehuantepec,  to  those  of  Guasacualco. 

There  is  no  part  of  New  Spain  where  such  a  road  could  be 
made  with  so  much  facility ;  and  indeed,  if  on  a  topographical 
survey  of  the  Isthmus,  it  shall  be  found  practicable  to  cut  a 
canal,  there  is  no  place  where  such  an  undertaking  could  be 
accomplished  with  such  ease  as  in  the  province  of  Oaxaca. 

It  is  proper  that  we  should  here  present  the  reader  with  a 
brief  description  of  this  intendancy,  in  order  to  give  him  some 
idea  of  its  present  and  probable  future  importance. 

The  intendancy  of  Oaxaca  is  bounded  on  the  north  and  north- 
east by  that  of  Vera  Cruz,  by  the  captaincy  general  of  Guatima- 
la on  the  south-east,  by  the  intendancy  of  La  Puebla  on  the 
west  and  north-west,  and  by  the  Pacific  ocean  on  the  south.  In 
its  boundaries  are  comprehended  a  great  part  of  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  as  before  described.  It  is  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  leagues  in  length,  from  east  to  west,  and  its  greatest 
breadth  about  ninety  leagues.  Notwithstanding  the  contracted 
limits  of  this  province,  and  although  not  one-eighth  of  it  is  yet 
cultivated,  it  has  a  population,  in  proportion  to  its  surface,  far 
greater  than  any  other  province  in  New  Spain.  According  to  a 


356  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN, 

census  taken  in  1808,  it  contained  six  /wnclre J  thousand  inh^b't- 
tants.  The  number  of  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  exceeds  eig-ht 
hundred.  We  have  visited  several  villages,  containing  six  and 
seven  thousand  inhabitants.  The  city  of  Oaxaca  (or  Ante- 
quera)  contains  about  thirty-eight  thousand  inhabitants ;  and, 
as  we  have  observed  in  a  foi'iner  chapter,  this  city  equals,  if  it 
does  not  surpass,  the  capital  of  the  Mexican  kingdom,  in  its 
beautiful  streets  and  squares,  as  well  as  in  the  splendour  of  its 
edifices.  Its  salubrity  is  unequalled  on  the  American  conti- 
nent; even  its  shores  on  the  Pacific  ocean  appear  exempted 
from  the  usual  diseases  which  afflict  the  inhabitants  of  the  At- 
lantic and  South  Sea  coasts. 

The  population  of  Tehuantepec^  which  is  situated  on  the  river, 
only  six  leagues  from  the  ocean,  and  about  the  latitude  of  16" 
30',  are  among  the  most  active  and  health}^  race  of  Indians  we 
have  ever  seen.  The  Indian  females  of  Tehuantepec  may  be 
properly  called  the  Circassians  of  Southern  America.  Their 
piercing  eyes  give  to  their  countenance  an  extraordinary  ani- 
mation ;  their  long  black  hair  is  neatly  plaited,  and  adorned 
with  combs  made  of  gold  or  tortoise  shell ;  while  the  celerity 
and  grace  of  their  movements  strike  a  stranger  with  astonish- 
ment. They  are  very  industrious,  and  manufacture  nearly  all 
their  own  clothing.  They  are  remarkable  for  their  cleanliness, 
and  are  fond  of  bathing.  The  Spanish  government,  during 
the  present  revolution,  have  looked  upon  these  Indians  with  a 
jealous  eye,  in  consequence  of  their  known  predilection  to  the 
insurgents.  The  propinquity  of  the  town  to  the  sea  coast,  and 
its  being  situated  on  a  navigable  river,  are  circumstances  that 
give  the  government  much  uneasiness,  because  they  are  aware, 
that  if  a  foreign  enemy  should  land  on  the  coast  of  Oaxaca, 
they  would  be  received  with  open  arms  by  the  Indians  of  Te- 
huantepec, and  indeed  by  the  greater  part  of  the  population  of 
the  whole  province,  as  we  have  suggested  in  a  former  part  of 
this  volume.  The  intendancy  of  Oaxaca,  therefore,  not  only  at 
present  possesses  an  immense  population,  but  is  of  the  highest 
importance  for  its  valuable  productions.  It  is  the  region  of 
New  Spain  that  appears  the  most  favourable  for  the  produc- 
tion of  the  important  article  of  cochineal.     In  no  other  part'of 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  357 

Mexico  does  the  Nopal  (on  which  tree  the  cochineal  insect 
subsists)  flourish  so  well.     Its  propagation  has  been  unsuc- 
cessfully attempted  in  various  other  provinces  ;  but  not  only 
do  the  climate  and  soil  appear  peculiarly  adapted  to  this  plant 
in  Oaxaca,  but  the  Indians  have,  by  a  long  course  of  habit, 
acquired  so  much  experience  in  the  nnanner  of  cultivating  the 
Nopal,  and  collecting  the  insects,  as  to  preclude  all  rivalship 
in  any  of  the  other  provinces.    In  some  years  there  have  been 
produced  in  Oaxaca,  four  hundred  thousand  pounds  weight  of 
cochineal : — this  is  worth,  in  Europe,  even  during  peace,  about 
one  million  six  hundred  thousand  dollars.    During  war,  it  has 
frequently  sold  in  England  at  twenty-five  shillings  sterling  a 
pound.  The  poor  Indian  who  collects  this  precious  commodity, 
barters  it  for  dry  goods  to  the  Spanish  storekeepers  in  the  villa- 
ges. The  extortion  of  these  men,  together  with  the  exactions  of 
the  government  and  priesthood,  leave  to  the  Indian  a  miserable 
return  for  his  care  and  industry ;  but  we  have  no  doubt  that  if 
these  unjust  and  unnatural  restrictions  on  the  labour  of  the 
natives  were  removed,  the  intendancy  of  Oaxaca  would  in  a 
very  few  years  produce  above  a  million  of  pounds  of  cochineal 
per  annum. 

The  mountains  of  this  intendancy,  particularly  those  of  the 
Misteca,  are  likewise  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  growth  of  the 
mulberry  tree.  Many  years  ago,  the  experiment  was  made, 
and  it  succeeded  so  well  that  it  awakened  the  jealousy  of  the 
European  Spaniards,  and  they  created  so  many  obstacles  to 
the  manufacturing  of  silk  in  Oaxaca,  that  the  Indians  became 
exasperated,  and  in  oiie  night  destroyed  every  mulberry  tree 
in  the  intendancy;  since  which  time,  no  attempts  have  been 
made  to  renew  its  culture. 

The  indigo,  in  the  district  of  Tehuantepec,  is  superior  in 
quality  to  that  of  Guatimala ;  but  as  there  are  no  ports  open 
to  foreign  commerce  along  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Tehuantepec,  nor  indeed  on  any  part  of  the 
coast  of  Oaxaca,  the  inhabitants  have  not  been  stimulated  ei- 
ther to  the  culture  of  that,  of  the  cotton  plant,  or  of  the  sugar 
cane,  except  so  far  as  is  absolutely  necessary  to  supply  their 
own  immediate  consumption. 


358  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

In  all  the  mountainous  districts  of  Oaxaca,  and  more  espe- 
cially in  the  spacious  vallies  which  are  situated  from  twenty- 
five  hundred  to  six  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea, 
we  find  a  soil  and  climate  at  least  equal,  if  not  superior  to  any 
on  the  globe.  There  is  not  a  single  article  raised  in  the  tem- 
perate zone  that  would  not  here  find  a  congenial  region. 
Wheat,  and  all  kinds  of  grain,  yield  a  return  to  the  cultivator 
equal  to  that  of  the  most  fertile  parts  of  Europe.  The  fruits 
and  vegetables  of  Oaxaca  are  unrivalled  for  luxuriance  and 
delicacy.  Peaches,  pears,  apricots,  and  strawberries,  are  here 
to  be  found  of  a  size  and  flavour  superior  to  those  of  the  south 
of  France  ;  and  the  variety  and  excellence  of  the  grape  point 
out  the  vallies  of  Oaxaca  as  the  great  future  vineyards  of  New 
Spain.  Asparagus,  artichokes,  turnips,  cabbages,  and  all  the 
various  productions  of  horticulture,  grow  to  a  size  and  per- 
fection we  have  never  beheld  elsewhere. 

To  all  these  important  natural  advantages  of  this  favoured 
country,  must  be  added  that  of  its  mineral  productions.  Some 
of  the  most  valuable  gold  mines  of  New  Spain  are  in  this  pro- 
vince ;  but  they  have  not  yet  been  extensively  worked,  inas- 
much as  the  attention  of  the  directors  of  the  mining  establish- 
ments in  Mexico  has  been  principally  directed  to  the  mines  of 
Guanaxuato  and  of  other  provinces,  silver  mines  being  con- 
sidered more  profitable  than  those  of  gold.  The  Indians  of. 
the  upper  and  lower  Misteca,  as  well  as  those  of  the  district  of 
Tehuantepec,  collect  grains  of  gold  in  the  beds  of  the  rivulets 
that  flow  through  the  mountains,  and  larger  masses  of  gold 
have  been  found  in  Oaxaca  than  in  qjiy  other  part  of  New 
Spain.  Indications  of  silver  ore  are  likewise  discoverable  in 
all  the  mountainous  districts,  but  as  yet  scarcely  any  atten- 
tion has  been  paid  to  them.  In  fact,  there  cannot  be  a  doubt 
that  this  province  abounds  in  all  the  precious  minerals ;  and 
when  the  use  of  machinery  shall  be  introduced,  and  the  re- 
strictions on  human  industry  and  enterprise  be  removed,  this 
province  will  yield  as  much  gold  and  silver  as  any  other  in 
America.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  likewise,  that  copper  and 
iron  ore  have  been  found  in  different  parts  of  Oaxaca.  In  the 
village  of  Tmihuklan,  there  is  a  large  piece  of  metal,  which 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  359 

the  blacksmiths  of  the  place  use  as  an  anvil.  It  was  found  on 
the  summit  of  a  hill  near  the  village.  It  is  of  an  extraordinary- 
weight  for  its  dimensions.  Various  attempts  have  been  made 
to  fuse  it,  but  it  has  resisted  the  most  intense  heat.*       • 

From  the  preceding  outline  of  the  great  resources  of  this 
province,  including  its  dense  population,  it  will  be  evident  to 
the  reader,  that  to  make  a  carriage  road  of  fourteen,  or  even 
(should  it  be  necessary)  of  twenty  leagues,  over  the  Isthmus 
of  Tehuantepec,  so  as  to  form  a  rapid  communication  from 
the  navigable  waters  of  the  Chimalapa  and  Tehuantepec  to  the 
Guasacualco,  or  to  cut  a  canal  through  such  parts  of  the  Isth- 
mus as  an  accurate  survey  shall  show  to  be  fittest  for  the  pur- 
pose, are  operations  which  could  be  performed  with  the  great- 
est facility  by  the  inhabitants  of  Oaxaca. 

The  idea  of  such  an  undertaking  has  long  been  familiar  to 
several  enlightened  men  of  Oaxaca.  So  early  as  the  year  1745, 
a  memorial  was  presented  to  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  signed  by 
several  distinguished  Creoles,  praying  him  to  represent  to  the 
court  of  Spain  the  immense  benefits  that  would  arise  to  the 
kingdom,  from  making  Guasacualco  a  port  of  entry,  and  the 
great  depot  of  commerce,  instead  of  the  port  and  city  of  Vera 
Cruz.  A  copy  of  this  interesting  document  was  put  into  our 
hands,  while  in  the  city  of  Oaxaca,  in  the  year  1816,  and  we 
were  forcibly  struck  with  the  importance  of  the  facts  noticed 
therein.  It  displays  an  intelligence,  a  foresight,  and  a  spirit  of 
liberality,  such  as  could  scarcely  have  been  expected,  in  those 
days,  from  men  reared  amidst  that  political  and  commercial 
darkness  in  which  Spain  enveloped  her  dominions.  After 
giving  a  topographical  description  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuan- 
tepec, and  expatiating  on  the  fertility  and  beauty  of  the  coun- 

•  We  feel  great  hesitation  in  adding,  that  this  mass  of  metal  is  platina, 
although  it  is  so  named  in  some  manuscript  notes  upon  the  intendancy  of 
Oaxaca,  at  present  in  our  possession,  by  Teran  and  Bustamante,  names  with 
which  our  readers  are  familiar.  Beside  their  being  men  of  general  informa- 
tion, it  may  not  be  improper  to  add,  that  Bustamante  was  at  one  time  con- 
nected with  the  School  of  Mines  in  Mexico.  We  at  least  learn,  from  their 
so  terming  it,  that  it  is  a  very  general  belief  that  the  mass  is  platina.  The 
mineralogist  will,  of  course,  immediately  pronounce  it  to  be  impossible, — 
and  we  are  content. 


360  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

try,  the  memorialists  explicitly  declare  that  a  canal  can  be  cut, 
so  as  to  unite  the  waters  of  the  rivers  before  mentioned;  and 
they  likewise  state,  that  should  political  reasons  prevent  the 
formation  of  the  proposed  canal,  at  all  events  a  great  road 
might  be  made  across  the  ridge,  by  means  of  which  property 
could  be  transported  in  carriages  at  a  moderate  expense.  The 
memorialists  then  proceed  to  urifold  the  great  advantages  that 
would  result  to  the  kingdom  of  Mexico,  by  opening  a  traffic 
between  Manilla  and  the  coast  of  Oaxaca,  instead  of  the  trade 
being  restricted  (as  it  still  is)  to  the  port  of  Acapulco.  The 
superior  advantages  of  the  port  and  harbour  of  Guasacualco 
over  that  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  number  of  valuable  ports  on 
the  coast  of  Oaxaca,  are  then  noticed ;  and  of  the  latter  they 
particularly  mention  Tehuantepec^  San  Dieg-o^  Santa  Cruz  de 
Giiatulco^  Cacalutla^  San  Aiigustin^  Puerto  de  los  Angeles^  Es' 
eondido^  (hidden  port,)  and  the  ensanada  or  bay  of  Mazuntla. 
Xhe  port  of  Escondido  has  a  narrow  but  excellent  entrance, 
which  is  only  discovered  upon  a  very  near  approach  to  the 
coast;  but  it  is  as  spacious  as  Acapulco,  and  would  afford 
perfectly  secure  moorings  for  hundreds  of  vessels.  It  could 
easily  be  fortified  so  as  to  render  it  impregnable  to  external 
attacks.  The  port  of  Santa  Cruz  de  Guatulco  is  likewise  equal 
to  any  on  the  Pacific  shore,  and  is  situated  only  thirty-five 
leagues  south  of  the  city  of  Oaxaca. 

The  whole  of  the  memoir  alluded  to  is  full  of  interesting 
Information  and  luminous  arguments,  and  would  have  excited 
the  profound  attention  of  any  other  government  than  that  of 
Spain.  The  merchants  of  Vera  Cruz  no  sooner  heard  of  the 
memorial,  than  they  adopted  every  possible  measure  to  pre- 
vent its  even  reaching  Madrid;  but  nevertheless  it  was  trans- 
mitted to  the  court.  The  Cadiz  monopolists,  and  the  Philip- 
pine company,  viewed  with  great  alarm  a  project  that  threat- 
ened to  divert  the  trade  out  of  its  ordinary  channels.  The 
mercantile  establishments  they  had  already  fixed  at  Acapulco 
and  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  expensive  edifices  they  had  erected  at 
those  places,  would  become  valueless  in  proportion  as  this 
should  be  effected.  These  parties,  therefore,  and  their  agents 
in  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco,  put  in  action  every  engine  of  in- 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  361 

trigue,  in  order  to  defeat  the  wishes  of  the  Oaxaca  memorial- 
ists. The  memorial  was  placed  among  the  secret  royal  ar- 
chives at  Madrid,  that  is,  it  was  laid  on  the  shelf  of  oblivion; 
and  the  only  notice  that  was  ever  bestowed  on  it  was  by  an 
order  from  the  court,  prohibiting  the  parties  from  ever  again 
reviving  the  subject^  under  pain  of  the  royal  displeasure ;  and 
severely  reprimanding,  or  stigmatizing,  the  Oaxaca  memo- 
rialists, as  audacious  innovators  of  the  established  regulations 
and  commerce  of  the  kingdom-. 

The  only  viceroys  who  have  displayed  liberal  sentiments, 
or  shown  the  least  regard  for  the  internal  improvement  of 
New  Spain,  and  the  establishment  on  liberal  principles  of  the 
internal  and  external  commerce  of  the  country,  were  the  count 
of  Revillagigedo  and  Don  Jose  Iturrigaray.  Both  of  those 
viceroys  were  men  of  enlarged  minds,  who  viewed  with  dis- 
gust the  unnatural  and  impolitic  regulations  imposed  by  Spain 
upon  her  colonies.  During  their  administration,  they  made 
some  important  improvements  in  Mexico.  The  formation  of 
a  canal  to  unite  the  waters  of  Guasacualco  with  those  of  Chi- 
malapa  and  Tehuantepec,  was  a  favourite  project  with  both; 
and  convinced  of  its  practicability,  they  made  urgent  repre- 
sentations to  the  court  of  Madrid,  to  induce  it  to  sanction  the 
undertaking.  Their  applications  were  of  no  avail,  and  in  the 
end,  they  both  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  cabinet  of  Ma- 
drid. The  character  and  fate  of  the  noble-minded  Iturrigaray 
hav'e  been  noticed  in  our  first  chapter  of  the  Memoirs  of  the 
Revolution. 

Having  shown  the  practicability  and  facility  of  opening  a 
communication,  either  by  a  navigable  canal  or  by  a  land  and 
water  conveyance,  at  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,  we  will  now  proceed  to  draw 
an  outline  of  the  great  advantages  to  the  commercial  world  in 
general,  and  particularly  to  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico^  Guati- 
mala^  and  the  United  States^  that  will  flow  from  such  a  com- 
munication. It  is  necessary  to  remark,  that  the  following  ob- 
servations are  founded  upon  our  conviction  that  New  Spain 
will  become  independent  on  European  control.  At  what  pe- 
riod this  gi-eat  event  will  be  accomplished,  we  will  not  venture 
(46) 


362  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

to  predict ;  but  we  may  express  a  belief  that  it  will  take  place 
in  a  very  few  years. 

In  viewing  the  map  of  the  American  continent,  we  perceive 
that  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  and  the  Isthmus  of  Costa 
Rica  are  the  two  great  points  at  which  to  concentrate  the  com- 
merce of  the  New  World,  and  to  facilitate  the  intercourse  be- 
tween it  and  the  Old  World.  It  is  immaterial  at  which  of 
those  two  points  the  communication  be  first  opened;  it  matters 
not  which  of  them  will  become  the  more  important.  If  both 
communications  be  simultaneously  opened,  we  conceive  there 
will  be  no  want  of  commerce  to  render  the  districts  through 
which  they  will  pass  flourishing  in  the  highest  degree. 

The  Isthmus  of  Costa  Rica  will  be  the  proper  and  natural 
route  for  part  of  the  commerce  of  Guatimala,  Peru,  and  Chili. 
The  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  will  be  the  route  for  the  com- 
merce of  the  vast  range  of  coast  on  the  Pacific  ocean,  stretch- 
ing from  Guatimala  to  the  north-west  extremities  of  the  Ame- 
rican continent.  The  advantages  which  this  last  named  Isth- 
mus enjoys,  by  being  in  the  heart  of  a  thickly  settled,  rich, 
and  healthy  country,  have  been  already  described;  and  its 
proximity  to  the  United  States  renders  it,  in  our  estimation, 
the  most  important  spot  at  which  to  perfect  the  first  commu- 
nication between  the  two  oceans. 

Tehuantepec  on  the  Pacific  ocean,  and  Guasacualco  on  the 
Atlantic,  ought  to  be  declared  free  ports  for  the  commerce  of 
all  nations.  Property  passing  by  this  route  should  pay  only 
a  toll  or  trifling  duty,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  canal  or 
the  road  in  a  constant  state  of  good  order.  We  have  stated 
that  large  vessels  can  enter  the  rivers  Tehuantepec  and  Gua- 
sacualco, and  ascend  the  same  to  within  about  fourteen  leagues 
of  each  other.  We  have  shown  that  a  good  carriage  road 
could  be  promptly  made,  so  as  to  transport  property  of  every 
kind  to  and  from  the  respective  rivers.  Making,  therefore, 
large  allowances  for  unexpected  obstacles,  we  think  that  by 
this  route  cargoes  of  all  kinds  of  merchandise  could  be  trans- 
ported from  one  ocean  to  the  other,  hi  less  than  six  days. 
The  productions  of  Guatimala,  of  Oaxaca,  of  La  Puebla,  of 
Mexico,  of  Valladolid,  and  of  Guadalaxara,  instead  of  being 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  363 

conveyed,  as  they  are  at  present,  an  immense  distance  by  land 
to  Vera  Cruz,  would  be  carried  to  the  ports  of  those  provinces 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  embarked  for  Tehuantepcc,  thence 
pass  over  to  Guasacualco,  and  from  the  latter  be  embarked  for 
Europe,  the  United  States,  or  elsewhere.  The  future  pro- 
ducts of  the  great  province  of  Sinaloa,  of  Old  and  New  Cali- 
fornia, and  of  all  the  north-west  regions  of  America,  could  be 
brought  to  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  The  fabrics  of 
Europe  and  of  the  United  States  could  be  carried  to  Guasa- 
cualco, passed  over  to  Tehuantepec,  and  thence  be  circulated 
through  the  vast  regions  we  have  just  mentioned.  The  pro- 
ducts of  China  and  of  the  East  Indies  would  likewise  be 
brought  to  this  Isthmus,  dispersed  over  Guatimala,  Oaxaca, 
and  all  the  eastern  sections  of  the  Mexican  empire  adjacent 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  be  carried  with  rapidity  to  the 
river  Mississippi,  to  Florida,  and  indeed  to  all  parts  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  Europe. 

The  intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  its  territory 
on  the  north-west  coast  of  America,  would  be  carried  on  with 
safety  and  rapidity  by  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  instead 
of  by  the  present  tedious  and  perilous  route  around  Cape 
Horn :  and  steam  navigation  might  be  introduced  in  the  Pacific 
ocean,  so  as  to  effect  an  entire  revolution  in  the  present  com- 
merce of  the  whole  Southern  Sea.  It  is  not  only  along  the 
vast  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  from  Valparaiso  to  Columbia 
river,  that  steam  vessels  could  be  used,  so  as  to  triumph  over 
the  obstacles  which  have  hitherto  impeded  the  navigation  of 
those  seas,  but  we  perceive  no  difficulty  to  the  traversing  of 
the  whole  Southern  ocean  in  steam  vessels.  The  voyage 
from  Manilla  to  Acapulco  has  frequently  been  made,  by  dull- 
sailing  Spanish  ships,  in  seventy-five  days.  At  certain  seasons 
of  the  year,  it  has  been  performed  by  vessels  whose  top-gallant 
sails  were  not  once  taken  in  during  the  voyage.  Violent 
storms  are  seldom  experienced  in  the  Pacific  ocean,  excepting 
in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Horn  and  in  the  high  latitudes  to  the 
north-west.  Such  a  vessel  as  the  steam-ship  Fulton  could 
perform  a  voyage  between  Oaxaca  and  China,  with  infinitely 
less  sea  risk  than  attends  the  voyages  she  is  now  performing 


564  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

between  New  York,  Havana,  and  New  Orleans.  A  steam" 
vessel  eould  perform  the  voyage  from  Tehuantepec  to  China^ 
in  from  fifty  to  sixty  days;  and  indeed,  were  we  to  calculate 
on  the  favourable  winds  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year,  united 
to  the  power  of  steam,  it  can  be  proved  that  it  is  practicable 
to  perform  the  voyage  between  Oaxaca  and  Canton  in  less  than 
fifty  days.  We  forbear  dilating  on  the  importance  of  this  in- 
valuable art  to  the  commerce  of  the  Southern  ocean,  lest  some 
of  our  readers  should  deem  our  sketch  an  enthusiastic  flight 
of  fancy :  but  to  those  who  are  conversant  with  steam  navi- 
gation, who  are  acquainted  with  the  wonders  it  has  already 
performed  in  the  internal  navigation  of  our  country,  who  have 
examined  the  structure  of  the  steam-ship  Fulton,  and  who 
have  marked  the  improvements  that  are  yearly  adding  strength 
to  the  power  of  steam,  our  expectations  will  not  appear  too 
sanguine. 

From  the  river  Mississippi,  a  steam  vessel  could  with  ease 
perform  a  voyage  to  the  port  of  Guasacualco  in  six  days. 
Allowing  seven  days  for  the  transportation  of  property  across 
the  Isthmus,  and  ffty  for  the  voyage  to  China,  it  will  be  seen 
that  by  steam  navigation  a  voyage  could  be  performed  from 
the  United  States  to  China  in  sixty-three  days.  This  will  be 
more  clearly  evinced,  by  the  actual  computation  of  the  dis- 
tances :— • 

Statute  miles. 
The  ordinary  route  from  Philadelphia  to  Canton,        -        -        16,150 

By  steam  boat  navigation  and  conveyance  through  the  Isthmus 
of  Oaxaca,  from  and  to  the  same  places : — 

From  Philadelphia  to  Guasacualco,        -        -        2,100 
Passage  over  to  Tehuantepec,  by  land  and  water,        120 
From  Tehuantepec,  by  the  islands  lying  nearly  in 
the  direct  course,  to  Canton, — 

To  the  Sandwich  islands,     •      -     -     3,835 
Ladrone        do.     -      -      -     -    3,900 

Canton, 2,080 

9,815 

12,035 


Actual  distance  saved, 4,115 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  365 

Statute  miles. 
From  Philadelphia  to  Columbia  river,  by  the  usual  route  of 

Cape  Horn, 18,261 

From  the  same  to  the  same,  by  the  proposed  route : — 

To  Guasacualco,  and  overland,      ...      -      2,220 

From  Tehuantepec  to  the  Columbia,     -     -    -    2,760 

4,980 


Actual  distance  saved,  -  -         .        -        .        13,281 

\_The  preceding  calculations  luere  furnished  by  J\Ir.  J[Ielish.'\ 

We  calculate,  likewise,  that  steam  vessels  could  perform  the 
voyage  from  Columbia  river  to  Tehuantepec,  mfrom  eighteen 
to  twenty-four  days,  more  especially  by  taking  advantage  of 
the  proper  seasons.  Along  the  whole  range  of  the  Mexican 
and  Californian  coasts,  there  are  safe  and  convenient  harbours, 
which  would  afford  refreshments,  and  shelter  from  storms. 
It  is  true  that  this  immense  extent  of  territory  is  at  present 
thinly  settled,  and  that  the  wretched  inhabitants,  by  the  bar- 
barous policy  of  the  Spanish  government,  have  been  excluded 
from  all  intercourse  with  the  civilized  world.  The  whole  of 
the  country  adjacent  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  with  its  noble  rivers 
and  fertile  soil,  is  nearly  in  the  eame  state  as  at  the  period  of 
its  discovery  by  the  Spaniards.  The  only  ports  on  the  Mexi- 
can coast  that  have  been  permitted  to  enjoy  any  trade,  are 
San  Bias  and  Acapulco ;  but  even  this  trade  was  so  complete 
a  monopoly,  and  encumbered  by  so  many  restrictions,  that  it 
scarcely  deserved  the  name  of  commerce,  and  was  of  compa- 
ratively little  utility  to  the  inhabitants  in  general.  The  west- 
ern sections  of  Mexico  have  been  supplied  almost  exclusively 
with  articles  carried  by  land  from  Vera  Cruz.  The  impost 
charges  at  that  place,  the  enormous  expense  of  land  carriage 
over  such  a  vast  extent  of  territory,  and  the  numberless  exac- 
tions on  the  route,  increased  the  price  of  foreign  merchandise 
to  four  or  five  times  its  original  cost;  whereas,  had  the  articles 
been  landed  at  Guasacualco,  conveyed  across  the  Isthmus, 
and  thence  transported  by  water  to  the  fine  bays  and  rivers 
along  the  coast,  the  expense  v/ould  have  been  trifling,  and  the 
route  performed  in  one-third  of  the  time  that  was  occupied  in 
transporting  them  by  land. 


366  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

When  those  restrictions  shall  be  removed  under  which  the 
Mexican  people  have  so  long  suffered,  that  is,  when  their 
country  shall  no  longer  be  subject  to  the  control  of  Spain,^ — 
when  human  industry  shall  be  allowed  the  scope  which  reason 
and  nature  dictate, — and  when  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico  shall 
be  permitted  to  enjoy  an  unshackled  traffic  with  all  nations, 
how  extraordinary  will  be  the  change  in  their  condition  !  Not 
only  will  the  beautiful  intendancies  of  Guadalaxara,  Vallado- 
lid,  La  Puebla,  Mexico,  Oaxaca,  and  Vera  Cruz,  become  the 
regions  of  comfort  and  opulence,  but  all  the  internal  provinces, 
and  even  Old  and  New  California,  will  soon  become  flourish- 
ing and  populous  countries.  Let  the  reader  cast  his  eye  upon 
the  map,  and  behold  the  position  of  the  great  provinces  of 
Sonora^  S'lnaha^  and  Biscay^  adjacent  to  the  Gulf  of  California; 
let  him  trace  the  route  of  the  river  Colorado^  from  its  source 
to  its  discharge  in  the  Californian  Gulf;  and  view  the  noble 
rivers  of  Tinpanogos^  Buenaventura^  and  Felipe^  discharging 
their  waters  on  the  coast  of  New  California;  let  him  then 
anticipate  the  future  importance  of  this  country,  when  a  go- 
vernment made  by  and  for  the  people  shall  there  be  establish- 
ed. The  country  through  which  those  rivers  flow,  and  the 
coasts  of  both  the  Californias,  have  remained  a  desert,  not 
because  the  soil  and  climate  are,  as  some  writers  have  repre- 
sented, unfavourable  to  the  residence  of  man,  but  because  the 
Spanish  government  had  studiously  barred  the  door  to  their 
settlement  and  improvement. 

We  have  perused  some  interesting  manuscripts  respecting 
the  Californias,  and  the  provinces  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora;  one 
in  particular,  written  hy  Padre  Garcia^  who  travelled  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Colorado  to  its  source,  a  distance  of  more  than 
six  hundred  miles.  We  have  read  others,  written  by  the  friars 
who  resided  at  the  different  missionary  establishments  on  the 
coast  of  California.  They  represent  a  very  small  part  of  the 
peninsula  of  Old  California  as  being  a  rocky  and  steril  coun- 
try: but  all  New  California,  nearly  up  to  the  Columbia  river, 
and  all  the  interior  of  the  province  of  Sonora,  they  extol  for 
its  fertility  of  soil  and  purity  of  climate. 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  367 

It  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  remark,  that  about  eight  years 
since,  we  met  with  a  Russian  gentleman,  who  had  visited 
Monterey,  on  the  coast  of  California,  and  who  was  in  posses- 
sion of  a  great  stock  of  valuable  information  respecting  those 
countries.  He  spoke  in  the  most  favourable  terms  of  the  cli- 
mate, and  represented  the  soil  to  be  excellent.  We  have  little 
doubt  but  that  the  journal  of  this  Russian  was  laid  before  his 
government;  and  it  mav  have  given  rise  to  those  projects  of  the 
Russian  cabinet  which  have  been  recently  spoken  of.  It  has 
been  rumoured,  that  a  secret  treaty  was  actually  entered  into 
between  Ferdinand  VII.  and  the  emperor  of  Russia,  by  which 
the  former  transferred  to  the  latter  a  considerable  part  of  New 
California;  but,  owing  to  the  remonstrances  of  the  government 
of  Great  Britain,  upon  receiving  information  of  such  treaty, 
the  court  of  Madrid  have  never  openly  avowed  it,  nor  carried 
it  into  effect.  Whatever  credence  may  be  given  to  this  report, 
we  know  that  the  Russians,  in  pursuance  of  their  system  of 
advancing  their  power  wherever  a  foothold  can  be  gained, 
have  planted  their  banners  on  several  parts  of  the  American 
continent.  Their  settlements  commence  at  the  island  of  Kodia, 
in  57^°  north  latitude,  and  1521°  west  longitude.  They  occu- 
py an  important  poskion  in  Norfolk  Sound,  in  57°  north  lati- 
itude,  and  135°  west  longitude,  where  they  have  a  strong  fort, 
mounting  upwards  of  one  hundred  pieces  of  heavy  cannon  ; 
and  in  the  year  1813,  they  had  descended  as  far  south  as  385° 
north  latitude,  and  settled  at  Badoga,  distant  about  thirty 
miles  from  the  northernmost  Spanish  settlement  in  California, 
Let  the  Russian  imperial  flag  be  planted  on  the  American 
continent  by  force  or  by  negotiation,  it  will  be  better  for  man- 
kind than  that  the  country  should  remain  a  desert  under  the 
dominion  of  Spain.  Whether  Russians,  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  or  Mexicans,  shall  predominate  among  the  settlers 
along  the  north-west  coast  of  America,  is  a  point  that  can  only 
be  determined  by  time;  but  in  proportion  as  the  whole  coast 
shall  become  thickly  settled,  will  the  importance  of  the  Isth- 
mus of  Tehuantepec  be  augmented,  because  it  must  eventually 
be  the  great  channel  of  communication  between  Europe,  the 
United  States,  and  the  north-west  coast  of  America. 


368  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

The  fine  rivers  we  have  before  mentioned  have  their  sources 
on  the  confines,  and  some  of  them  within  the  limits,  of  the 
United  States.  The  whole  of  the  region  lying  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  or  Northern  Andes,  abounds  in  excellent 
streams,  which  discharge  themselves  into  the  Pacific,  along 
the  coast,  or  in  the  Gulf,  of  California;  and  consequently,  in 
proportion  as  the  interior  of  that  vast  country  shall  become 
settled,  so  will  its  intercourse  with  the  civilized  world,  by 
the  route  of  Tehuantepec,  gradually  become  more  important. 
In  fact,  it  is  impossible  for  the  imagination  to  form  any 
proper  conception  of  the  magnitude  of  the  commerce  that  will 
pass  through  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  when  Mexico  and 
South  America  shall  enjoy  the  blessings  of  liberal  govern- 
ments. 

The  Mexican  dominions  alone  are  capable  of  yielding  sub- 
sistence and  comfort  to  more  than  treble  the  present  popu- 
lation of  all  Spanish  Ameiuca.  The  rapid  progress  of  the 
United  States  may  serve  as  an  example  of  the  growth  of  popu- 
lation in  new  countries  blessed  by  liberal  governments.  The 
calculations  of  Franklin  and  Jefferson  have  been  fully  realized. 
We  more  than  double  our  population  every  twenty-two  years; 
an  increase  which,  regulated  by  the  laws  of  population,  will 
continue  until  the  surface  of  our  territory  shall  become  as  ge- 
nerally cultivated,  and  as  thickly  inhabited,  as  that  of  Europe 
and  Asia.  Give  to  Mexico  the  advantages  of  a  good  govern- 
ment, open  her  ports  to  the  commerce  of  the  globe,  encourage 
emigration  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  and,  in  fine,  let  her 
pursue  the  course  marked  out  for  her  by  reason  and  nature, 
and  she  will  soon  become  as  flourishing  as  any  part  of  the  New 
World.  We  have  before  remarked  the  great  physical  advan- 
tages possessed  by  Mexico,  as  respects  the  climate  and  soil; 
and  we  do  not  believe  that  there  is  any  part  of  our  globe  capa- 
ble of  sustaining  a  greater  population  upon  the  same  space  of 
territory.  We  therefore  do  not  doubt,  that  from  the  day  that 
Alexico  takes  her  rank  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  as  an 
independent  power,  governed  by  wise  and  liberal  institutions, 
she  will  continue  to  double  her  numbers  every  twenty-two 
years,  until  the  whole  of  her  vast  regions  be  covered  with 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  359 

inhabitants.     Let  us  calculate  her  probable  population,  a  cen- 
tury hence.    Fixing  on  the  year  1825,  as  the  epoch  of  the 
commencement  of  her  independence,  and  supposing  her  popu- 
lation at  that  time  to  be  -  7,000,000 
In  1847,  it  will  be    14,000,000 

1869,  28,000,000 

1891,  56,000,000 

1913,  112,000,000 

We  are  aware  that  such  calculations  would  have  been  deemed 
visionary,  thirty  or  forty  years  ago ;  and  that  even  at  present 
their  accuracy  may  be  doubted  by  many  of  our  readers  :  but 
in  the  minds  of  those  who  have  noted  the  increase  of  popu- 
lation in  our  own  country,  and  have  reflected  on  the  happy 
and  important  influence  of  liberal  civil  institutions,  we  feel 
assured  our  estimations  will  not  excite  surprise  nor  incredulity. 
Several  enlightened  writers  of  the  present  day,  and,  among 
others,  the  Abbe  de  Pradt,  admit  the  correctness  of  this  rate 
of  increase. 

Every  successive  census  of  the  United  States  displays  an 
increase  greater  than  the  calculation  alluded  to.  If,  then,  by 
this  ratio,  our  country,  a  century  hence,  shall  contain  one  hun- 
dred a7id  forty  millions^  and  Mexico  one  hundred  and  twelve 
miU'ions^  of  persons,  how  deeply  important  will  the  Isthmus 
of  Tehuantepec  become  to  those  two  nations  !  To  Mexico, 
in  particular,  this  Isthmus  is  the  great  bridge  that  unites  her 
northern  and  southern  with  her  eastern  and  western  sections. 
To  the  United  States,  it  is  not  only  of  high  importance  as 
respects  the  possessions  of  the  republic  on  the  north-west  coast, 
and  the  great  share  of  the  carrying  trade  that  will  be  secured 
to  our  citizens  by  their  enterprise  and  the  superior  advantages 
derived  from  their  proximity  to  the  Mexican  Gulf,  but  because 
the  maritime  superiority  of  the  New  World  appears  destined 
to  remain  xvith  the  United  States.  The  vast  extent  of  our 
coast  from  Passamaquoddy  to  the  river  Sabine,  the  immense 
internal  navigation  of  our  great  rivers,  and  our  fisheries,  will 
ere  long  employ  a  greater  number  of  individuals  than  are  en- 
gaged in  the  pursuits  of  navigation  in  all  Europe.  In  the 
event  of  the  United  States  being  engaged  in  any  future  war, 

(4r) 


370  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

that  is  popular,  (and  in  no  other  do  we  hope  they  will  ever  be 
engaged)  there  can  be  procured  a  sufficient  number  of  seamen, 
from  the  great  sources  just  mentioned,  to  man  a  fleet  equal  to 
that  of  any  nation  in  Europe.     We  therefore  will  not  only  be 
capable  of  protecting  our  future  commerce  along  our  coasts, 
but  also  of  extending  that  protection  to  whatever  place  our 
enterprise  and  interests  may  carry  our  flag.     At  a  distant  pe- 
riod, it  is  not  improbable  that  some  of  the  great  states  in  South 
America  mav  possess  a  respectable  marine,  but  none  that  will 
ever  vie   in  strength  with  the  navies  of  the  United  States. 
Mexico  can  never  become  a  great  maritime  power.    Although 
her  rivers  are  numerous,  and  several  of  them  flow  through  an 
immense  extent  of  territory,  yet,  from  the  great  elevation  of 
more  than  four-fifths  of  the  country,  these  rivers  are  not  navi- 
gable, except  for  boats  of  small  burthen,  to  any  great  distance 
from  the  ocean,  and  consequently  the  internal  navigation  will 
never  employ  a  considerable  number  of  people.     On  the  coast 
of  the  Pacific  ocean,  Mexico  has  some  excellent  harbours,  and 
it  is  possible  that  at  some  future  period  she  may  have  a  naval 
force  of  some  importance  in  those  seas.     But  along  the  coast 
in  the  Mexican  Gulf,  the  port  of  Guasacualco  is  the  only  one 
suitable  for  naval  arsenals,  or  that  would  afford  security  to 
vessels  of  war.     We  have  before  noticed  the  objections  to  the 
port  of  Vera  Cruz ;  and  all  the  others,  from  Alvarado  to  the 
Sabine,  are  difficult  of  enti'ance,  and  obsti-ucted  by  bars.   The 
whole  coast  of  Yucatan  is  likewise  without  a  single  port  capa- 
ble of  admitting  large  vessels.     It  is  therefore  obvious,  from 
these  important  obstacles,  that  Mexico  can  never  become  a 
maritime  rival  of  the  United  States  in  the  Mexican  Gulf;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  the  whole  of  her  futui"e  commerce  therein 
must  be  under  the  protection  and  control  of  the  latter ;   and 
consequently,  it  must  always  be  of  deep  importance  to  Mexi- 
co, to  cultivate  the  amity  of,  and  to  seek  a  political  alliance 
with,  the  United  States.    The  expediency  of  this  friendly  and 
political  bond  will  be  further  evident,  on  viewing  the  map  of 
the  two  countries.    In  examining  the  delineation  of  the  widest 
part  of  the  continent,  from  Monterey,  on  the  coast  of  New 
California,  to  the  town  of  St.  Louis,  at  the  confluence  of  the 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  37I 

Mississippi  and  Missouri,  a  distance  of  about  eighteen  hun- 
dred miles  in  a  direct  line,  we  are  struck  with  admiration  at 
the  peculiar  manner  in  which  nature  has  provided,  by  means  of 
water  communications  in  every  direction,  for  the  intercourse 
of  the  future  inhabitants  of  those  vast  regions. 

Our  topographical  knowledge  of  that  section  of  America  is 
yet  imperfect;  but  we  know  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  form 
some  idea  of  the  great  advantages  that  must  be  reciprocally 
enjoyed  by  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico  and  the  United  States, 
when  an  unrestrained  inteixourse  shall  be  permitted  between 
them,  and  when  the  productions  of  industry  shall  be  inter- 
changed, through  the  medium  of  internal  iiavigation^  between 
the  two  nations.  The  important  river  Del  Norte  has  its 
sources  in  New  Mexico,  not  far  distant  from  the  heads  of  the 
rivers  which  flow  to  the  Pacific  ocean ;  and  empties  into  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  about  25°  50'  north  latitude.  Descending 
through  a  mountainous  country,  it  is  in  many  places  extremely 
rapid,  and  hence  it  is  usually  called  El  Rio  Bravo;  but  it  is 
nevertheless  navigable  for  boats  from  its  mouth  nearly  to  its 
source.  The  Red  River ^  and  the  Arkansa^  have  their  heads 
near  the  source  of  Del  Norte.  In  the  course  of  these  rivers 
to  the  Mississippi,  they  receive  the  tribute  of  innumerable 
smaller  streams.  The  Kanzas^  and  the  Platte^  which  empty 
into  the  Missouri,  have  their  origin  in  the  ^ame  mountains 
that  give  birth  to  Del  Norte.  Throughout  the  whole  of  this 
country,  whether  among  its  lofty  mountains  or  extensive  prai- 
ries, the  traveller  can  scarcely  proceed  five  leagues,  without 
meeting  a  stream  capable  of  boat  navigation.  The  navigation 
of  the  Mexican  rivers,  for  the  reasons  we  have  before  assign- 
ed, will  never  employ  large  vessels :  they  will,  however,  greatly 
facilitate  the  intercourse  between  the  respective  interior  pro- 
vinces. But  the  great  rivei-s  that  discharge  themselves  into 
the  Missouri  and  Mississippi,  some  of  which  we  have  named, 
are  destined  to  aft'ord  employment  to  many  hundred  thousands 
of  persons,  in  vessels  of  all  sizes. 

When  we  reflect  that  the  great  country  we  have  thus  briefly 
glanced  at,  is  throughout  its  whole  extent  susceptible  of  high 


S72  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

cultivation,  the  greater  part  of  it  enjoying  a  climate  equal  to 
any  on  earth,  it  is  not  within  the  reach  of  the  most  ardent  fancy- 
to  draw  a  sketch  of  its  fu'  jre  importance ;  nor  can  we  form  an 
estimate,  with  strict  accuracy,  of  the  millions  of  human  beings 
which  at  some  future  day  are  to  find  subsistence  and  comfort 
in  those  regions.  The  population  of  the  United  States  is  ra- 
pidly rolling  towards  the  Mexican  settlements.  Already  have 
the  banks  of  the  Red  River,  the  Arkansa,  and  the  Missouri, 
become  the  residence  of  American  citizens.  The  arts,  the 
sciences,  and,  if  we  may  use  the  expression,  the  blessings  of 
rational  libert}^,  are  spreading  in  that  direction.  Territorial 
limits  present  but  feeble  barriers  against  the  diffusion  of  light 
and  knowledge.  Their  progress  cannot  be  impe*ded  by  edicts 
of  the  present  or  of  any  future  government  in  Mexico.  The 
Mexican  on  one  bank  of  a  river,  living  in  wretchedness  and 
smarting  under  oppression,  cannot  long  remain  blind  and  in- 
sensible to  the  advantages  and  happiness  of  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  on  the  opposite  bank. 

From  this  brief  outline  of  the  topography  of  Mexico  and  the 
adjoining  territory  of  the  United  States,  some  faint  idea  may 
be  formed  of  the  vast  internal  commerce  that  is  to  take  place 
between  the  two  nations,  as  population  shall  increase,  and  re- 
strictions upon  their  intercourse  be  removed.  How  many  arti- 
cles will  be  raised  from  the  soil  of  the  two  countries,  that  are 
at  present  scarcely  thought  of!  How  many  manufactories 
will  be  established,  in  regions  calculated  to  produce  all  the 
raw  materials  for  the  mechanic  and  artist !  Is  it  because  the 
two  countries  may  cultivate  the  same  products,  and  establish 
the  same  kind  of  manufactories,  that  some  writers  have  broach- 
ed the  opinion  that  the  future  commerce  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico  will  be  unimportant  ?  Might  they  not  as 
well  argue,  that  because  wheat  is  raised  in  Kentucky,  it  is  in- 
jurious to  the  culture  of  that  article  in  Pennsylvania?  or  that 
because  certain  manufactories  are  established  at  Pittsburg, 
they  are  rivals  to  those  of  the  same  class  at  Boston  ?  Do  we 
not  see,  that  in  pi'oportion  as  population  spreads  over  a  coun- 
try, the  consumption  of  the  products  of  the  soil  is  augmented? 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  373 

and  that  human  industry  receives  a  new  stimulus  from  a  thou- 
sand artificial  wants  that  are  created  in  society  as  they  increase 
in  numbers  and  opulence  ? 

Is  it  possible,  that  in  the  nineteenth  century,  we  have  heard 
the  ambassador  of  a  civilized  nation  stating  in  a  formal  diplo- 
matic communication  to  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
that  they  ought  to  oppose  the  extension  of  the  blessings  of 
freedom  and  commerce  to  Mexico,  because  wheat,  and  other 
staples  of  the  United  States  could  be  raised  with  greater  faci- 
lity in  that  country,  and  because  its  superior  climate  would 
invite  the  emigration  of  our  citizens,  and  thereby  diminish 
our  strength  ?  These  were  the  sentiments,  openly  and  official- 
ly avowed,  of  the  Chevalier  Onis.  He  did  not  scruple  to  re- 
commend these  abominable  and  antisocial  principles  to  the 
serious  consideration  of  our  cabinet ;  and,  what  is  still  more 
extraordinary  and  disgraceful,  the  same  doctrine  has  found 
abettors  in  some  American  writers,  who  have  endeavoured  to 
prove  that  the  independence  of  Mexico  xvould  be  injurious  to 
the  conwiercial  interests  of  the  United  States. 

We  humbly  conceive  that  the  sketch  we  have  given  of  the 
advantages  which  our  country  will  derive  from  Mexico's  be- 
ing under  a  liberal  government,  is  a  mode  of  refutation  to  the 
principles  advanced  by  the  Chevalier  Onis  and  his  partisans, 
as  unanswerable  as  it  must  be  grateful  to  every  American  citi- 
zen, who  feels,  as  we  do,  the  absurdity  and  iniquity  of  sacri- 
ficing the  happiness  of  millions  of  the  human  race,  at  the 
shrine  of  political  ambition  and  mercantile  calculation.  We 
conceive  that  the  independence  of  Mexico  will  be  an  event 
next  in  importance,  to  the  whole  civilized  world,  to  that  of  the 
declaration  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  on  the 
4th  of  July,  1776;  and  to  promote  such  an  event,  by  every 
fair  and  honourable  means,  is  in  unison  with  the  wishes  and 
interests  of  all  classes  of  our  fellow-citizens. 

It  is  possible  that  Spain  may,  for  a  few  years  longer,  endea- 
vour to  preserve  her  tottering  sovereignty  over  Mexico,  but 
even  admitting  that  her  sway  should  continue  longer  than  we 
anticipate,  it  will  be  of  little  or  no  use  to  her,  because  her  mo- 
ral as  well  as  physical  supremacy  is  no  longer  felt,  nor  can 


374  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

ever  again  be  exercised  over  her  former  subjects  in  that  king- 
dom. She  can  no  more  expect  to  find  obedience  and  respect 
among  the  Mexican  Creoles  and  Indians,  than  she  can  com- 
pel the  waves  of  the  ocean  to  subside,  when  agitated  by  the 
winds  ;  but  even  admitting  that  it  is  still  possible  for  Spain  to 
resubjugate  the  Mexicans,  may  we  not  ask  how  is  she  to  pre- 
serve her  empire  there,  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, the  United  States,  or  any  other  maritime  nation  ?  Have 
we  not  proved  that  on  the  fidelity  of  her  American  subjects 
she  can  no  longer  place  any  reliance,  even  for  a  moment  ? 
Where  are  her  fleets  to  protect  her  commerce  with  Mexico, 
or  to  prevent  its  being  invaded  by  an  enemy  in  every  direc- 
tion, as  v/cll  on  the  Atlantic  as  on  the  Pacific  coast  ?  If,  then, 
during  peace  with  all  nations,  Spain  finds  it  diificult  to  pre- 
serve Mexico,  and  to  repress  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the 
people ; — if,  during  war,  she  is  exposed  to  have  Mexico  torn 
from  her  by  conquest,  where  is  the  policy  of  exhausting  the 
blood  and  treasure  of  the  inhabitants  of  Spain,  to  maintain  a 
sovereignty  over  an  empire  liable  every  instant  to  break  from 
her  grasp  ?  If  these  observations  are  applicable  to  the  rela- 
tive situation  of  Spain  with  Mexico,  and  indeed  with  all  her 
possessions  on  the  American  continent,  do  they  not  apply  with 
still  greater  force  to  the  islands  of  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  the 
Philippines?  Will  the  most  prejudiced  Spaniard  undertake  to 
say,  that  those  great  islands  can  be  held  by  a  nation  without 
a  maritime  force  ?  Of  what  use  are  their  vast  fortifications  and 
garrisons,  against  a  rigorous  blockade  ?  Let  us  examine  the 
present  state  of  the  important  island  of  Cuba,  in  order  to  de- 
monstrate the  precarious  tenure  of  Spanish  sovereignty  in  that 
island. 

The  port  of  Havana  has  been  very  justly  called  the  greatest 
maritime  key  in  the  West  Indies,  inasmuch  as  its  position 
gives  it  a  control  not  only  of  the  immense  cornmerce  at  pre- 
sent existing,  but  of  all  the  indefinite  future  trade  of  the  vast 
countries  lying  between  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  and  Florida ; 
for,  by  the  laws  of  nature,  the  whole  of  such  trade  must  pass 
from  those  regions  by  the  route  between  the  Cuba  and  Florida 
shores.     Fast-sailing  vessels,  it  is  true,  may  occasionally  beat 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  375 

up  from  Jamaica  and  from  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  so  as  to 
pass  between  Cuba  and  St.  Domingo,  but  rapid'currents,  and 
the  trade  winds,  will  compel  the  great  body  of  commerce  to 
be  carried  on  by  the  passage  through  the  Gulf;  it  is  therefore 
imdeniable,  that  Havana  is  a  key  of  the  highest  maritime  con- 
sequence in  the  Western  World ;  a  key  that  can  lock  and  un- 
lock at  pleasure  the  commerce  alluded  to,  and  more  especially 
that  of  Mexico.     Indeed  it  is  not  saying  too  much  to  assert, 
that  the  political  and  commercial  destinies  of  the  Mexican  em- 
pire must  be  very  materially  influenced  by  the  conduct  of  that 
power  which  holds  the  port  of  Havana.     How  long  the  island 
of  Cuba  will  continue  under  Spanish  banners,  whether  it  will 
be  seized  by  Great  Britain  by  force,  or  be  obtained  by  her 
through  negotiation,  or  whether  the  people  of  Cuba  will  de- 
clare their  independence,  are  all-important  questions  to  the 
civilized  world,  and  to  the  United  States  deeply  interesting. 

Within  a  few  years  past,  the  British  Journals  have  teemed 
with  essays,  tending  to  prove,  not  merely  the  great  commer- 
cial benefits  that  will  arise  to  Great  Britain  from  possessing 
Cuba,  but  also  that  its  possession  is  absolutely  necessarv,  as 
well  for  the  security  of  the  British  West  India  commerce,  as 
to  repress  the  growing  power  of  the  United  States.  However 
extravagant  many  of  the  opinions  contained  in  those  essays 
may  be,  and  however  marked  with  illiberal  and  hostile  fea- 
tures towards  the  United  States,  yet  they  are  so  flattering  to 
the  domineering  spirit  of  the  British  nation,  that  we  should  not 
be  surprised  to  see  them  realized  by  the  British  cabinet,  on 
the  first  opportune  occasion. 

Should  Great  Britain  get  possession  of  the  island  of  Cuba, 
it  would  no  doubt  be  in  her  power  to  retain  it  for  a  long  time  ; 
and  by  the  establishment  of  extensive  arsenals  at  the  port  of 
Havana,  she  would  likewise  be  able  to  keep  there  an  immense 
fleet;  so  that,  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  the  United  States, 
the  vast  commerce  of  the  river  Mississippi,  and  that  of  all  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  would  be  seriously  annoyed,  and  perhaps  en- 
tirely suspended.  All  this  we  admit ;  but  nevertheless  we  do 
not  hesitate  to  predict,  that  in  less  than  half  a  century  hence, 
when  the  United  States  will  have  a  population  exceeding  fort  i^ 


576  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

viUlions^  and  a  naval  force,  such  as  the  extent  of  their  mari- 
time resources  will  then  enable  them  to  maintain,  the  island  of 
Cuba,  as  well  as  all  the  Antilles,  and  the  commerce  of  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  will  be  under  the  control  of  the  republic.  This 
idea  does  not  spring  from  any  ill  will  towards  other  nations, 
but  is  merely  a  hint  to  the  governments  of  the  Old  World, 
that  their  establishments  in  the  New  are  limited  to  a  short  du- 
ration, and  that  every  new  attempt,  whether  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain  or  any  other  nation,  to  oppose  the  natural  and 
inevitable  progress  of  the  United  States,  by  planting  rival 
posts  either  on  the  continent  or  islands  adjacent,  will  only  tend 
to  an  earlier  development  of  our  resources,  and  consequently 
will  accelerate  the  epoch  when  the  power  of  our  republic  will 
be  felt  and  acknowledged  over  the  western  hemisphere. 

East  and  West  Florida  must  be  incorporated  in  our  federa- 
tive states,  either  by  treatij  or  conquest.  We  have  already 
experienced  the  fatal  consequences  of  permitting  that  section  of 
the  continent  to  be  held  by  nations  hostile  to  our  interests  and 
jealous  of  our  prosperity.  Our  citizens  on  the  frontiers  of 
Georgia  and  Louisiana,  must  no  longer  be  exposed  to  inva- 
sion and  massacre,  in  consequence  of  the  impotence  and  dis- 
positions of  a  neutral  power  in  the  Floridas.  The  security  of 
the  vast  commerce  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  prosperity  of 
our  great  western  states,  must  not  be  jeopardised  by  allowing 
any  foreign  nation  to  possess  the  important  maritime  keys  of 
East  and  West  Florida. 

If  Great  Britain  should  hoist  her  royal  banners  at  Havana, 
and  make  it  the  depot  of  her  navy,  and  the  Gibraltar  of  the 
West  Indies,  we  must  then  make  Pensacola  and  EspiriUi  San- 
to our  two  great  southern  arsenals  ;  and  if  we  are  to  become 
rivals  for  supremacy  on  the  western  shores  of  the  Atlantic, 
then  be  it  so. 

Before  we  close  our  remarks  on  this  important  subject,  we 
deem  it  necessary  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  probability  that 
Cuba  will  not  remain  long  under  any  foreign  flag,  but  will  be- 
come an  independent  power,  under  the  protection  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  We  know  that  this  is  the  xv'ish^  and  we  are  like- 
wise certain  that  it  is  the  interest  of  the  people  of  that  island. 


ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN.  377 

It  has  not  escaped  the  penetration  of  all  the  enlightened  inha- 
bitants of  Cuba,  that  Spain  cannot  protect  them  during  war, 
and  consequently  they  know  that  every  war  in  which  she  may 
in  future  be  engaged,  exposes  them  not  only  to  have  their  com- 
merce destroyed,  but  to  invasion  and  conquest.  Under  these 
circumstances,  independent  of  all  political  enmity  to  the  go- 
vernment of  Spain,  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba  have  no  common 
interests  with  her.  The  products  of  the  island  are  valuable 
in  proportion  as  they  can,  without  restriction,  be  sent  to  every 
part  of  the  world ;  and  the  articles  necessary  for  the  subsist- 
ence and  comfort  of  the  inhabitants  cannot  be  supplied  from 
Spain,  and  therefore  must  be  furnished  by  other  nations. 

The  city  of  Havana  and  its  environs,  at  this  day  consume 
more  flour  and  provisions,  of  the  growth  of  the  United  States, 
than  Jamaica,  or  any  other  island  in  the  West  Indies.  Ojie 
hundred  and  ttventy  thousand  barrels  of  jiour^  besides  an  im- 
mense quantity  of  other  provisions^  are  now  annually  carried 
to  Havana  from  the  United  States. 

The  enormous  influx  of  negroes  into  the  island  of  Cuba  with- 
in the  last  few  years,  and  the  inattention  of  the  planters  to  the 
culture  of  provisions,  have  rendered  the  island  completely  de- 
pendent on  foreign  supplies  for  the  subsistence  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. Suspend  all  commerce  with  Havana,  by  a  strict  block- 
ade of  its  port,  for  only  four  or  five  months,  and  the  city  with 
all  its  famous  fortifications  would  be  compelled  to  surrender, 
without  firing  a  gun. 

The  United  States  at  present  have  a  greater  tonnage  em- 
ployed in  the  trade  to  the  island  of  Cuba,  than  to  all  the  rest  of 
the  West  India  islands.  From  our  proximity,  as  well  as  the 
enterprise  of  our  citizens,  and  moi-e  especially  from  our  being 
the  great  source  from  which  must  be  derived  flour  and  other 
provisions,  we  must  always  enjoy  a  considerable  portion  of  its 
commerce.  If  it  become  independent,  we  shall  be  perfectly 
satisfied  with  such  portion  of  the  trade  as  will  fall  to  our  lot 
from  the  circumstances  just  suggested.  We  shall  feel  plea- 
sure in  beholding  the  island  in  the  enjoyment  of  an  intercourse 
with  all  nations,  giving  to  none  any  exclusive  privileges. 
(48) 


378  ROUTE  TO  THE  PACIFIC  OCEAN. 

We  do  not  hesitate  to  declare  our  wishes  for  the  indepen- 
dence of  Cuba ;  because,  as  we  know  that  Spain  cannot  possi- 
bly long  retain  it,  without  a  navy,  we  certainly  would  rather 
see  the  island  under  a  self-constituted  government,  than  to  be- 
hold it  under  the  domination  of  a  European  power,  jealous  of 
our  prosperity,  and  capable  of  seriously  annoying  the  com- 
merce of  our  coasts. 

But  it  is  to  Mexico  that  we  turn,  and  turn  again,  with  fond 
delight.  We  invoke  the  reader  to  ponder  what  we  have  written 
of  her  present  situation,  of  her  capacity  for  future  greatness, 
and  of  the  career  that  she  has  yet  to  commence  and  run.  For 
ourselves,  we  disguise  not  our  admiration  of  her,  we  conceal 
not  our  affection  for  her.  We  have  visited  her,  and  we  have 
found  her  sons  our  friends,  our  admirers,  our  disciples.  We 
look  towards  her,  and  we  see  the  day-spring  of  a  glorious  na- 
tional existence  arising  within  her  bounds :  and  vain  will  be 
the  effort  to  obscure  its  light.  It  rvill  lead  her  in  the  path  of 
success.  If  cast  down,  Antseus  like  she  will  rise  again — if 
overpowered,  her  throes  and  struggles  will  convulse  her  terri- 
tory. Mexico  will,  she  must  be  free.  For  the  seeds  of  in- 
dependence have  already  been  scattered  there  upon  the  moun- 
tain and  in  the  vale  ;  they  are  now  germinating ; — they  will 
strike  deep  roots  into  the  earth,  for  they  are  watered  with  the 
tears  of  oppressed  millions ; — they  will  flourish  till  their 
strength  shall  laugh  to  scorn  the  fiercest  blast  of  opposition ; 
and  then,  beneath  the  serene  and  cloudless  sky  of  liberty,  they 
will  grow  a  beauteous  grove,  whose  shade  shall  refresh  no 
heads  but  those  of  Freemen. 


THE    END. 


APPENDIX. 


STATEMENT 

OF 

THE  CLAIMS  OF  W.  B.  BOBIJ^SOX 

UPON 

THE  SPANISH  GOVERNMENT. 

IN  the  year  1799,  I  visited  the  city  of  Caracas  as  a  merchant, 
and  presented  letters  of  introduction  to  Don  Mamcel  Guevara 
de  Fazconcelos,  captain  general  of  Venezuela,  and  to  Don  Este- 
■van  Fernandez  de  Leoiiy  intendant  thereof.  They  received  me 
in  the  most  friendly  manner,  and  each  offered  me  his  assistance 
and  protection  so  long  as  it  suited  my  convenience  to  remain  in 
the  country. 

At  that  period,  the  province  of  Venezuela  was  in  a  most  deplo- 
rable condition.  War  existed  betw^een  Great  Britain  and  Spain; 
British  cruisers  blockaded  all  the  ports ;  and  intercourse  w^ith  the 
mother  country  was  almost  wholly  suspended.  The  inhabitants 
were  deficient  in  clothing,  and  in  many  of  the  necessaries  of  life; 
the  products  of  agriculture  were  rotting  in  the  ware-houses ;  in 
fine,  the  Avant  of  external  commerce  had  spread  wretchedness  and 
discontent  through  the  province. 

The  intendant,  knowing  that  I  Avas  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  judging,  from  the  respectable  manner  in  which  I  had 
been  introduced  to  him,  that  I  might  be  able  to  suggest  some 
plan,  by  which,  through  the  medium  of  neutral  commerce,  the 
evils  which  so  seriously  oppressed  the  province  might  be  reme- 
died, treated  me  with  particular  confidence;  and,  after  various 
conferences,  pi'oposed  to  sell  me  forty  thousand  quintals  of  Fa- 
rinas tobacco^  belonging  to  the  crown  of  S/iain,  then  deposited, 


380  APPENDIX. 

as  he  stated,  in  the  royal  stores  in  various  parts  of  the  province. 
Many  advantageous  privileges,  and  flattering  inducements  to 
make  the  purchase,  were  held  out  to  me  by  the  intendant,  pro- 
vided that  I  would  engage  to  introduce  into  Venezuela,  in  a  short 
time,  certain  articles  Avhich  were  then  uidispensably  necessary 
for  its  welfare. 

The  magnitude  of  the  undertaking,  and  the  difliculty  of  exe- 
cuting it  during  the  war  then  existing  between  England  and  Spain, 
were  deliberately  weighed;  but,  as  I  had  commercial  connexions 
upon  whose  assistance  I  could  confidently  depend,  I  resolved  on 
embarking  in  the  speculation;  and  accordingly,  after  several  ver- 
bal and  written  discussions  between  myself  and  the  intendant, 
all  the  essential  and  preparatory  points  being  settled,  on  the  5th 
of  September,  1799,  a  contract  ivas  sigiied^  by  tvhich  the  inten- 
dant, in  the  name  and  by  virtue  of  the  sfiecial  authority  of  hia 
Catholic  majesty^  sold  me  the  ivhole  of  the  Farinas  tobacco  then 
in  the  province,  as  ivell  as  the  crops  of  the  three  following  years. 
On  my  part,  I  was  bound  to  pay  for,  and  export,  this  tobacco 
within  three  years,  in  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  stipulations  of 
the  contract.  I  was  likewise  bound  to  procure  the  house  of  the 
American  consul  at  Curacoa,  trading  under  the  firm  o^  Phillips  is> 
Corser,  to  become  my  securities  for  the  due  execution  of  the 
contract.  This  security  was  duly  given,  and  the  said  house  of 
Phillips  Sc  Corser  likewise  became  parties  interested  in  the  con- 
tract. 

The  privileges  secured  to  me,  by  the  stipulated  terms,  were 
more  ample  than  any  that  had  ever  before  been  conceded  to  a 
foreigner.  The  jealousy  of  the  Spanish  merchants  at  Caracas 
was  therefore  excited.  Although  these  men  were  absolutely  in- 
capable of  relieving  the  wants  of  the  province,  or  his  Catholic 
majesty's  treasury,  yet  their  selfish  and  contracted  dispositions 
would  not  allow  them  to  view  without  discontent  the  probability 
that  a  foreigner  might  reap  advantage  from  so  extensive  a  com- 
inercial  speculation.  They  adopted  every  possible  expedient, 
through  their  agents  at  Cadiz,  to  prevent  the  contract  from  re- 
ceiving the  royal  sanction.  But  their  exertions  were  ineffectual ; 
for,  in  a  few  months,  the  ratification  of  the  contract  by  his  Catho- 
lic majesty  was  transmitted  to  the  intendant ;  who  was  directed, 
at  the  same  time,  to  afford  me  every  possible  facility  in  the  exe- 
cution of  the  same. 


APPENDIX.  381 

Another  obstacle  to  the  completion  of  the  contract  was  created 
by  the  marquis  Casa  Yrujo,  then  ambassador  of  Spain  in  the 
United  States.  The  marquis  had  received  letters,  a  long  time 
previous  to  the  formation  of  the  contract  into  which  I  entered, 
from  the  intendant  of  Cai*acas,  requesting  him  to  take  fire liminary 
measures  with  the  merchants  in  the  United  States,  relative  to  the 
disposal  of  the  aforesaid  tobacco;  but  reserving  the  ratification  of 
those  measures  until  they  should  receive  his  approbation.  The 
marquis,  in  his  zeal  to  promote  the  interests  of  his  Catholic  ma- 
jesty, entered  into  absolute  contracts  with  the  houses  of  John 
Craig  of  Philadelphia,  and  James  Barry  of  Baltimore,  in  the 
month  of  July,  1799;  and  with  the  house  of  John  Juhel  &  Co.  of 
New  York,  in  the  month  of  August  of  the  same  year;  whereby 
the  tobacco  was  to  be  taken  from  Caracas  to  the  United  States, 
and  thence  to  Holland  and  Hamburgh,  on  account  of  the  Sfianish 
government.^  but  to  be  covered  as  American  property.  The 
correspondence  on  that  subject  between  the  marquis  Casa  Yrujo 
and  the  intendant  of  Caracas,  and  the  contracts  formed  by  the 
marquis  with  the  houses  before  mentioned,  were  furnished  me  at 
Caracas,  and  I  now  possess  authentic  copies  of  all  those  singular 
documents.  Without  troubling  the  reader  with  a  detailed  account 
of  these  papers,  I  deem  it  necessary  to  observe,  that  from  the- 
conditions  of  the  contracts,  his  Catholic  majesty  would  have  re- 
ceived far  less  than  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  neat  proceeds 
from  the  same  quantity  of  tobacco  for  which  I  have  paid  iipivards 
of  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars  into  his  treasury.  This  will 
not  appear  extraordinary  to  the  mercantile  world,  when  I  state, 
that  according  to  the  marquis's  contracts,  the  houses  before  men- 
tioned were  to  receive  as  high  as  twelve  dollars,  and  in  no  in- 
stance less  than  ten  and  a  half  dollars  freight  per  barrel,  for  car- 
rying this  tobacco  from  Caracas  to  Europe.  Insurance  was  to  be 
effected  on  the  property,  and  charged  to  the  account  of  his  Ca- 
tholic majesty.  Commissions  Avere  likewise  to  be  allowed  these 
houses,  on  the  arrival  of  the  tobacco  in  the  United  States ;  and 
commissions  were  to  be  paid  to  the  agents  sent  out  to  Caracas  to 
receive  the  tobacco.  Certain  privileges  were  also  granted  to  the 
vessels  employed  in  this  business;  and,  in  short,  the  tvhole  of  his 
Catholic  majesty's  tobacco  would  scarcely  have  sufficed  to  pay  the 
freight  and  other  charges,  which  the  marquis  had  generously 
guarantied  in  his  contracts. 


382  APPENDIX. 

In  virtue  of  these  strange  arrangements,  the  before  mentioned 
American  houses  actually  despatched  several  ships  and  brigs  to 
La  Guyra,  where  they  arrived  just  as  I  had  concluded  the  contract 
with  the  intendant.  Although  the  intendant  at  once  perceived 
the  very  great  difference  in  favour  of  the  royal  treasury  between 
the  engagements  he  had  entered  into  with  me,  and  those  which 
the  marquis  had  formed, — notwithstanding  that  personage  had 
undertaken  to  make  positive  engagements  without  waiting  for 
the  intendant's  approbation,  yet  it  was  with  difficulty  that  I  could 
persuade  him  to  declare  null  and  void  the  whole  of  the  marquis's 
contracts.  I  understand  that  the  marquis  made  loud  complaints 
to  his  court,  accompanied  by  heavy  demands  on  the  part  of  the 
individuals  with  whom  he  had  contracted. 

Having  surmounted  these  obstacles  which  had  arisen  in  the 
early  stages  of  the  business,  and  having  delivered  to  the  intendant, 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1799  and  in  the  beginning  of  1800, 
a  considerable  amount  in  those  articles  most  needed  by  the  pro- 
vince, I  proceeded  to  the  United  States,  and  thence  to  London, 
Hamburgh,  and  Amsterdam,  in  order  to  make  the  necessary  ar- 
rangements for  the  speedy  fulfilment  of  my  engagements. 

Having  introductory  letters  to  some  respectable  capitalists  of 
those  cities,  and  as  the  contract  itself  was  a  document  calculated 
to  command  particular  attention,  from  the  circumstance  of  the 
good  faith  of  the  Spanish  government  being  solemnly  pledged  to 
its  faithful  execution,  I  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  neces- 
sary capital.  The  house  of  John  8c  Abram  Atkins,  of  London, 
furnished  two  ships,  with  valuable  cargoes,  on  the  faith  of  the 
contract.  Other  houses,  at  Hamburgh,  Amsterdam,  and  Embden, 
likewise  furnished  cargoes  to  a  great  amount.  Several  hovises  in 
the  United  States  also  entered  into  similar  arrangements  with  me. 

The  whole  of  this  property  was  faithfully  delivered,  in  the 
course  of  three  or  four  years,  to  the  royal  treasury  at  Caracas ; 
the  amount  of  which  was  nearly  nine  hundred  thousand  dollarsy 
as  is  proved  by  the  account  current  rendered  me  by  the  ministers 
of  the  tobacco  department  in  1803,  and  by  other  official  docu- 
ments now  in  my  possession.  The  merchandise  thus  delivered 
consisted  of  the  choicest  articles  that  had  ever  been  introduced 
into  Spanish  America ;  and  the  prices  stipulated  in  the  contract 
for  said  merchandise  were  so  moderate  as  to  enable  the  intendant 
to  sell  them  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  at  an  immense 


APPENDIX.  383 

profit.  For  the  sale  of  these  goods,  the  mtendant  appointed  ad- 
ministrators, auditors,  treasurers.  Sec;  in  fact,  he  created  a  new 
department,  under  his  sole  patronage.  But  notwithstanding  that 
all  these  individuals  employed  therein  did  not  lose  sight  of  their 
own  interests,  yet  the  ultimate  profit,  accruing  to  the  royal  trea- 
sury, was  very  great. 

While  the  revenue  was  thus  in  the  receipt  of  above  a  million 
of  dollars,  and  while  the  intendant  was  laying  a  foundation  at  court 
for  future  promotion  and  honours  in  recompense  for  the  great 
services  he  had  rendered  his  Catholic  majesty's  treasury,  the 
tobacco  contractors,  and  the  foreign  merchants  who  had  so  libe- 
rally supported  them,  became  victims  to  his  rapacity,  ambition, 
and  bad  faith.    Were  the  various  instances  of  exaction  and  injus- 
tice practised  by  this  man  to  be  related,  they  would  scarcely  be 
deemed  credible ;   but  as  I  have  all  the  documents  necessary  to 
establish  the  facts,  I  shall,  at  some  future  time,  publish  the  ex- 
traordinary detail,  in  order  that  the  mercantile  world   may  see 
what  acts  of  baseness  can  be  pei'petrated  by  the  royal  authorities 
in  Spanish  America,  when  foreign  property  unfortunately  falls 
within  their  grasp. 

There  is,  however^  one  circumstance  in  this  business  so  pecu- 
liarly stamped  with  iniquity,  that  I  will  here  briefly  state  it.     It 
was  mentioned  in  the  contract,  that  some  part  of  the  forty  thou- 
sand quintals  of  tobacco  was  partially  injured  by  worms,  but  ne- 
vertheless I  was  to  receive  it,  provided  it  was  in  a  merchantable 
state.     It  was,  however,   expressly  stipulated  that  the  whole  of 
the  tobacco  should  be  oi  good  quality^  (buena  calidad,)  and  it  was 
with  that  view  that  I  procured  an  article  to  be  inserted  which 
required  that  I  should  be  furnished  with  the  crops  of  the  three 
years  following  the  date  of  the  contract,   so  as  to  complete  the 
quantity  of  forty  thousand  quintals  of  "  buena  calidad."     Indeed, 
when  forming  the  contract,  the  idea  never  presented  itself  to  my 
mind,  that  in  a  solemn  engagement,  for  the  performance  of  which 
the  good  faith  and  honour  of  a  nation  were  pledged,  rotten  tobacco 
would  be  offered  me  in  payment  for  so  large  an  amount  of  money 
furnished  to  the  royal  treasury  :   but,  to  my  utter  astonishment, 
and  to  the  ruin  of  myself  and  associates,  such  was  the  disgraceful 
fact ;  for  when  my  agents  at  Porto  Cavello,  at  La  Guyra,  at  Cu- 
mana,  and  at  Guyana,  received  the  tobacco,  they  found  more  than 
four-Jifths  oiii,  not  in  a  state  of  partial  deterioration,  but  absolutehj 


S84  APPENDIX. 

rotten  and  unmerchantable.     So  soon  as  I  was  made  acquainted 
with  the  fact,  I  entered  a  legal  protest,  and  resisted  the  receipt  of 
the  worthless  commodity.     I  remonstrated  in  strong  terms  with 
the  intendant,  and  prayed  he  would  pay  me  in  some  other  produce 
of  the  country.    My  remonstrances  were  either  disregarded,  or,  if 
answered,  it  was  to  inform  me  that  my  language  inas  too  strong; 
that  his  Catholic  majesty's  authorities  must  be  addressed  by  sufi- 
filication!  and,  finally,  I  was  informed,  that  it  was  not  convenient 
for  the  royal  treasury  to  fiay  me  in  any  other  commodity  than  in 
the  tobacco  then  existing^  and  that  I  must  receive  the  ivhole  of  it^ 
in  whatever  condition  it  might  be  found.    If  my  previous  remon- 
strances were  deemed  too  strong,  they  were  now  called  insulting^ 
because,  unable  longer  to  restrain  my  indignation  at  such  out- 
rageous injustice,  I  did  not  hesitate  to  accuse  the  intendant  of 
palpably  fraudulent  conduct.    He  continued  to  menace  me,  while 
I  persevered  in  my  accusations,  until  finally  I  commenced  against 
him  and  his  government  a  judicial  process,  under  all  the  disad- 
vantages and  obstacles  naturally  attending  the  claim  of  a  foreigner 
placed  in  such  a  dilemma  in  Spanish  America. 

While  this  lawsuit  was  progressing,  I  endeavoured  to  prevail 
on  the  supercargoes,  captains,  and  agents,  not  to  receive  any  of 
the  rotten  tobacco,  but  to  return  to  England  and  to  the  United 
States  with  the  contract  vessels  in  ballast.  In  some  instances, 
my  wishes  were  acceded  to,  and  the  vessels  departed  without 
lading,  after  making  the  proper  protests  :  but  generally  the  par- 
ties preferred  taking  cargoes  of  the  tobacco,  in  the  hope  that 
some  portion  of  it  would  be  saleable  in  Europe.  The  result  was 
(as  I  had  anticipated)  that  several  of  those  cargoes  sold  at  Ham- 
burgh and  Amsterdam  for  less  than  was  sufficient  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  freight  and  other  incidental  charges.  The  original 
capital  furnished  by  the  parties  in  Europe  was  not  only  all  lost, 
but  in  some  cases  that  loss  was  increased  by  the  expenses, 
amounting  to  more  than  the  proceeds  of  the  tobacco. 

Thus  were  my  associates  and  myself  sacrificed :  my  credit  was 
destroyed, — my  prospects  in  life  were  blasted,  and  those  who  had 
confided  in  the  honour  of  the  Spanish  government,  and  in  my 
representations,  seriously  injured  or  entirely  ruined,  by  the  bad 
faith  and  iniquitous  conduct  of  Don  Estevan  Fernandez  de  Leon, 
superintendant  general  of  his  Catliolic  majesty's  province  of  Ve- 
nezuela. 


APPENDIX.  385 

It  is  not  easy  to  estimate  the  extent  of  such  injuries,  not  merely 
as  they  affect  the  immediate  interests  of  individuals,  but  in  regard 
to  the  irreparable  wounds  they  inflict  on  mercantile  character; 
and  it  is  in  this  latter  point  of  view  that  the  parties  concerned 
can  receive  no  adequate  redress,  even  should  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment refund  every  dollar  of  principal  and  interest  which  it  has  so 
unjustly  and  shamefully  withheld  for  eighteen  years. 

To  the  preceding  outline  of  the  injuries  received  by  me  from 
the  Spanish  government  up  to  the  period  at  which  I  commenced 
legal  proceedings  against  the  intendant,  I  have  now  to  detail  out- 
rages of  a  more  flagrant  nature,  exercised  towards  my  person  as 
well  as  my  intei'ests. 

In  prosecuting  the  lawsuit,  I  was  impeded  at  every  step  by 
obstacles  almost  insumiountable.  To  those  who  are  unacquaint- 
ed with  the  formalities  attending  a  Spanish  lawsuit,  the  arbitrary 
character  of  Spanish  tribunals,  and  the  enormous  expenses  of 
Spanish  litigation,  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  convey  an  adequate 
idea  of  the  difficulty  of  the  task  I  had  undertaken.  It  was  neces- 
sary not  only  to  contend  against  the  intendant  and  the  officers  in 
the  tobacco  department,  but  against  the  whole  phalanx  of  indivi- 
duals within  the  sphere  of  their  influence.  My  rightful  demands 
were  not  only  opposed  by  sophistry  and  falsehood,  but  I  was 
even  threatened  with  expulsion  from  the  country  if  I  persisted  in 
urging  them.  These  threats  were  treated  with  scorn ;  and  indeed, 
as  I  had  been  ruined  in  my  interests,  I  was  indifferent  to  personal 
outrage;  more  especially  as  I  knew  that  the  execution  of  such 
menaces  would  strengthen  my  case,  when  it  should  become  ne- 
cessary for  me  to  implore  the  protection  and  interference  of  my 
government.  I  was  pei"fectly  aware,  that  by  the  treaty  then  ex- 
isting between  Spain  and  the  United  States,  my  rights  were  un- 
der its  guardianship ;  and  had  I  not  produced  a  copy  of  that  trea- 
ty, and  insisted  on  the  benefit  of  those  stipulations  whereby  the 
courts  of  the  respective  nations  were  thrown  open  to  the  subjects 
of  each,  in  all  cases  of  debt,  demand.  Sec,  I  should  certainly  have 
been  ordered  out  of  the  country.  But  the  intendant  thenceforth 
became  more  cautious;  and,  although  at  first  he  denied  the  exist- 
ence of  the  treaty,  alleging  that  the  copy  I  presented  was  not 
genuine,  yet  he  subsequently  admitted  its  authenticity,  and  I  was 
permitted  to  proceed  with  my  suit  against  the  royal  treasury. 
(49) 


386  APPENDIX. 


o 


But  the  most  important  difficulty  I  had  to  contend  against  was 
a  decree  of  the  intendant,  whereby  he  refused  to  admit  in  evi- 
dence any  memorial  or  document  relating  to  my  demands,  un- 
less it  was  sanctioned  by  the  signature  of  some  respectable  law- 
yer of  the  city.  Some  of  those  professional  men  declined  af- 
fixing their  names  to  my  representations,  because  the  argu- 
ments therein  used,  and  the  documents  annexed,  contained  truths 
fatal  to  the  honour  and  rejiutation  of  the  intendant.^  and  inju- 
rious to  the  interests  of  the  royal  revenue.  They  in  general 
trembled  at  the  idea  of  incurring  the  intendant's  displeasure :  but 
at  length  I  succeeded  in  inducing  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
lawyers  in  Caracas  to  examine  my  papers  and  to  espouse  my 
cause,  particularly  Doctor  Don  Jose  Mora^  a  man  renowned  for 
his  talents.  My  principal  memorial  in  this  affair,  which  was 
drawn  vip  by  doctor  Mora  with  great  ability,  and  accompanied  by 
all  the  proper  documents,  cost  me  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dol- 
lars for  his  signature,  as  is  proved  by  examining  his  charges  at 
the  foot  of  the  memoi'ial. 

The  representation  in  question  was  presented,  with;  every  legal 
requisite,  to  the  intendant,  on  the  17th  of  January,  1804.  The 
amount  of  my  claims,  for  the  violation  of  the  contract,  against  the 
royal  treasury,  thus  legally  stated  by  doctor  Mora,  was^t^e  hun- 
dred and  sixty-four  thousand  three  hundred  and  tiventy -seven 
dollars.  In  my  own  statement,  which  I  had  previously  present- 
ed, on  the  24th  of  September,  1803,  to  the  intendant,  my  demand 
for  balance  of  account  and  losses  amounted  to  four  hundred  and 
sixty-four  thousand  two  hundred  dollars  ;  but  doctor  Mora  aug- 
mented the  sum  by  charging  interest  and  damages,  which  I  had 
omitted,  and  Avhich,  indeed,  I  would  evQn  then  have  very  cheer- 
fully relinquished,  could  I  have  been  reimbursed  the  principal. 

The  reimbursement  of  a  sum  of  such  magnitude  was  not  to  be 
expected  without  a  serious  contest,  more  especially  as  it  would 
have  been  an  acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  autho- 
rities, of  their  previous  fraudulent  conduct ;  but  nevertheless, 
neither  the  tribunal  of  the  intendancy,  the  director  general  of  the 
tobacco  rents,  nor  the  administrators  of  that  department,  ever  at- 
tempted legally  to  invalidate  a  single  item  in  the  account  pre- 
sented, annexed  to  doctor  Mora's  memorial.  All  they  had  to 
say,  consisted  in  denouncing  vengeance  against  the  doctor,  for 


APPENDIX/.  387 

having  dared  to  sustain  the  demands  of  a  stranger  against  the  in- 
terests of  the  crown,  and  threatening  me  with  expulsion  from  the 
country  if  I  persisted  in  the  lawsuit.  I  persevered,  however, 
with  an  obstinacy  which  excited  their  alarm  as  well  as  displeasure, 
because  I  was  gradually  obtaining  new  proofs  to  sustain  my  ori- 
ginal demands. 

In  the  course  of  the  year  1803,  there  arrived  at  Caracas  a  new 
intendant,  to  take  the  place  of  Don  Estevan  Fernandez  de  Leon, 
who  was  called  to  Madrid.  This  was  a  fortunate  circumstance 
for  me,  because,  had  De  Leon  remained  in  oflice,  I  never  could 
have  obtained  either  originals  or  copies  of  various  documents, 
which  were  important  for  the  establishment  of  my  claims ;  but  the 
new  intendant,  with  a  liberality  (which  I  now  feel  great  pleasure 
in  stating)  rarely  to  be  met  with  among  the  Spanish  authorities 
in  America,  gave  an  attentive  ear  to  my  remonstrances,  and  fur- 
nished me  with  authentic  copies,  from  the  archives  of  the  inten- 
dancy,  of  such  papers  as  I  solicited.  He  did  not  attempt  to  de- 
fend the  conduct  of  his  predecessor,  but,  on  the  contrary,  so  well 
convinced  was  he  of  the  force  and  equity  of  my  demands,  and  so 
sensible  of  the  injuries  I  had  received  in  my  various  transactions 
with  his  government,  that  while  I  was  prosecuting  my  lawsuit  he 
showed  every  disposition  to  render  me  justice,  consistent  with  his 
duty  to  defend  the  interests  of  his  sovereign. 

Thus  has  the  reader  been  presented  with  an  account  of  but 
part  of  the  accumulated  and  aggravated  injuries  which  I  receiv- 
ed from  the  Spanish  authorities  in  Venezuela.  The  recital  ends 
not  here.  Indeed  it  would  seem  that  to  enter  into  engagements 
Vv'ith  the  Spanish  government,  was,  as  far  as  concerned  myself,  to 
become  the  victim  of  its  perfidiousness  and  injustice.  For,  during 
the  period  when  I  was  carrying  on  the  operations  of  the  tobacco 
contract,  I  was  appointed  by  Edward  Barry  and  Company,  of  the 
island  of  Trinidad,  their  sole  agent  to  execute  certain  important 
privileges  which  had  been  granted  to  them  by  the  crown  of  Spain. 
This  agency  was  of  high  importance  to  me,  inasmuch  as  I  be- 
came a  partner  with  the  said  Barry  and  Company  ;  and  having 
suffered  so  seriously  by  the  tobacco  contract,  and  being  uncertain 
as  to  the  species  of  redress  that  would  be  ultimately  afforded  by 
his  Catholic  majesty  for  the  losses  and  injuries  I  had  sustained,  I 
was  anxious  to  adopt  any  new  operations  in  commerce  that  af^ 
forded  a  prospect  of  lessening  my  misfortunes. 


338  APPENDIX. 

Previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  intendant  Arce,  the  government 
had  recognised  me  as  the  agent  of  Barry  and  Company,  and  I 
was  in  a  fair  way  of  speedily  retrieving  some  part  of  my  recent 
losses.  But  between  the  captain  general  and  intendant  there 
arose  conflicting  opinions  about  my  residence  in  the  country,  and 
whether  or  not,  as  a  stranger,  I  could  enjoy  the  privileges  Avhich 
the  king  had  granted  to  Edward  Barry  and  Company.  The  re- 
sult of  the  disputes  between  the  two  officers,  was  a  suspension  of 
Barry  and  Company's  contract,  until  his  Catholic  majesty  should 
be  consulted  ;  of  course  all  the  arrangements  I  had  made  to  car- 
ry said  contract  into  effect,  were  suddenly  interrupted,  thereby 
creating  serious  losses,  and  affording  me  new  grounds  of  demands 
against  the  government,  in  addition  to  those  which  were  pending 
on  account  of  the  tobacco  contract. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  1803,  I  presented  a  memorial  to 
the  intendant,  setting  forth  the  injuries  that  would  inevitably  re- 
sult to  my  interests  and  character,  by  the  unjust  and  extraordina- 
ry decrees  of  the  captain  general,  as  well  as  those  of  the  intendan- 
cy;  and  I  demanded  the  immediate  revocation  of  those  decrees, 
or  an  indemnification  for  the  losses  I  had  sustained.  The  inten- 
dant and  his  assesor  (legal  adviser)  were  so  well  satisfied  of  the 
correctness  of  the  facts  set  forth  in  the  memorial  just  mentioned, 
and  being  desirous  not  to  give  me  any  new  motives  of  complaint, 
that  they  promptly  determined  to  grant  me  a  liberal  indemnity, 
and  accordingly,  on  the  9th  of  November,  1803,  the  intendant 
passed  a  decree  granting  me  some  highly  important  privileges, 
particularly  specifying  that  such  privileges  were  granted  me  as 
an  indemnification  for  the  injuries  I  had  sustained  by  the  suspen- 
sion of  Barry  and  Company's  contract.  This  indemnity  had  no 
relation  to  my  pending  demands  on  account  of  the  tobacco  con- 
tract ;  but  as  I  feared  it  might  hereafter  be  inteipreted  as  a  re- 
linquishment of  my  claims,  I  requested  and  obtained  from  the  in- 
tendant an  express  declaration  to  the  contrary. 

The  most  important  point  in  this  indemnity  was,  that  the  in- 
tendant agi'eed  to  sell  me  a  large  quantity  of  tobacco,  2i\.Jive  dol- 
lars per  quintal^  in  consequence  of  its  being  of  inferior  quality. 
This  tobacco  was  exactly  of  the  same  quality  as  that  which  the 
intendant  De  Leon  had  compelled  me  to  receive  on  account  of 
the  tobacco  contract,  at  the  V2X&0S.  seventeen^  nineteen^  and  twen- 
ty dollars  fier  quintal^  and  indeed  a  large  portion  of  that  very  to- 


APPENDIX.  389 

bacco  which  I  had  rejected,  constituted  apart  of  the  present  sale. 
I  had  then  an  indisputable  and  solemn  official  acknoivledgtnent  of 
its  deteriorated  condition^  by  its  being  valued  by  the  royal  autho- 
rities, and  resold  to  me  aX^ve  dollars  per  quintal. 

This  act  of  the  new  intendant  was  in  itself  of  more  value  to  me 
than  all  the  privileges  conceded  to  me  in  the  indemnity  in  ques- 
tion, because  it  furnished  me  with  an  unequivocal  and  irresistible 
proof  of  Me  extent  of  the  fraud  which  had  been  practised  upon 
me  by  the  intendant  Leon,  in  having  insisted  on  my  receiving 
vjorm  eaten  tobacco^  at  seventeen^  nineteen^  and  twenty  dollars., 
which  was  afterwards  valued  by  the  tobacco  administration  at 
Jive  dollars  per  quintal.  This  circumstance,  united  with  other 
considerations,  induced  me  to  be  highly  satisfied  with  the  indem- 
nity, inasmuch  as  it  gave  me  a  hope  of  not  only  repairing  some 
of  my  losses,  but  of  proving  to  his  Catholic  majesty  and  the  su- 
perior tribunals  at  Madrid,  the  services  I  had  rendered  to  the 
royal  treasury,  and  the  injuries  I  had  suffered  by  my  contract 
with  De  Leon. 

The  captain  general  made  some  difficulties  about  granting  his 
assent  to  the  indemnity,  but  at  length  acquiesced,  and  transmit- 
ted the  necessary  orders  to  all  the  commandants  of  the  different 
ports  in  Venezuela,  to  throw  no  impediment  in  my  way,  at  the 
same  time  that  he  informed  the  intendant  and  myself,  that  he 
should  communicate  his  objections  to  his  Catholic  majesty  against 
allowing  any  stranger  to  enjoy  such  privileges  as  had  been  con- 
ceded to  me  by  the  intendant.  As  I  had  suffered  severely  from 
the  collision  of  opinion  in  the  Spanish  authorities,  and  as  I  knew 
that  every  species  of  intrigue  would  be  employed  in  Caracas,  and 
perhaps  in  Cadiz,  to  prevent  my  enjoying  the  fruits  of  the  indem- 
nity, I  resolved  on  acting  with  caution  in  my  mercantile  arrange- 
ments, until  I  ascertained  whether  his  Catholic  majesty  sanction- 
ed or  rejected  the  arrangeinent  which  the  intendant  had  made. 

On  the  25th  of  August,  1804,  the  indemnity  in  question  re- 
ceived the  royal  approbation,  and  the  minister  Soler,  under  that 
date,  transmitted  the  royal  order  to  the  intendant.  On  the  arri- 
val of  this  important  document  at  Caracas,  it  was  immediately 
communicated  to  me  officially,  by  the  intendant.  I  was  thus  inspir- 
ed with  new  confidence,  and  made  my  arrangements  accordingly. 

Scarcely  had  I  begun  to  carry  into  effect  this  flattering  indem- 


590  APPENDIX. 

Hity,  when  I  again  became  a  victim  to  new  outrages,  not  only 
against  my  interests,  but  my  person. 

On  the  29th  of  August,  1805,  the  captain  general  communi- 
cated his  determination  to  the  intendant,  not  to  permit  the  exe- 
cution of  the  indemnity  which  had  been  conceded  to  me,  alleging 
that  he  had  (ordenes  reservados )  secret  orders  from  his  court, 
which  justified  this  extraordinary  determination.  The  intendant, 
in  a  firm  and  indignant  manner,  opposed  this  resolution,  and  stat- 
ed to  the  captain  genei'al  the  serious  consequences  that  would 
follow  to  the  injury  of  a  stranger,  who  had  rendered  important  ser- 
vices to  the  Spanish  government,  and  already  had  heavy  pending 
claims  upon  the  royal  treasury,  and  he  urged  the  consideration, 
that  as  his  Catholic  majesty  had  given  express  orders  for  the 
strict  fulfilment  of  the  indemnity  conceded  to  me,  it  would  endan- 
ger the  honour  and  good  faith  of  the  king,  to  violate  engage- 
ments which  had  been  thus  solemnly  entered  into.  In  vain  the 
intendant  protested  against  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  captain 
general,  and  in  vain  I  implored  the  latter  at  least  to  permit  me 
to  pursue  my  operations  under  the  indemnity,  until  we  heard  fur- 
ther from  his  Catholic  majesty.  To  all  these  just  I'emonstrances 
and  petitions  he  was  deaf,  and  in  fact  issued  orders  to  the  com- 
mandants of  the  ports  not  to  permit  a  single  vessel  to  enter  under 
my  contract.  Thus  far  the  captain  general's  arbitrary  and  un- 
just measures  affected  only  my  interests,  but  on  the  7th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1806,  he  issued  a  decree  commanding  me  to  leave  the  pro- 
vince immediately.  On  receiving  notice  of  this  decree,  I  waited 
on  his  excellency,  and  requested  him  to  state  to  me  his  reasons 
for  thus  precipitately  expelling  me  from  the  country.  He  I'epli- 
ed,  that  he  did  not  feel  himself  at  liberty  to  state  any  reasons, 
further  than  his  having  received  orders  from  the  Prince  of  Peace 
to  send  aAvay  every  foreigner,  without  any  exception,  from  the 
Spanish  dominions  under  his  control.  I  asked  him  if  he  had  any 
special  orders  respecting  me  ?  He  replied.  No  ;  but  that  he  con- 
ceived me  to  be  included  in  the  general  instructions  he  had  re- 
ceived. He  permitted  me  to  enter  into  a  friendly  expostulation 
with  him,  wherein  I  endeavoured  to  convince  him  that  it  was 
impossible  that  his  Catholic  majesty  could  have  intended  to 
comprehend  me  in  the  orders  which  had  been  transmitted  by  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  more  especially  as  my  residence  in  Caracas  ha.d 


APPENDIX.  391 

been. specially  sanctioned  by  his  majesty's  approbation.     I  urged 
upon  his  attention  all  the  services  I  had  rendered  his  government, 
and  the  serious  claims   I  had  then  pending.     He  replied,  with 
great  urbanity,  that  he  was  perfectly  sensible  of  the  force  of  all  I 
said,  and  professed  to  be  sincerely  sorry  for  the  peculiar  hard- 
ships of  my  case,  but  that  if  I  suffered  in  my  interests,  the  door 
was  always  open  for  me  to  obtain  redress,  through  the  honour 
and  justice  of  his  sovereign  ;  and  whatever  might  be  the  conse- 
quences, he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  compel  me  to  depart  from 
the  country,  and  particularly  as  he  had  reason  to  doubt  ivhether 
I  was  a   citizen  of  the  United   States   or  not.     On  his  making 
this  remark,  I  replied  that  it  was  in  my  power  to  furnish  him 
with  undeniable   evidence  of  my  being  a  native  of  the   United 
States  ;  that,  in  particular,  in  all  the  pviblic   documents,   since 
the  year   1799,  when  I  first  entered  the  province,  I  had  been 
recognised  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States ;  and  that,  in  vir- 
tue of  being  such,  the  intendant  Do  Leon  had  entered  into  a  con- 
tract with  me,  during  the  late  war  between  Great  Britain  and 
Spain.     He  then  replied,  with  a  good  deal  of  petulance,  "  Well^ 
it  may  be  so,  but  as  you  cannot  pursue  your  cortimercial  opera- 
tions biit  by  an  intercourse  with  English   subjects,  it   is  danger- 
ous to  his  Catholic  majesty's  interests   that  you  should  remain 
here,  therefore  yoit  must  depart."     I  attempted  to  repel  this  un- 
generous and  unfounded  suspicion,  by  showing  that  the  disputes 
with  Spain  and  Great  Britain  ought  not  to  endanger  my  interests 
and  personal  rights  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  ;  and  I  fur- 
ther stated,  that  even  if  a  war  were  declared  between  Spain  and 
my  own  country,  there  Avas  a  special  provision  in  a  treaty  exist- 
i7ig  between  the  two  nations,  whereby  the  respective  subjects  and 
citizens  of  each  should  be  allowed  one  year  from  the  date  of  a  de- 
claration of  war,  to  remove  their  persons  and  effects  from  the  re- 
spective dominions   of  either  power;  and  of  course  that  it  was 
.cruel  to  place  me  in  a  worse  predicament,  in  consequence  of  hos^ 
tilities  with  Great  Britain,  than  I  should  have  been  in  even  in  the 
event  of  a  war  between  Snain  and  the    United   States.     To  all 
these  arguments  and  expostulations  his  excellency  finally  answer- 
ed, "  You  must  depart ;  and  if  you  do  not  iminediately  acquiesce, 
you  shall  be  expelled  the  country  by  force." 

I  then  requested,  as  a  favour,  that  I  might  be  permitted  to  pre- 
sent  a  memorial  to  him,  which  should  embrace  the  same  argu- 


592  APPENDIX. 

ments  I  had  verbally  stated,  as  I  wished  to  possess  some  docu- 
ment to  prove  that  I  had  in  due  season  represented  for  his  con- 
sideration what  I  deemed  necessary  in  defence  of  my  interests 
and  personal  rights ;  and  I  likewise  desired,  that  should  he  decree 
any  thing  with  respect  to  said  memorial,  that  he  Avould  fui-nish 
me  with  an  authentic  copy  of  such  decree.  His  excellency  hesi- 
tated for  a  few  minutes,  but  at  length  said  that  he  would  comply 
with  my  wishes,  provided  the  memorial  were  presented  the  next 
day.  Availing  myself  of  this  permission,  I  delayed  presenting 
my  representation  until  I  should  again  hear  from  his  excellency, 
hoping  to  collect  all  my  papers  together  in  the  meantime,  and  to 
make  the  best  arrangements  in  my  power  preparatory  to  my  ex- 
pulsion from  the  country. 

On  the  18th  of  January,  1806,  I  laid  my  memorial  before  the 
captain  general,  which  caused  him  to  hesitate  for  several  days 
before  he  finally  determined  to  use  foixible  means  to  compel  my 
departure,  as  I  had  solemnly  declared  that  nothing  but  force 
should  induce  me  to  abandon  my  interests.  He  consulted  the 
tribunal  of  the  real  audiencia^  and  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
lawyers  of  Caracas,  on  the  subject.  Some  of  them  advised  him 
to  take  no  decisive  steps  until  he  should  receive  further  instruc- 
tions from  Madrid ;  others  counselled  him  to  expel  me  without 
hesitation;  while  some  of  the  merchants  in  Caracas,  Avh\)  had 
always  been  hostile  to  my  views,  endeavoured  to  persuade  him 
that  my  mercantile  connexions  with  British  subjects  were  dan- 
gerous to  the  safety  of  the  province. 

On  the  16th  of  February,  the  captain  general  sent  his  adjutant 
to  inform  me  that  I  must  depart  for  La  Guyi'a,  and  embark  in  the 
first  vessel  that  should  leave  that  port.  I  requested  the  adjutant 
to  inform  his  excellency  that  I  still  adhered  to  my  resolution  of 
remaining  in  the  country  until  compulsion  should  force  me  to 
quit  it.  A  few  hours  subsequently,  I  called  on  the  captain  gene- 
ral, who  received  me  with  his  usual  urbanity.  With  great  good 
humour,  the  old  gentleman  shook  me  by  the  hand,  wished  me  a 
pleasant  voyage,  and  informed  me  that  a  military  escort  was  then 
at  the  door,  with  orders  to  conduct  me  to  La  Guyra.  I  requested 
permission  to  return  with  his  adjutant  to  my  place  of  residence, 
in  order  that  I  might  procure  my  clothes  and  papers ;  which  he 
granted.  After  having  collected  my  papers,  the  adjutant  insisted 
that  I  should  return  with  him  to  the  captain  general,  in  order  te 


APPENDIX.  393 

submit  them  to  his  inspection.  I  accordingly  complied ;  but  his 
excellency  declined  making  such  examination,  and  censured  his 
officer  for  having  suggested  the  idea.  The  last  words  he  said  to 
me  wei'e;  "  I  regret,  sir,  that  the  orders  which  I  have  received 
from  the  Prince  of  Peace  have  compelled  me  to  expel  yovi  from 
the  province  under  my  command;  but  I  thank  you,  in  the  name 
of  my  sovereign,  for  the  services  you  have  rendered  our  govern- 
ment, and  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela,  during  the  time  you 
have  been  among  us."  I  bade  his  excellency  adieu,  and  proceed- 
ed to  La  Guyra,  accompanied  by  the  adjutant  and  a  guard. 

On  the  21st  of  February,  the  commandant  of  La  Guyra  sent  a 
notary  to  acquaint  me  that  a  Danish  schooner,  called  the  Maria, 
was  to  sail  the  next  day  for  St.  Thomas's,  and  that  if  I  did  not  vo- 
luntarily embark  in  said  vessel,  he  had  orders  fi'om  the  captain 
general  to  adopt  compulsory  measures.  I  answered,  that  I  would 
not  embark  in  the  schooner,  nor  in  any  other  vessel,  but  by  com- 
pulsion. Accordingly,  on  the  following  day,  (February  22, 1806,) 
I  was  conducted  to  the  wharf  by  a  military  guard,  attended  by 
notaries,  and  a  cavalcade  of  officers  and  inhabitants.  The  officer 
ordered  me  into  the  boat,  and  continued  with  me  until  he  saw  me 
on  board  the  schooner,  and  the  vessel  under  sail. 

Thus  was  I  forcibly  expelled  from  his  Catholic  majesty's  pi'o- 
vince  of  Venezuela,  after  having  rendered  the  services  to  the 
royal  treasury  and  to  the  country,  before  stated.  And  thus  was 
the  suit  then  pending  for  the  violation  of  my  tobacco  contract, 
at  once  cut  short ;  while  the  indemnity  itself,  granted  for  injuries 
done  to  me,  became  of  nonis  effect. 

A  few  hours  previous  to  my  embarcation,  I  entered  a  solemn 
protest  against  the  proceedings  of  the  captain  general,  his  go- 
vernment, and  all  those  who  were  in  any  way  concerned  in  these 
outrages  on  my  interests  and  pei'son. 

The  papers  which  I  succeeded  in  taking  away  with  me,  were 
as  follows:  Cofiy  of  the  protest  at  La  Guyra  ;  original  contracts 
respecting  the  Varinas  tobacco  ;  my  correspondence  with  the  in- 
tendantf  and  ivith  the  captain  general ;  notarial  copies  of  the  pro- 
ceedings in  the  suit  against  the  royal  treasury  ;  indemnity  grant- 
ed me  by  the  intendant ;  royal  order  of  his  Catholic  majesty^ 
approving  of  that  indemnity;  poivers  of  attorney  from,  and 
agreement  with  Edward  Barry  and  Company,  of  the  island  of 
Trinidad ;  decrees  of  the  captain  general  and  intendant,  autho- 
(50) 


394  APPENDIX. 

rizing  me  to  execute  the  ^irivileges  granted  by  his  Catholic  ma- 
jesty to  the  said  -Edward  Barry  and  Comjiany  ;  subsequent  de- 
crees of  the  captain  general^  susfiending  and  violating  his  previ- 
ous decrees;  proofs  of  the  amount  of  property  delivered  by  me  to 
the  royal  treasury.^  on  the  faith  of  my  first  contract  for  forty 
tliousand  quintals  of  tobacco  ;  unquestionable  proofs  that  the  in- 
tendant  De  Leon,  at  the  time  that  he  made  the  contract,  (Septem- 
ber 5,  1799,^  nvcll  knew  that  the  whole  of  the  said  tobacco  was 
deteriorated  and  rotten,  thereby  committing-  an  enormous  and 
deliberate  fraud,  compromising  the  honour  of  his  Catholic  majes- 
ty, and  wantonly  ruining  those  who  had  unfortunately  relied  on 
the  good  faith  of  the  Spanish  government.  AU  these  important 
documents  are  riow  in  my  possession. 

Upon  my  arrival  at  St.  Thomas's,  I  wrote  to  the  ambassador  of 
the  United  States  at  Madrid,  transmitting  through  him  a  memo- 
rial to  his  Catholic  Majesty,  setting  forth  the  wrongs  I  had  suf- 
fered, accompanied  by  a  notarial  copy  of  the  protest  I  made  at 
La  Guyra,  on  the  21st  of  February,  1806.  I  have  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  the  memorial  was  duly  presented  to  the  king ;  and  I 
received  information,  toward  the  end  of  the  year  1807,  that  his 
Catholic  majesty  had  been  pleased  to  pass  a  royal  oi"der,  repri- 
manding the  captain  general  for  his  precipitate  and  unjust  con- 
duct towards  me,  and  commanding  the  intendant,  in  case  I  should 
return  to  Caracas,  to  permit  me  to  carry  into  effect  the  indemnity 
>yhich  had  been  granted  me, 

At  the  period  when  this  intelligence  reached  me,  my  mercan- 
tile afiairs  were  so  much  embarrassed,  and  my  credit  had  received 
so  severe  a  shock  from  the  unfortunate  issue  of  my  previous 
transactions  with  the  Spanish  government,  that  it  was  impossible 
for  me  to  make  any  further  use  of  the  indemnity  in  question;  and 
in  addition  to  this,  I  was  so  disgusted  at  the  recollection  of  the 
perfidy  and  injury  I  had  already  experienced  from  the  Spanish 
authorities  at  Caracas,  that  I  felt  a  repugnance  to  place  my  per- 
son or  interests  a  second  time  within  the  sphere  of  their  power. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  information  respecting  the  royal 
order  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  me;  and  I  resolved  to  pro- 
ceed to  Spain,  and  lay  my  case  before  the  superior  tribunals  at 
Madrid.  But  while  I  was  making  arrangements  for  that  purpose, 
the  revolution  of  1808  broke  out  in  Spain;  and  the  unsettled  state 
of  the  government  for  several  subsequent  years  rendered  it  un- 


APPENDIX.  395 

advisable  to  make  any  attempts  to  prosecute  my  cl^im,  until  the 
affairs  of  the  kingdom  should  assume  some  degree  of  order  and 
stability.  I  therefore  concluded  to  let  them  remain  in  «  statu 
quo,"  until  the  period  might  arrive  when  the  intervention  of  my 
own  government  should  make  it  expedient  to  revive  the  claims. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  say,  in  what  manner,  if  at  all,  our  govern- 
ment ought  to  interfere ;  but  it  is  believed  that  it  is  not  hazarding 
much  to  say,  that  in  the  long  catalogue  of  injuries  received  by 
American  citizens  from  the  Spanish  government,  there  does  not 
exist  a  single  case,  either  in  point  of  magnitude  or  oiitrage,  as  a 
parallel  to  the  one  just  detailed,  or  which,  in  the  humble  opinion 
of  the  writer,  more  loudly  calls  for  the  protection  and  investiga- 
tion of  the  government  of  the  United  States. 

It  will  be  clearly  perceived,  from  the  foregoing  statement,  that 
all  my  commercial  transactions  in  Venezuela  directly  emanated 
from  the  highest  Spanish  authorities;  that  the  contracts  were 
made  on  account  of  the  Spanish  government,  and,  together  with 
the  privileges  and  indemnities  conceded  to  me,  were  sanctioned 
by  the  approval  of  his  Catholic  majesty;  that  all  the  injuries  my 
interests  received,  and  the  outrages  exercised  against  my  person, 
were  directly  caused  by  the  acts  of  the  Spanish  authorities ;  and, 
finally,  that  my  forcible  expulsion  from  Caracas,  by  the  despotic 
conduct  of  the  captain  general,  was  a  manifest  infraction  of  the 
treaty  then  existing  between  Spain  and  the  United  States.  An 
infraction  of  the  treaty !  Can  an  American  citizen  seek  redress 
from  Spain  for  such  a  wrong? — or  must  he  not  rather  look  to  that 
benignant  power  which  like  a  kind  parent  encircles  all  its  objects 
within  its  arms,  and  feels  an  outrage  committed  upon  them  thrill- 
ing its  own  heart's  blood  ?  To  my  government  I  do  look  with 
confidence ;  for  is  it  possible  that  I  can  obtain  reparation  from  a 
government  that  has  acted  as  that  of  Spain  has  invariably  acted 
towards  all  our  citizens  who  for  the  last  twenty-five  years  have 
had  any  claims  against  it  ?  Has  there  been  a  solitary  instance, 
within  that  time,  of  compensation  being  afforded  for  injury,  ex- 
cepting in  the  case  of  our  fellow-citizen,  Richard  W.  Meade  Esq.? 
— and  even  in  his  case,  do  we  not  know  that  the  energetic  inter- 
ference of  the  American  government  alone  prevented  new  out- 
rages against  his  person  and  interests  ?  These  are  important 
facts,  known  to  every  one  who  has  paid  the  least  attention  to  the 
conduct  of  the  Spanish  government  towards  our  citizens,  ^er 


396  APPENDIX. 

since  the  period  of  the  violation  of  the  riglit  of  trading  on  the 
river  Mississippi. 

Until,  therefoi-e,  my  case  shall  be  honoured  with  the  notice  and. 
protection  of  our  government,  I  cannot  hope  to  obtain  reparation 
for  my  wrongs.  The  principal  circumstances  of  the  case  have 
long  since  been  made  known  to  the  executive  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  the  American  ministers  at  Madrid ;  but  as  it  is  only 
within  a  few  months  past  that  I  obtained  possession  of  the  papers 
and  documents  before  mentioned,  (which  have  been  in  keeping, 
in  the  island  of  St.  Croix,  for  the  last  thirteen  years,)  I  have 
never,  until  the  present  moment,  been  enabled  to  state  the  facts 
with  precise  accuracy,  or  to  make  a  representation  to  our  govern- 
ment with  due  formality,  and  supported  by  the  proper  proofs. 
Such  a  representation  will  now  be  made ;  and  I  flatter  myself 
with  the  belief  that  it  will  be  found  worthy  of  the  attention  and 
interposition  of  the  government  of  the  United  States. 


liND  OF  APPENDIX. 


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